Suchergebnisse

Il trattore agricolo è una macchina complessa, progettata per fornire potenza ad un numero consistente di attrezzi diversi sotto forma meccanica, idraulica e modernamente anche pneumatica ed elettrica. Il tutto viene fornito all'operatore per il tramite di un motore endotermico (tipicamente a ciclo Diesel), che sfrutta l'energia chimica contenuta nel combustibile, trasformandola in lavoro meccanico. Il continuo aumento del costo del gasolio, unitamente ad una maggiore attenzione ai problemi ambientali, hanno aumentato notevolmente l'attenzione degli agricoltori ai consumi. Proprio per questo, negli ultimi anni molte organizzazioni nazionali ed internazionali hanno cercato di definire dei metodi per calcolare un indice di efficienza energetica (EEI) anche per i trattori, similmente a quanto già fatto, ad esempio, per le automobili o per diverse tipologie di elettrodomestici. In particolare, l'efficienza energetica di un qualsiasi sistema rappresenta la capacità di sfruttare l'energia ad esso fornito per soddisfarne i fabbisogni. Minori sono i consumi relativi al soddisfacimento di questo fabbisogno, e migliore risulta l'efficienza energetica del sistema. Nel settore della meccanizzazione agricola, diverse nazioni (Spagna, Corea, Turchia) hanno introdotto dei programmi per la definizione di questo indice, basandosi su dati già disponibili, come quelli delle prove del Codice 2 OCSE o delle prove di omologazione del motore endotermico. La DLG (una associazione di agricoltori tedeschi), invece, ha messo in opera un sistema diverso, basato su prove in pista che cercano di simulare dei cicli di lavoro reali, tipici dell'agricoltura centro-europea. Tuttavia, storicamente sia i codici OCSE che questi nuovi protocolli di prova hanno riguardato nella gran parte dei casi i trattori standard; viceversa, i trattori specializzati, impiegati nei vigneti, frutteti, nell'orto-floro-vivaistica e nella manutenzione del verde non hanno potuto finora godere delle medesime attenzioni. Scopo di questo lavoro è quindi quello di costruire una metodologia per poter calcolare un Indice di Efficienza Energetica anche per i trattori da vigneto. Una prima fase del lavoro ha visto l'analisi dell'operatività dei trattori da vigneto, per poter definire quali cicli lavorativi rilevare in quanto maggiormente impattanti. Si è quindi proceduto all'analisi, per diversi motivi solo parziale, di questi cicli reali di campo, analizzando le potenze trasmesse dal trattore alla macchina operatrice e (ove possibile) anche i consumi. Successivamente questi dati sono stati elaborati per costruire dei cicli teorici facilmente riproducibili in laboratorio, per il tramite di banchi prova appositi (freno motore in particolare). La ridotta collaborazione dei costruttori non ha però permesso di replicare in laboratorio questi cicli creati. Si è quindi deciso di tentare un'altra strada, ovvero utilizzare dei dati di prove motore già liberamente disponibili, ovvero quelli relativi alle prove Codice 2 OCSE. Nel periodo 2011-2015, su un totale di 278 test report emessi, solo 11 purtroppo erano relativi a trattori da vigneto e frutteto. Analizzando i report si è valutata la corrispondenza tra potenza rilevata nelle prove in campo e potenza rilevata nel test Codice 2, verificando inoltre la compatibilità della modalità di prova (con riguardo alla posizione dell'acceleratore). I diversi cicli sono stati quindi parificati a 4 diverse condizioni di prova del Codice 2 OCSE. I dati relativi ai consumi specifici (espressi in g/kWh) sono stati quindi analizzati introducendo un impegno temporale previsto per la singola operazione, espresso come percentuale del tempo totale di lavoro, questo in quanto l'agricoltore non utilizza il trattore per un'unica operazione, ma per più operazioni. L'agricoltore può inoltre variare le percentuali di utilizzo del trattore per la singola operazione, ricalcolando quindi sulla effettiva operatività aziendale l'Indice di Efficienza Energetica complessivo. Come spesso succede, però, un singolo numero, soprattutto se non immediatamente confrontato con altri, non dice molto all'utilizzatore finale. Si rende quindi indispensabile, come effettuato in molti altri casi, una definizione delle diverse classi energetiche, per poter facilmente confrontare i risultati ottenuti dal foglio di calcolo sopra indicato. Si è deciso di optare per l'introduzione di 7 classi, dalla A alla G, differenziate tra di loro per un intervalli di 30 g/kWh. Si tratta di una decisione puramente arbitraria, e ovviamente soggetta a futuri adeguamenti, anche in base al ridotto campione di trattori che è stato in questo momento analizzato. In conclusione, il progetto sviluppato durante questa tesi ha lo scopo principale di offrire all'utilizzatore di trattori specializzati diversi indici riguardanti l'efficienza energetica (e quindi, indirettamente, i possibili costi di gestione) dei trattori stessi in diverse condizioni operative, tipiche del settore viticolo e frutticolo. Futuri approfondimenti del lavoro dovranno sicuramente riguardare tutte le parti di questo lavoro. Si dovrà infatti implementare l'analisi reale delle diverse lavorazioni, con una misurazione puntuale delle potenze assorbite da diverse attrezzature (anche della stessa tipologia ma con capacità operative differenti), ricreando dei cicli teorici più affidabili possibili. Inoltre, la fase critica sarà quella per l'ottenimento dei dati reali da prove di laboratorio riferite ai cicli, e non più ai soli dati del codice 2. Si ritiene poi importante anche ottimizzare il database, creando un software apposito con un database periodicamente aggiornato, e in grado di guidare l'agricoltore nella compilazione del suo "uso tipico". Inoltre, è ovvio che il consumo di combustibile, per quanto sia uno dei fattori principali che guidano l'agricoltore nella scelta del trattore, non è sicuramente l'unico. Dal punto di vista ambientale potrebbe essere utile analizzare anche le emissioni di gas in atmosfera, misurandole con l'apposita sensoristica (opacimetri, sonde lambda, etc.) durante le prove di laboratorio. Questi dati, confrontati tra loro su di un utilizzo medio ragionato, potrebbero essere utilizzati anche come base per l'erogazione di sussidi in agricoltura: come già avviene in molti altri settori o in altri paesi, dove le macchine maggiormente efficienti (sia come consumi che come emissioni) sono finanziate dai Piani di Sviluppo Rurale, soggette a defiscalizzazioni o comunque oggetto di contribuzione pubblica. ; The agricultural tractor is a complex machine, designed to provide power to a broad number of different types of equipment, be it mechanical power, hydraulic power, and in recent times even pneumatic and electric power. All this power is harnessed through an endothermic engine (typically diesel cycle), that harnesses the chemical energy of the fuel transforming it into mechanical energy. The constant increase in fuel prices, together with a higher awareness of environmental issues, have significantly increased farmers' concern over their consumptions. In the last few years, this has led many national and international organisations to come up with methods to calculate an energy efficiency index for tractors, in line with what has already been done for cars or different types of household appliances. In particular, the energy efficiency of a system can be defined as its ability to harness the supplied energy to meet its needs. The less the system consumes in order to meet its needs, the higher will be its energy efficiency. Within the farm mechanisation industry, several countries (Spain, Korea, Turkey) have introduced programmes in an attempt to define this index, based on currently available data such as the OECD Code 2 tests or performance testing on endothermic engines. The DLG (German Agricultural Society) has implemented a different system, based instead on field tests that replicate real work cycles typical of central- European farming. However both the OECD codes and these new testing protocols were mainly designed and tested on standard tractors, whereas specialised tractors, the ones used in vineyards, fruit orchards, greenhouses and vegetation maintenance, have been neglected up until now. The purpose of this project is to devise a methodology in order to be able to calculate an Energy Efficiency Index also for vineyard tractors. The first part of the project consisted in analysing the work of tractors in viticulture, in order to pick out the most impactful, and therefore most relevant work cycles. This was followed by an only partial (for several reasons) analysis of these real-life field cycles, by studying the power transmitted from the tractor to the implements/equipment and (where possible) assessing consumption as well. This data was then used to devise theoretical cycles, easily reproducible in the lab thanks to dedicated testing areas (especially for the engine brake). But due to a lack of cooperation from the manufacturers, it was not possible to test these cycles in the lab. A different strategy was then decided on: using engine testing data from sources that were already freely available, such as data from the OECD Code 2 tests. Between 2011 and 2015, only 11 out of 278 test reports issued involved vineyard and orchard tractors. When analysing these reports, the power detected in field tests was compared to the power detected in Code 2 tests, and the compatibility of the test setting was also assessed (especially the position of the throttle). The various cycles were then compared against 4 different test conditions of the OECD Code 2. The specific consumption data (expressed in g/kWh) was then assessed against a given time allocated to the task, expressed as a percentage of the overall work time, as the farmer doesn't use the tractor for a single task but for multiple tasks. The farmer can also change the percentages of tractor usage for each task; thereby recalculating the overall energy efficiency index according to the farm's actual operational performance. However, as often happens, one single figure, especially if not immediately checked against other numbers, does not mean much to the end user. Therefore it is essential, as it has proved to be in many other cases, to provide a definition of the different energy brackets in order to facilitate the comparison of results by using the spreadsheet shown above. It has been decided to introduce 7 energy brackets running from A to G, each one separated by an interval of 30g/kWh. This is a purely arbitrary distinction, which is obviously subject to future amendments also due to the small numbers of tractors analysed so far. In conclusion, the main goal of the project outlined in this paper is to provide the user of specialised tractors with different energy efficiency indexes (and therefore also, indirectly, with an idea of the possible operating costs) of tractors under diverse operating conditions within the vine and fruit culture industry. Any future research on this project should take into account all the aspects that have been touched on. It will be necessary in fact to implement a real-life analysis of the different activities, with accurate measurements of the power used by each piece of equipment (even if they are of the same type but with different operating systems), devising in this way theoretical cycles that are as reliable as possible. In addition, a key part of the project should revolve around obtaining real data from laboratory tests based on these cycles, and not just data from Code 2 tests. We also consider it important to optimise the database, by creating a dedicated software with a regularly updated database, which can guide the farmer in tracking his "typical use". Moreover it is clear that the consumption of fuel, despite being one of the main factors that guide the farmer's choice of tractor, is definitely not the only one. From an environmental point of view, it could be useful to also analyse gas emissions into the atmosphere, by measuring them with the appropriate instruments (opacimeters, lambda waves, etc.) during laboratory tests. All this data, if it was compared and evaluated against a reasoned average utilisation, could then be used as a basis for the distribution of agricultural subsidies, as is already the case in many other industries or in other countries, where the most efficient machines (both in terms of consumption and emissions) are funded by Rural Development Plans, or benefit from tax deductions or some form of government contribution.

Discrete choice experiments (DCEs) are a popular methodology for eliciting human preferences and willingness-to-pay (WTP) measures. However, there are a number of methodological challenges, such as choice task complexity, hypothetical bias and non-attendance to the choice attributes, which have been examined in the two surveys included in this dissertation. One survey was conducted at the School of Dental Medicine, University of Zagreb, to estimate patients' WTP for dental care delivery at the school clinic and investigate the validity of derived estimates. Among the attributes included in a DCE, treatment explanation was on average the most valued attribute, followed by dental staff behavior, dental care provider and waiting time in the office. As patients often have diverse expectations and preferences for health care interventions, it is important to consider heterogeneity in their preferences when estimating WTP for health care. Mixed logit and latent class analyses detected a large heterogeneity in patients' preferences. Four classes of patients with distinct preferences for dental care were identified. Older and/or more educated patients tended to give relatively less importance to treatment explanation, but were more attentive to interpersonal characteristics. Higher education was also associated with a higher propensity to substitute faculty dental care with private care providers. Different survey design features, such as the opt-out option and the selection of attributes and their levels, may affect the choice behavior of respondents and estimated utility weights. However, not giving an opt-out option to respondents did not affect the preferences for dental care delivery and response error variance. Furthermore, adding the cost attribute to a DCE task did not change the rank order of other attributes and their utility weights did not differ significantly, indicating that respondents were willing to trade off cost with other dental care attributes. However, adding the cost attribute increased the response error variance, which could be best explained by a higher cognitive burden from adding an extra attribute to the choice task. We did not find any strong evidence that the effect of including an extra cost attribute is any different from the expected effect of including any other choice attribute ; therefore, its influence may not be as relevant as some of the previous studies may have suggested. Choice studies have shown that respondents often ignore one or more attributes when making choices and may ignore the cost attribute itself, thus precluding the calculation of marginal WTP values. The contingent valuation (CV) method directly estimates respondents' WTP, thereby avoiding this issue. The DCE method yielded significantly higher welfare estimate for dental care than the CV method. While strategic behavior in direct WTP estimates was not evident, almost every second DCE respondent appears to have ignored the cost attribute, which may explain the discrepancy in welfare estimates between the two methods. The findings suggest that direct elicitation of WTP through the CV method produced more realistic estimates, and raise concerns about the derived WTP measures in DCE studies that did not consider non-attendance to the cost attribute during the estimation process. However, a typical CV study values a good as a whole and offers no information about the value of the individual attributes that comprise a good. To deal with this limitation, the CV task was accompanied by the best-worst choice (BWC) task which provided information used to derive the attribute-specific WTP values from the holistic WTP values estimated through the CV method. The proposed methodology could be a valuable alternative to traditional DCEs when the choice behavior of respondents raises concerns over the validity of estimated welfare measures. Choice contexts often cannot be easily described with a restricted number of attributes, which may lead to the omitted variable bias. On the other hand, asking respondents to evaluate large number of attributes imposes high cognitive burden and stimulates them to simplify the choice task, which may contribute to an increased error variance and affect the validity of utility estimates. Environmental valuation generally involves trade-offs between complex goods and services. How to describe a complex valuation context is an important consideration, and was investigated in a second survey that evaluated the preferences of trail users for different resource, social and managerial conditions in the Medvednica Nature Park. Two different choice experiments that differed in the provision of information about the recreational setting were designed. One DCE used multidimensional attributes to keep the number of choice attributes manageable for respondents, while considering all relevant aspects of visitors' experience. The other DCE used a greater number of more specific, unidimensional, attributes to describe the same recreational setting, but implemented a partial profile design in which only a subset of attributes appeared in each choice set. Perceived difficulty of the choice task, self-reported choice certainty and choice consistency were similar across the two experiments. Heterogeneity in preferences and scale was detected in both experiments. Indications of non-compensatory behavior, and greater error variance among less experienced trail users were found in the partial profile experiment with more specific trail attributes, but not in the experiment with multidimensional attributes. Environmental conditions are often inter-related and as such cannot be simultaneously included in a DCE. A linked structural choice model was designed to deal with the correlated or causally-related DCE attributes as well as with the ambiguity when using multidimensional choice attributes, since respondents might be focused on different aspects of those attributes when making choices. A structural choice model was used to link the two choice experiments and investigate the amount of variability in multidimensional attributes (crowding on trail and intensity of road traffic, evaluated within the DCE) explained by each of its sub-dimensions (i.e. specific crowding-related conditions, evaluated within object case best-worst scaling (BWS) experiment). The findings indicate that visitors' preferences for crowding were mostly influenced by perceptions of 'trail use level' and 'noise from road traffic'. Our approach offers richer information to policy makers than other solutions to the attribute correlation/causality issues in complex choice studies, namely the exclusion of some relevant attributes or simply their aggregation into a single composite attribute. ; Poskusi diskretne izbire so priljubljena metodologija za pridobivanje preferenc ljudi in mer pripravljenost na plačilo. Vendar pa obstajajo številni metodološki izzivi, kot so kompleksnost naloge izbire, hipotetična pristranskost in nepoznavanje izbirnih atributov, ki so bili preučeni v dveh raziskavah, vključenih v to disertacijo. Na Stomatološki fakulteti Univerze v Zagrebu je bila opravljena raziskava, da bi ocenili pacientovo pripravljenost na plačilo za bolnišnično zobozdravstveno oskrbo v šolski kliniki in raziskali veljavnost izpeljanih ocen. Med atributi, vključenimi v poskus diskretne izbire, je bila razlaga zdravljenja v povprečju najbolj cenjen atribut, sledil je odnos zobozdravstvenega osebja, ponudnik zobozdravstva in čakalni čas. Ker imajo pacienti pogosto različna pričakovanja in preference za intervencije zdravstvenega varstva, je pomembno, da pri ocenjevanju PZP za zdravstveno varstvo upoštevamo heterogenost v njihovih preferencah. Mešani logistični model in model latentnih razredov sta zaznala veliko heterogenost pri željah pacientov. Model latentnih razredov je opazil štiri skupine bolnikov z različnimi preferencami za zobozdravstveno nego. Starejši in/ali bolj izobraženi pacienti so dajali sorazmerno manjši pomen razlagi zdravljenja, vendar so bili bolj pozorni na medosebne značilnosti. Visokošolska izobrazba je bila povezana tudi z večjo nagnjenostjo k nadomestitvi fakultetne zobozdravstvene oskrbe z zasebnimi ponudniki. Različne značilnosti zasnove raziskave, kot so možnost izključitve in izbira atributov ter njihovih ravni, lahko vplivajo na način izbire anketirancev in ocene parametrov koristnosti. Vendar pa pri anketirancih, ki opcije možnosti izključitve niso imeli, to ni vplivalo na preference v ponudbi zobozdravstvene oskrbe in na nepojasnjeno varianco modela. Poleg tega dodajanje stroškovnega atributa v poskusu diskretne izbire ni spremenilo vrstnega reda drugih atributov in njihove uteži koristnosti se niso bistveno razlikovale, kar pomeni, da so bili anketiranci pripravljeni zamenjati stroške z drugimi atributi zobozdravstvene oskrbe. Vendar pa je dodajanje stroškovnega atributa povečalo nepojasnjeno varianco modela, kar bi lahko najbolje pojasnili z višjo kognitivno obremenitvijo zaradi prisotnosti dodatnega atributa k izbirni nalogi. Nismo našli trdnega dokaza, da je učinek vključitve dodatnega stroškovnega atributa drugačen od pričakovanega učinka pri vključitvi kateregakoli atributa izbire, zato ta vpliv morda ni tako pomemben, kot so predlagale nekatere prejšnje študije. Študije s poskusi diskretne izbire so pokazale, da anketiranci pogosto ignorirajo enega ali več atributov, ko se odločajo in lahko zanemarijo sam stroškovni atribut, s čimer otežijo izračun mejnih vrednosti pripravljenosti na plačilo. Metoda kontingenčnega vrednotenja neposredno ocenjuje pripravljenost na plačilo, s čimer se izogne tej težavi. Metoda diskretne izbire je prinesla bistveno višjo oceno blaginje za zobozdravstveno oskrbo kot metoda kontingenčnega vrednotenja. Medtem ko ni bilo dokaza o strateškem vedenju pri neposrednih ocenah pripravljenosti na plačilo, je skoraj vsak drugi anketiranec v poskusu diskretne izbire zanemaril atribut stroškov, kar lahko razloži neskladnost v ocenah plačila med obema metodama. Ugotovitve kažejo, da je neposredna ocena pripravljenosti na plačilo prek kontingenčne metode pripeljala do bolj realnih ocen, kar pripelje do dvomov o izpeljanih ocenah pri študijah diskretne izbire, ki niso upoštevali nepoznavanja stroškovnega atributa med ocenjevalnim postopkom. Vendar tipična študija kontingenčnega vrednotenja vrednoti storitev kot celoto in ne ponuja nobenih informacij o vrednosti posameznih atributov, ki sestavljajo storitev. Za obravnavo te omejitve je kontingenčno nalogo spremljala naloga tipa najboljša-najslabša izbira, ki je zagotovila informacije, ki so bile uporabljene za pridobivanje vrednosti pripravljenosti na plačilo specifičnih atributov zobozdravstvene oskrbe iz celovitih vrednosti za zobozdravstveno oskrbo, ocenjenih s pomočjo kontingenčne metode. Predlagana metodologija bi lahko bila dragocena alternativa tradicionalnim poskusom diskretne izbire, ko bi obnašanje anketirancev pri izbiri povzročalo dvome glede veljavnosti mer pripravljenosti na plačilo. Konteksta izbire pogosto ni mogoče enostavno opisati z omejenim številom atributov, kar lahko privede do pristranskosti zaradi izpuščenih spremenljivk. Po drugi strani pa spraševanje anketirancev, da ocenijo veliko število atributov, nalaga visoko kognitivno breme in jih spodbuja k poenostavitvi izbirne naloge, kar lahko prispeva k večji nepojasnjeni varianci in vpliva na veljavnost ocen koristnosti. Okoljsko vrednotenje običajno vključuje kompromise med kompleksnimi dobrinami. Kako opisati zapleten kontekst vrednotenja je pomembno vprašanje, ki je bilo raziskano v drugi raziskavi, ki je ocenila preference uporabnikov poti za različne naravne, socialne in vodstvene pogoje v Naravnem parku Medvednica. Zasnovani sta bili dve različni izbirni nalogi, ki sta se razlikovali v zagotavljanju informacij o rekreativnem okolju. En poskus diskretne izbire je uporabil večrazsežne atribute, da bi število atributov za anketirance ostalo obvladljivo, ob upoštevanju vseh pomembnih vidikov izkušenj obiskovalcev. Drugi poskus diskretne izbire je uporabil več specifičnih, enorazsežnih atributov, ki opisujejo enako rekreativno okolje, vendar je vključil delno profilno zasnovo, v kateri se v vsakem izbirnem setu pojavlja le podskupina atributov. Opažena težavnost naloge izbire, samo-poročana gotovost izbire in doslednost izbire so bili podobni v obeh poskusih. Heterogenost v preferencah in obsegu je bila ugotovljena v obeh poskusih. Indikacije nekompenzacijskega vedenja in večja nepojasnjena varianca med manj izkušenimi uporabniki poti so bili najdeni v poskusu delnega profila z bolj specifičnimi atributi, ne pa v poskusu z večrazsežnimi atributi. Okoljski pogoji so pogosto medsebojno povezani in kot taki ne morejo biti istočasno vključeni v poskus diskretne izbire. Povezani model strukturne izbire je bil zasnovan tako, da se ukvarja s (vzročno) povezanimi atributi, kot tudi z večpomenskostjo pri uporabi večrazsežnih atributov izbire, saj se lahko anketiranci med izbiranjem osredotočajo na različne vidike teh atributov. Za povezavo dveh izbirnih poskusov smo uporabili model strukturne izbire in raziskali obseg spremenljivosti v večrazsežnih atributih (gneča na poti in intenzivnost cestnega prometa, ocenjeno v poskusu diskretne izbire), ki ga razlaga vsaka od njegovih razsežnosti (to so specifične razmere, povezane z gnečo, ocenjevane v poskusu najboljšega-najslabšega lestvičenja). Ugotovitve kažejo, da so bile preference obiskovalcev glede gneče pod vplivom percepcije "ravni uporabe poti" in "hrupa od prometne ceste". Naš pristop ponuja bolj bogate informacije oblikovalcem politike od drugih rešitev glede problematike korelacije/vzročnosti med atributi pri kompleksnih poskusih izbire, in sicer izključitev nekaterih relevantnih atributov ali preprosto njihovo združevanje v en večrazsežni atribut.

A main reason for founding the European Union was to remove internal trade obstacles and to establish a Single Market within its borders. Along with the increasing integration of international markets, an ever-increasing diversification of firms in tandem with the development of multinational enterprises is observable. Legislative authorities of the European Union and its member states are faced with the challenge of ensuring that their corporate tax systems keep pace with this economic transformation of companies and markets. Hence, in order to meet the requirements of an integrated European market, in 2001 the European Commission proposed a switch from Separate Accounting to Formula Apportionment as the leading corporate income taxation system in the European Union. Basically, corporate income of multinational enterprises can be taxed according to these two different principles. At present Separate Accounting is applied at the international level, while some countries like the U.S., Canada, Germany and Switzerland use Formula Apportionment at the state or federal level. Under the current system of Separate Accounting each subsidiary of a multinational enterprise is treated as a separate entity subject to national tax law. For this reason multinationals have to value their intra-firm trade using internal transfer prices, which should meet an external standard of comparison, so-called arm's length prices. Because of the very nature of internal trade with firm-specific tangibles and intangibles evaluating adequate transfer prices proved difficult. Consequently, Separate Accounting was identified as one reason for manipulations in favor of profit shifting for tax saving purposes. That is why the European Commission regards the consolidation of profits including cross-border loss offset for calculating a multinational company's tax base as a more suitable approach in the economic union and advocates the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB). To allocate the consolidated tax base to the taxing countries a splitting mechanism is needed. Hence, the CCCTB proposal includes a system of Formula Apportionment. A formula apportions a share of the overall tax base depending on the multinational enterprise's geographical economic activity in the respective country. The European Commission favors a common three-factor apportionment formula containing assets, labor and sales to represent the production and consumption side. The European Commission's proposal has initiated a continuing politico-economic discussion about the efficiency and distributional consequences of the transition to Formula Apportionment in Europe. This doctoral thesis evaluates particular issues within this debate by presenting three theoretical articles to answer specific research questions. The articles are based on the methodological concept of a Nash tax competition model under perfect symmetry, where countries choose their corporate tax rates non-cooperatively. The non-cooperative behavior of one country may impose fiscal externalities on other countries and thereby renders the tax policy inefficient. This dissertation focuses on the derivation, explanation and interpretation of the resulting inefficiencies under Separate Accounting and Formula Apportionment. For this reason it contributes three papers to the theoretical literature of optimal tax policies in a non-cooperative equilibrium of tax rates. The work aims to compare and discuss the alternative policy options. The first article pertains to the public debate about the right taxation principle to apply in Europe. The article investigates the effect of fiscal equalization on the efficiency properties of corporate income tax rates chosen under the taxation principles of Separate Accounting and Formula Apportionment. Fiscal equalization ensures efficiency if the marginal transfer just reflects the fiscal and pecuniary externalities of tax rates. In contrast to previous studies, tax base equalization (Representative Tax System) does not satisfy this condition, but combining tax revenue and private income equalization does, regardless of which taxation principle is implemented. This finding implies that it does not matter whether MNEs are taxed according to Separate Accounting or Formula Apportionment if there is equalization of national income (i.e. private income plus tax revenues). Under Formula Apportionment, tax base equalization is superior to tax revenue equalization if the wage income externality is sufficiently large. Even though the European Union does not have an explicit equalization system, a part of the Unions's budget is financed by contributions from the member states. The implied income redistribution would indeed not be enough to ensure efficiency of corporate income taxation, since the budget is not an equalization system in the sense of our analysis. But the very existence of income redistribution in Europe might indicate that reforming the member states' contributions to the budget in a suitable way may politically be easier to achieve than replacing an implemented corporate tax system. The second article refers to the sales factor in the proposed three-factor formula under Formula Apportionment. The incorporation of a sales factor in the formula as well as the assignment of sales at the place of origin or destination are hotly debated issues. The CCCTB Working Group suggested in 2007 the inclusion of sales following the destination principle but also mentioned that ".most member states experts that would support the inclusion of sales as a factor would prefer sales measured 'at origin' ". With regard to the most recent proposal by the European Commission in 2011, the European Parliament advocated that the sales weight be lowered to 10%. The Committee of the Internal Market and Consumer Protection even called for the removal of the sales factor. In contrast, from Canada and the United States, the opposite development has been observed, namely the increasing importance of the sales factor. Taking a two-country Nash tax competition model with a sales-only formula and market power, we investigate (i) whether the transition from Separate Accounting to Formula Apportionment mitigates tax competition and improves welfare and (ii) whether tax competition is weakest when sales are measured with the origin principle. The driving force is a negative consumption externality that hampers the positive formula externality present for both the origin and destination principle. The third paper investigates the Commission's recommendation to implement a transition process to Formula Apportionment. During the change Formula Apportionment should be optional for multinational enterprises. Recent empirical literature proves that profit consolidation reduces multinational enterprises' involuntary costs for complying with different tax laws, but increases discretionary compliance costs incurred by tax planning activities. That is why the third article considers a two-country model with multinationals that are heterogeneous with respect to their involuntary compliance costs. Additionally, multinational enterprises using the Formula Apportionment system face higher discretionary compliance costs due to restricted tax base manipulation opportunities. Hence, multinational enterprises would prefer to be taxed under Formula Apportionment if and only if under Separate Accounting the involuntary compliance costs exceed the tax advantage due to better profit shifting possibilities. We show that a non-negative threshold value of involuntary compliance costs exists such that multinationals with costs above this level choose Formula Apportionment. We prove in a symmetric setting that starting from a pure Separate Accounting system with national revenue maximization, a transition from Separate Accounting to an optional Formula Apportionment increases the non-cooperative tax rates and national revenues for both countries ending up with the results of pure Formula Apportionment. This is because with identical tax rates the multinational enterprise cannot benefit from the better profit shifting opportunities under Separate Accounting but saves involuntary compliance costs. In our analysis the optional system of tax base consolidation promises an efficiency enhancement for the member countries. Hence, we deliver an additional argument in support of an international agreement on the CCCTB proposal. ; Einer der Hauptgründe für die Entstehung der Europäischen Union (EU) war das Ziel, interne Handelshemmnisse zu beseitigen, um innerhalb der Unionsgrenzen einen gemeinsamen Markt zu etablieren. Parallel zur zunehmenden Integration der internationalen Märkte ist eine vermehrte Diversifikation von Unternehmen zu beobachten, welche durch die Entstehung multinationaler Konzerne begleitet wird. Für die Gesetzgeber der EU und ihrer Mitgliedsstaaten bedeutet dies, ihre Körperschaftsteuersysteme laufend an diesen Transformationprozess anzupassen. Um dabei den Anforderungen des EU-Binnenmarktes gerecht zu werden, erachtet die Europäische Kommission eine umfassende Reform der Körperschaftsbesteuerung als notwendig. Im Jahr 2001 schlug die Kommission deshalb vor, für multinationale Unternehmen das Unternehmensteuersystem der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung durch eine formelbasierte Gewinnbesteuerung abzulösen. Aktuell wird die separate Gewinnbesteuerung vorwiegend auf der internationalen Ebene verwendet, während einige Länder wie die USA, Kanada, Deutschland und die Schweiz die Formelbesteuerung innerhalb ihrer förderalen Strukturen nutzen. Bei der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung wird jede Konzerntochter als eigenständiges Unternehmen behandelt, das der nationalen Steuergesetzgebung unterliegt. Der Wert des Zwischenhandels innerhalb der Unternehmensgruppe wird mit Hilfe von Transferpreisen ermittelt. Dabei sollen die firmeninternen Transferpreise dem sogenannten arm's-length-Prinzip folgen, so dass sie den Einkauf des Produktes oder der Leistung von einem Drittanbieter widerspiegeln. Es hat sich jedoch in der Praxis gezeigt, dass es sich bei den unternehmensintern gehandelten Gütern und Dienstleistungen oft um firmenspezifische Produkte handelt, für die kein externer Vergleichsmaßstab existiert und die Ermittlung und Kontrolle angemessener Transferpreise erschwert. Dies führt zu einer Manipulationsanfälligkeit bei dem Prinzip der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung, welche als eine Ursache für die internationale Gewinnverlagerung zum Zwecke der Steuervermeidung gesehen wird. Daher betrachtet die Kommission die Gewinnkonsolidierung einschließlich der grenzüberschreitenden Verlustverrechnung zur Bestimmung der Steuerbemessungsgrundlage eines multinationalen Unternehmens als geeigneteren Ansatz für den EU-Binnenmarkt. Sie schlägt dafür die Einführung der Gemeinsamen konsolidierten Körperschaftsteuer-Bemessungsgrundlage (GKKB) vor. Für die Aufteilung der GKKB auf die einzelnen steuerberechtigen Länder enthält der Vorschlag die formelbasierte Gewinnaufteilung. Eine EU-weit gültige Aufteilungsformel ordnet dabei die Steuerbemessungsgrundlage, gemäß der geschäftlichen Aktivität des multinationalen Unternehmens in jedem Land, den Mitgliedsstaaten zu. Die Kommission will mit Hilfe der Formelfaktoren sowohl Produktion als auch Konsum angemessen abbilden und favorisiert die drei gleich gewicheteten Faktoren Vermögenswerte, Arbeit und Umsatz. Der Vorschlag einer GKKB hat eine andauernde polit-ökonomische Debatte über die Effizienzwirkungen und die Verteilungsaspekte eines Übergangs zur formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung in Europa ausgelöst. Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit setzt sich mit speziellen Themen dieser Debatte auseinander. Dazu wurden drei Aufsätze entwickelt, die spezifische Forschungsfragen beantworten und sich in die theoretische Literatur der optimalen Steuerpolitik in einem unkooperativen Steuersatzgleichgewicht einordnen lassen. Die Artikel basieren auf dem methodischen Konzept eines Nash-Steuerwettbewerbsmodells bei vollständiger Symmetrie, wobei den Ländern die Souveränität über die Körperschaftsteuersätze obliegt. Da die einzelnen Staaten die Auswirkungen Ihrer Steuerpolitik auf die anderen Mitgliedsstaaten ignorieren, kann ihr Verhalten fiskalische Externalitätten auslösen, welche eine ineffiziente Steuersatzwahl kennzeichnen. Der Fokus der Papiere liegt auf der Ableitung, Erklärung und Interpretation der sich aus dem Steuerwettbewerb ergebenden Ineffizienzen unter der separaten und der formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, die verschiedenen Politikalternativen dahingehend zu vergleichen und zu diskutieren. Der erste Artikel bezieht sich auf die Diskussion über das "bessere" Körperschaftsteuersystem für Europa. Das Papier untersucht den Effekt eines Finanzausgleichsystems auf die Effizienzeigenschaften der Körperschaftsteuersätze, die unter dem Prinzip der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung bzw. der Formelbesteuerung gewählt werden. Ein Finanzausgleich sichert dann Effizienz, wenn der marginale Transfer die fiskalischen und pekuniären Externalitäten der Steuersätze widerspiegelt. Im Unterschied zu vorherigen Arbeiten erfüllt in unserem Modell der Steuerbasisausgleich diese Bedingung nicht. Stattdessen führt ein Ausgleich der Nationaleinkommen, das heißt der Kombination aus einem Ausgleich von Steueraufkommen und privatem Einkommen, unabhängig vom verwendeten Steuerprinzip zu Effizienz. Dieses Ergebnis weist darauf hin, dass es irrelevant ist, ob multinationale Unternehmen der separaten oder der formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung unterliegen, wenn parallel ein Finanzausgleichssystem der Nationaleinkommen existiert. Bei der Formelbesteuerung könnte der Steuerbasisausgleich zu effizienteren Ergebnissen als der Steueraufkommensausgleich führen, wenn die Lohneinkommensexternalität ausreichend groß ist. Obwohl in der EU kein explizites Finanzausgleichssystem exisitiert, das im Sinne unserer Analyse angelegt ist, wird ein Teil des EU-Budgets durch die Beiträge der einzelnen Mitgliedsstaaten finanziert. Die damit verbundene Einkommensumverteilung reicht zwar nicht zur Sicherstellung effizienter Körperschaftsteuersätze aus, jedoch könnte die Erweiterung eines bereits vorhandenen Systems durch die entsprechende Anpassung der Beiträge zum EU-Budget politisch leichter durchsetzbar sein als die vollständige Reform des Körperschaftsteuersystems. Der zweite Artikel beschäftigt sich mit dem Umsatzfaktor in der Aufteilungsformel. Die Aufnahme eines Umsatzfaktor als solches sowie die Frage, ob Umsätze dem Ursprungsland oder dem Bestimmungsland zugeschlagen werden, werden innerhalb der EU kontrovers diskutiert. Die GKKB-Arbeitsgruppe schlug im Jahr 2007 die Aufnahme der Umsätze nach dem Bestimmungslandprinzip vor, erwähnte aber gleichzeitig, dass eine Mehrzahl der Experten der Mitgliedsstaaten die Einbeziehung der Umsätze nach dem Ursprungslandprinzip bevorzugen würde. Zum Vorschlag der Europäischen Kommission zu diesem Thema aus dem Jahr 2011 wandte das Europäische Parlament ein, dass es die Gewichtung des Umsatzfaktors auf 10% absenken würde. Der Ausschuss für den Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz forderte sogar die vollständige Streichung des Umsatzfaktors in der Formel. Im Gegensatz zu diesen Forderungen stehen die Entwicklungen in Kanada und den USA, wo der Umsatzfaktor immer mehr an Bedeutung gewinnt. Wir zeigen in einem Nash-Steuerwettbewerbsmodell mit zwei Ländern, Marktmacht und einer umsatzbasierten Aufteilungsformel, dass (i) der Übergang von der separaten zur formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung den Steuerwettbewerb abschwächt und dieWohlfahrt erhöht und (ii) mit einem Umsatzfaktor nach dem Ursprungslandprinzip der geringste Steuerwettbewerb auftritt. Das zweite Ergebnis ist auf eine negative Konsumexternalität zurückzuführen, welche der sowohl beim Ursprungsland- als auch beim Bestimmungslandprinzip auftretenden positiven Formelexternalität entgegenwirkt. Das dritte Papier untersucht den Kommissionsvorschlag, eine Übergangsphase von der separaten zur formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung zu schaffen. Während dieser Phase soll die Formelbesteuerung den Unternehmen optional zur Verfügung stehen. Die empirische Literatur zeigt, dass sich durch die Gewinnkonsolidierung die unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten, die ein multinationales Unternehmens aufbringen muss, um die nationalen steuergesetzlichen Vorgaben zu erfüllen, verringern. Auf der anderen Seite steigen die diskretionären Kosten für Maßnahmen des Unternehmens, die der Gewinnverlagerung dienen. Der dritte Artikel bildet diese Erkenntnisse in einem Zwei-Länder-Modell ab, in welchem sich die multinationalen Unternehmen in der Höhe ihrer unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten unterscheiden. Zusätzlich sehen sich Unternehmen, die die Formelbesteuerung nutzen, höheren diskretionären Kosten gegenüber, weil hier die Möglichkeiten zur Manipulation der Steuerbemessungsgrundlage deutlich eingeschränkt sind. Folglich werden nur die Unternehmen für die Formelbesteuerung votieren, bei denen unter der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung die unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten den Steuervorteil durch die leichtere Gewinnverlagerung übersteigen. Wir leiten einen nicht negativen Schwellenwert der unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten ab, ab welchem sich Unternehmen mit höheren Kosten für die Formelbesteuerung entscheiden. Unter Annahme von Symmetrie zeigen wir, dass, ausgehend von einem System mit separater Gewinnbesteuerung und nationaler Steueraufkommensmaximierung, eine optionale formelbasierte Gewinnbesteuerung die unkooperativ gewählten Steuersätze und das nationale Steueraufkommen für beide Länder erhöht. Basierend auf den Modellannahmen wird sogar das Niveau der ausschließlichen Formelbesteuerung erreicht, da bei gleichen Steuersätzen der Vorteil der besseren Gewinnverschiebungsmöglichkeiten irrelevant wird und nur die Ersparnis der unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten als Entscheidungskriterium wirkt. In unserer Analyse führt die Optionalität der GKKB zu einer Effizientverbesserung in den beteiligten Ländern. Somit können wir ein Argument für die Vorteilhaftigkeit des GKKB-Vorschlags innerhalb der EU beitragen. ; DFG, RU 1466/1, Alternative Systeme zur Besteuerung multinationaler Unternehmen in Europa

The Norwegians' construction and use of second homes has been an issue in public planning since the development of its antecedent, the cabin, began to take toll on the beautiful Norwegian landscape in the 1950s and 1960s. Still today, the development of second homes have great impacts on landscape, but maybe more troublesome are impacts to ecology and environmental issues such as energy use and use of materials. Although new environmental issues have been introduced by the continued development and increasing material standards, planning still seem to follow the same principles for spatial allocation and material use that were laid down in combination with the introduction of regulations in the 1965 planning act. Alongside the increased environmental issues, the increased material standards have also introduced other kinds of problems. One consequence is the rising cost of second homes, which secludes many from ownership. Nonetheless, second home ownership is still presented as something truly Norwegian and as a relief from the everyday stress. This thesis contributes by investigating some underlying political-economic structures and mechanisms that seem to drive the continued development of the phenomenon. This approach is entirely new as a research focus. This aim has been followed through three different articles, which the following synthesising chapters reflect upon, while also aligning the methodological, theoretical and empirical methods of the three articles. The first article reflects on the discrepancy between rising second home ownership cost and annual salary, links it to motives for ownership and, based on this, develops a concept of a Norwegian second home ownership paradox. The second article empirically explores the hypothesis of the first article, primarily through a questionnaire survey among second home owners. The third article looks at how planning and development of second homes have changed in an interplay with political changes of society, i.e. how neoliberalism seems to have influenced second home planning and which developments it has resulted in. The thesis adopts a critical realist ontology and the methodology that follows of moving from the concrete to the abstract and back again. It does so through the so-called RRREI(C) schema, which first aims at developing a so-called laminated system of the phenomenon, and then goes on to redescribe components of the laminated system with regards to a chosen theoretical frame. After this, it is a matter of either theoretically explaining antecedent causes to these components, or through retroduction, discover such antecedent causes. Subsequently, the theoretical frame needs to be empirically tested and possibly the frame needs to be altered, accordingly. As a basic theoretical frame, a concept of sustainability that adopt a strong conceptualizing, i.e. an understanding that rejects the notion that nature is substitutable with human-made capital, is chosen. This understanding operates for framing the problem issue in focus throughout the thesis. The main theoretical concepts rest on the mechanisms of the capitalist industrial growth oriented society. Therefore, the thesis is to some extent also a critical analysis of contemporary society and the consumerist practices, which it articulates on a broad spectrum and of which the Norwegian second home phenomenon is an intricate example. Through a questionnaire survey that asks about second home owners' motives for ownership and use as well as whether their second home is financed through debt, the thesis investigates the reality of the Norwegian second home ownership paradox. Through a case study of the municipality of Trysil, applying document and interview analysis, some examples of the influences of neoliberalism on second home planning are investigated. The thesis contributes to research on different levels. First, there is the general contribution of the ontology of critical realism to research on second homes. The thesis shows how the rich ontology and following methodology can contribute to a deeper understanding of underlying structures and mechanisms that have not been seriously questioned before. The thesis also contributes to research by exemplifying how the RRREI(C) model for scientific inquiry of can be carried out, which is very rarely seen before. Second, the thesis contributes to the general knowledge production related to the research field of Norwegian second homes by offering a theorization and conceptualization of the field, which has been predominantly empirically oriented. The conceptualization and empirical confirmation of a second home ownership paradox as well as a description of the transformation of the phenomenon as going from convivial and simple to technocratic and commodified including iatrogenic second home planning, serves as new concepts to the understanding of the Norwegian second home phenomenon in relation to sustainability (environmental, social and economic). The thesis thereby also proves relevant to a wider theoretical debate related to sustainability in general, economic growth and the prospects of ecological modernization. Thirdly, these new concepts, and the analysis that lies behind them, prove valuable because planning needs to take a new direction if second home developments are not to continue the unsustainable practices it rests upon now. To foster a discussion, the thesis develops a set of planning principles, which basically tries to tame the increasing materiality of second home developments. Second home development needs, however, to be further problematized in relation to many different aspects of sustainability and the critical perspective should enter mainstream political discourse if a transition of the phenomenon is to be hoped for. The analysis and concepts put forth here might offer a starting point from which the basic conditions of planning could be discussed. If such basic conditions are not discussed and transformed, the continued reliance on planning for solving the multiplicity of environmental, economic and socio-cultural problems, originated in the modern second home phenomenon, will probably prove insufficient. At least, this is what history tells us. ; Norges bygging og bruk av fritidsboliger har vært et problem i den offentlige planleggingen siden utviklingen av den moderne fritidsboligens forgjenger, hytta, begynte å forandre det vakre norske landskapet på 1950- og 1960-tallet. Utviklingen av fritidsboliger har fortsatt stor innvirkning på landskapet, men kanskje mer problematisk er innvirkningen på økologi og miljørelaterte faktorer som energibruk og bruk av materialer. Selv om nye miljøspørsmål har meldt seg gjennom fortsatt utbygging og økende materialstandarder, synes planleggingen fremdeles å følge de samme prinsippene for lokalisering og materialbruk som ble introdusert i forbindelse med innføringen av forskrifter i bygningsloven av 1965. Sammen med nye typer miljøbelastninger har økt materiell standard også medført andre typer problemer. En konsekvens er det stigende prisnivået for fritidsboliger, som avskjærer mange fra eierskap. Ikke desto mindre blir det å eie fritidsbolig fortsatt sett på som noe ekte norsk og som en utvei fra hverdagens stress. Denne avhandlingen undersøker noen underliggende politisk-økonomiske strukturer og mekanismer som ser ut til å drive den fortsatte utviklingen av fritidsbolig-fenomenet. Denne tilnærmingen er helt ny som forskningsfokus. Dette formålet har blitt fulgt gjennom tre forskjellige artikler som de følgende «kappe»-kapitlene reflekterer over, samtidig som de forbinder de metodologiske og teoretiske tilnærmingene og de empiriske metodene, som de tre artiklene bygger på. Den første artikkelen reflekterer over en stigende uoverensstemmelsen mellom fritidsboligkostnader og folks lønnsnivå og diskuterer denne motsetningen opp imot motiv for eierskap. Med bakgrunn i dette utvikler artikkelen et begrep om et norsk fritidsboligeierskaps-paradoks. Den andre artikkelen undersøker empirisk hypotesen fra den første artikkelen, først og fremst gjennom en spørreskjemaundersøkelse blant eiere av fritidsboliger. Den tredje artikkelen ser nærmere på hvordan planlegging og utvikling av fritidsboliger har endret seg i samspill med politiske samfunnsendringer, dvs. hvordan nyliberalismen ser ut til å ha påvirket planlegging av fritidsboliger og hvilke konkrete utviklingstrekk dette har resultert i. Avhandlingen bygger på kritisk realistisk ontologi og en metodikk basert på denne, der forskningen beveger seg fra det konkrete til det abstrakt og tilbake igjen. Dette gjøres ved å følge det såkalte RRREI(C)-skjemaet, som først tar sikte på å utvikle et såkalt laminert system av fenomenet, og deretter fortsetter ved å beskrive komponentene i det laminerte systemet på nytt ved hjelp av begreper fra en valgt teoretisk ramme. Etter dette handler det om å teoretisk forklare underliggende årsaker til disse komponentene, eller å komme på sporet etter slike underliggende årsaker gjennom såkalt retroduksjon. Deretter må den teoretiske rammen bli empirisk testet. Muligens må rammen så endres i tråd med de empiriske funnene. Som en grunnleggende teoretisk ramme bygger avhandlingen på et begrep for bærekraft med høy vekt på å respektere naturen. Dette innebærer en avvisning av ideen om at naturen er substituerbar med menneskelig kapital. Denne bærekraftforståelsen utgjør en overordnet ramme for arbeidet med problemstillingene gjennom hele avhandlingen. De viktigste teoretiske begrepene dreier seg om mekanismene i det kapitalistiske industrielle vekstorienterte samfunnet. Derfor inneholder avhandlingen til en viss grad også en kritisk analyse av dagens samfunn og forbrukerpraksis som manifesterer seg på en lang rekke områder og som det norske fritidsboligfenomenet er et intrikat eksempel på. Gjennom en spørreskjemaundersøkelse om fritidsboligeieres motivasjon for eierskap og bruk, samt om hvorvidt fritidsboligen(e) er finansiert gjennom gjeld, belyser avhandlingen i hvilken grad det postulerte fritidsboligeierskaps-paradokset eksisterer i blant norske fritidsboligeiere i dag. Gjennom en case-studie av Trysil kommune, basert på dokument- og intervjuanalyse, belyser avhandlingen dessuten eksempler på nyliberalismens påvirkning på fritidsboligplanleggingen. Avhandlingen bidrar til forskningslitteraturen på ulike nivåer. For det første gir den et generelt teoretisk bidrag gjennom å anvende kritisk realistisk ontologi innenfor forskning på fritidsboliger. Avhandlingen viser hvordan denne rike ontologien og tilhørende metodikk kan bidra til en dypere forståelse av underliggende strukturer og mekanismer som i liten grad har blitt undersøkt tidligere innenfor dette forskningstemaet. Tilsvarende bidrar avhandlingen generelt til forskningslitteraturen ved å eksemplifisere hvordan den kritisk-realistiske modellen for vitenskapelig undersøkelse dvs. RRREI(C)-skjemaet, kan brukes i praksis, noe som sjelden er sett før. For det andre bidrar avhandlingen til generell kunnskapsproduksjon innenfor forskningen om fritidsboliger gjennom teoretisering og konseptualisering av dette forskningstemaet, som for tidligere for det meste har vært ensidig empirisk orientert. Avhandlingen bidrar også med nye begreper til forståelsen av det norske fritidsboligfenomenet i forhold til bærekraft (miljø, sosial og økonomisk) gjennom konseptualisering og empirisk bekreftelse av et norsk fritidsboligeierskaps-paradoks, samt en beskrivelse av fenomenets forvandling fra å være samværsorientert og enkelt til å være teknokratisk og varepreget. En iatrogen (dvs. med negative bivirkninger) fritidsboligplanlegging hører også med til denne endringen. Disse begrepene bidrar til en forståelse av fritidsboligfenomenet i forhold til bærekraft. Avhandlingen bidrar derfor også med kritiske perspektiver til en bredere teoretisk debatt rundt bærekraft, økonomisk vekst og økologisk modernisering. For det tredje er avhandlingens sentrale begreper og analysene som ligger bak dem verdifulle i lys av at planleggingen må ta en ny retning hvis utbyggingen av fritidsboliger ikke skal fortsette langs det ikke-bærekraftige sporet den følger nå. For å stimulere til diskusjon utvikler avhandlingen et sett av planleggingsprinsipper som kan bidra til å snu det økende materielle forbruket som fritidsboliger fører med seg. For å få til en overgang til et bærekraftig fritidsbolig-fenomen, er det imidlertid nødvendig med ytterligere problematisering av utbyggingen av fritidsboliger i forhold til de mange forskjellige aspektene av bærekraft. En slik problematisering må også bli en del av den fremherskende politiske diskursen. Analysen og begrepene som presenteres her, kan gi et utgangspunkt for å diskutere de grunnleggende vilkårene for planlegging. Hvis slike grunnleggende forhold ikke blir diskutert og endret, vil planleggingen fortsatt være ute av stand til å løse mangfoldet av miljømessige, økonomiske og sosialkulturelle problemer som det moderne fritidsboligfenomenet gir opphav til. Det forteller historien oss i det minste.

Germany is a country of immigration. This has de facto been the case since the beginning of 'guest worker' recruitments in the 1950s, but Germany only legally acknowledged that it was incorrect to maintain that 'Germany is not a country of immigration' ('Deutschland ist kein Einwanderungsland') only 16 years ago, with a shift in migration policy that affected both the political and the social discourse on immigration and integration. Since 2000, a new Citizenship Act has granted citizenship based on place of birth ('Ius Soli') rather than on descent only ('Ius Sanguini'). In 2005, a new Immigration Act took effect and ad-dressed matters of integration at the federal level (Castro Varela & Mecheril 2010: 25). Debates on successful integration became prevalent in the political discourse, and a national action plan on integration ('Nationaler Integrationsplan' 2006, 2007; 'Nationaler Aktionsplan Integration' 2012) declared measures to improve the situation of migrants in Germany. Among other issues, the plan aims to ease the entrance of highly skilled migrants to the German labour market (National Action Plan on Integration 2012: 20). Through the 2005 Immigration Act, Germany started to foster immigration of highly skilled migrants for the first time since the end of 'guest worker' recruitments in 1973, a series of contracts that encouraged migration to post-war Germany. 'Guest workers' helped to rebuild the German economy and formed the first big migration wave to Germany in the 20th century (Castro Varela & Mecheril 2010), but they were expected to leave after a short period of work and their integration did not form part of the 'guest worker' recruitment. Besides, few of them worked in the highly skilled sector. With the implementation of the new Immigration Act, Germany now invests in the acquisition of knowledge via immigration (Act on the Residence, Economic Activity and Integration of Foreigners in the Federal Territory, Sections 19, 19a & 21), and thereby tries to address the skills shortage (The Federal Government 2014). However, many highly skilled migrants living in Germany did not immigrate as part of the initiative to reduce the skills shortage, but came as refugees, ethnic German repatriates or for family reunification. Although there have been recent initiatives to improve the acknowledgement of their degrees and certificates, various studies prove that their professional potential is not tapped, and that they too often face deskilling (Henkelmann 2012; Nohl, Ofner & Thomsen 2010). This is contrary to research that finds professional integration a relevant criterion for satisfactory integration into society (Peirce 1995; Nohl, Schit-tenhelm & Schmidtke 2014; Pätzold 2010; Brizić 2013). Despite increasing skills shortages in fields such as engineering (e.g. The Association of German Engineers VDI 2016), the knowledge and qualifications of highly skilled migrants seem to have lost significance on the German labour market (Flam 2007: 118). This situation frames the qualitative study at hand. To reveal perspectives on professional skills and career paths after migration to Germany, 17 semi-structured interviews were conducted with immigrant graduates who participated in a requalification project. As part of the project, all participants had enrolled at the University of Duisburg-Essen to obtain a German university degree with a view to enhancing their chances on the labour market. Since they had migrated to Germany 2–20 years before, none of the participants had been able to work in the fields they obtained their degrees in. Experiences of immigrant graduates in the context of their 'insufficient incorporation' (Nohl, Schittenhelm & Schmidtke 2014: 4) into the German labour market have been subject to recent studies (e.g. Nohl, Ofner & Thomsen 2007; Ofner 2011; Henkelmann 2012; Nohl, Schittenhelm, Schmidtke & Weiß 2014; Jacoby 2011), but more research is required on how participation in professional communities is assessed by migrant graduates in the context of their deskilling. Through examining how ideas on professional participation and agency are verbalised in interviews, the study at hand addresses this desideratum. 'Agency' and 'participation' are main factors in the analysis of the data presented in this thesis, and their definition builds on the assumption that '"doing" is at the heart of identity formation', linking action to processes of identity formation (Pratt 2012: 26). The present study suggests that expressions of agency and participation reveal how professional identities are discursively constructed in interviews. This leads to two research questions: 1. What kind of strategies did the interviewees use to support the discursive con-struction of their professional identities? 2. How did the respondents demonstrate agency in discursive constructions of professional identities? To analyse the data for strategies of identity construction, a qualitative content analysis (Mayring 2010, 2014; Kuckartz 2014, 2014; Schreier 2012) was carried out. Thus, the data was structured according to the aforementioned research questions (Mayring 2010). This was achieved by assigning text units to categories that were formed deductively from research about the notion of professional identity and its construction (Turner 1991; Pratt 2012; Ashforth, Kreiner, Clark & Fugate 2007; Caza & Creary 2016), as well as inductively from interview data. Hence, the result of the coding procedure was a number of text units that were filtered with the help of categories and that showed different types of strategies for the construction of professional identities. The filtered text units were then examined according to how agency was demonstrated within them. The analysis showed that various types of discursive strategies were located. These strategies helped to construct, deconstruct or maintain professional identities. The strategies involved agency to different ex-tents. Whereas resigning and adapting strategies showed only little or no agency on the part of the interviewees, regaining and disclosing strategies involved more agency in the construction of professional identities. These findings are discussed with regards to two aspects. The first aspect is how the typol-ogy of discursive strategies relates to the theoretical framework of the study. It can be shown that participation in professional communities increases agency and supports the construction of professional identities, while unsatisfactory participation is reflected in a lack of identification as a professional. The construction of professional identities is clearly linked to participation in actual or imagined professional communities. The validation of these actions contributes to the construction of confident professional identities (Pratt 2012: 26). Moreover, comparing and contrasting (Kelle & Kluge 2010) discursive strategy types shows how metaphorical references to power (Lakoff & Johnson 1980) support the processes of constructions of professional identities. The second aspect is the validity of the findings. It will be demonstrated that although the qualitative approach of this research project includes the subjective perspective of the researcher, there are certain quality criteria such as the transparency of the analysis process and a second analysis procedure at a different point of time that ensure a satisfactory level of internal validity (Malterud 2001: 484). The transferability of the findings to other contexts is outlined in the conclusion. More specifically, the findings can be transferred and applied to further research in two different ways. Firstly, a similar analysis should be conducted with the same participants at a different point of time. The hypothesis that professional participation enhances the construction of professional identities could then be re-evaluated after a longer period of employment in the field of graduation. Secondly, this hypothesis could be transferred to a different migration setting, for instance to Australia, to test whether the construction of professional iden-tities changes according to the context of another immigration country. ; Deutschland ist ein Einwanderungsland. Faktisch ist es das seit Beginn der Anwerbung von sogenannten "Gastarbeitern" in den 50er Jahren. Juristisch gesehen ist die Aussage, Deutschland sei kein Einwanderungsland, erst vor 16 Jahren durch eine Veränderung der Migrationspolitik wiederlegt worden. Die Auswirkungen dieser Veränderung betrafen sowohl den politischen als auch den gesellschaftlichen Diskurs um Migration und Integration. Nach dem neuen Einbürgerungsgesetz aus dem Jahr 2000 wird die deutsche Staatsbürgerschaft nun unabhängig von der Staatsangehörigkeit der Eltern an Kinder vor allem aufgrund des Geburtsorts verliehen ("Ius Soli"), und nicht mehr ausschließlich basierend auf Abstammung ("Ius Sanguini"). Die Verabschiedung eines neuen Einwanderungsgesetzes im Jahr 2005 bedeutet gleichzeitig die erstmalige Verwendung des Begriffs Integration auf Gesetzesebene und die Einführung des Diskurses darum auf Bundesebene (Castro Varela & Mecheril 2010: 25). Damit wurde im politischen Diskurs die Debatte um erfolgreiche Integration vorrangig, und in der Folge wurden in einem Nationalen Aktionsplan Integration (2012) bzw. dem Nationalen Integrationsplan (2006) Vereinbarungen zur Verbesserung der Situation der Migranten in Deutschland erklärt (Nationaler Aktionsplan Integration: 2012). Durch das neue Einwanderungsgesetz begann Deutschland zum ersten Mal seit dem Ende des Anwerbungsstopps der "Gastarbeiter" 1973, gezielt Fachkräfte anzuwerben. Die Anwerbung der "Gastarbeiter" war durch eine Reihe von Anwerbeverträgen erfolgt, die zur Migration in das Nachkriegsdeutschland motivierten. Die "Gastarbeiter" trugen dort maßgeblich zum Wiederaufbau der deutschen Wirtschaft bei und formten damit die erste große Einwanderungswelle, die Deutschland im 20. Jahrhundert erreichte (Castro Varela & Me-cheril 2010). Nichtsdestotrotz wurde erwartet, dass sie nach einer kurzen Arbeitsphase das Land wieder verließen, weshalb nur wenig zu ihrer Integration beigetragen wurde. Außerdem arbeiteten sie zumeist nicht im Hochqualifiziertensektor. Mit der Verabschiedung des neuen Einwanderungsgesetzes investiert Deutschland nun erstmalig gezielt in die Anwerbung von Wissen durch Einwanderung (Gesetz über den Aufenthalt, die Erwerbstätigkeit und die Integration von Ausländern im Bundesgebiet, §§ 19, 19a & 21), und begegnet damit dem Fachkräftemangel (Die Bundesregierung 2014). Viele hochqualifizierte Migrantinnen und Migranten, die in Deutschland leben, sind jedoch nicht im Rahmen der Initiative zur Reduzierung des Fachkräftemangels, sondern als Flüchtlinge, Spätaussiedler oder aufgrund einer Familienzusammenführung eingewandert. Obwohl es seit einiger Zeit Bemühungen zur verbesserten Anerkennung ihrer Abschlüsse und Zertifikate gibt, belegen zahlreiche Studien, dass die beruflichen Potenziale von Mig-rantinnen und Migranten nicht ausgeschöpft werden, und dass sie sich oft der Dequalifizierung ausgesetzt sehen (Henkelmann 2012; Nohl, Ofner & Thomsen 2007). Dies konterkariert Erkenntnisse, die darlegen, dass berufliche Integration maßgeblich zu einer erfolgreichen Integration in die Gesellschaft beiträgt. Trotz des steigenden Fachkräftemangels beispielsweise in den ingenieurwissenschaftlichen Bereichen (vgl. Verband deutscher Ingenieure VDI 2016) scheinen das Wissen und die Fertigkeiten von hochqualifizierten Migranten auf dem deutschen Arbeitsmarkt an Bedeutung zu verlieren (Flam 2007: 118). Dies bildet den situativen Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit. Zur Darlegung verschiedener Perspektiven wurden 17 Interviews mit eingewanderten Akademikerinnen und Akademikern über deren wahrgenommene berufliche Fertigke-ten und Karrierewege nach ihrer Migration nach Deutschland geführt. Alle Interviewteilnehmenden waren gleichzeitig Stipendiaten eines Nachqualifizierungsprojektes. Im Rahmen dieses Projektes hatten sich alle Teilnehmenden an der Universität Duisburg-Essen eingeschrieben, um einen deutschen Universitätsabschluss zu erwerben und damit einen besseren Einstieg auf dem Arbeitsmarkt zu erwirken. Seit ihrer Einwanderung, die zwischen zwei und zwanzig Jahren zurücklag, war es keinem der Teilnehmenden möglich ge-wesen, in ihrem Fachbereich eine entsprechende Anstellung zu finden. "Handlungsfähigkeit" und "Teilhabe" werden deshalb in der Analyse der vorliegenden Arbeit als Hauptfaktoren betrachtet, die auf Basis der Annahme "doing is at the heart of identity formation" (Pratt 2006: 26) definiert sind, und somit den Prozess der Identitätsbildung mit konkreten Handlungsmöglichkeiten verbinden. Die vorliegende Forschungsarbeit geht davon aus, dass Äußerungen zu Handlungsfähigkeit und Teilhabe darlegen, wie professionelle Identitäten diskursiv in Interviews gestaltet werden. Das führt zu zwei Forschungsfragen: 1. Welche Strategien wurden von den Interviewteilnehmenden eingesetzt, um die diskursive Konstruktion ihrer professionellen Identitäten zu unterstützen? 2. Wie haben die Interviewteilnehmenden ihre Handlungsfähigkeit innerhalb ihrer diskursiven Konstruktion beruflicher Identitäten dargestellt? Um die Interviewdaten mit Blick auf Strategien von Identitätskonstruktionen angemessen auswerten zu können, wurde eine Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse (Mayring 2010, 2014; Kuckartz 2014, 2014; Schreier 2012) durchgeführt. Somit konnten die Daten mit Bezug auf die genannten Forschungsfragen strukturiert werden. Bei diesem Schritt wurden Textbestandteile Kategorien zugeordnet (Mayring 2010), die sowohl deduktiv von Forschungen zu beruflicher Identität und ihrer Konstruktion (vgl. Turner 1991 Pratt 2000; Ashforth, Kreiner, Clark & Fugate 200; Caza & Creary 2016), als auch induktiv aus dem Interviewmaterial heraus entwickelt wurden. Aus der Kodierung ergaben sich eine Reihe von Textstellen, die durch die Anwendung der Kategorien aus den Interviews herausgefiltert worden waren und die verschiedene Strategietypen zur Konstruktion von professionellen Identitäten aufwiesen. Diese herausgefilterten Textstellen wurden dann in Bezug auf die Darstellung von "agency" untersucht. Es konnten verschiedene Strategietypen lokalisiert werden, die zur Konstruktion, dem Verwerfen und dem Aufrechterhalten von professionellen Identitäten dienten. "Agency" wurde hierbei in unterschiedlicher Ausprägung gezeigt. So war "agency" in resignierenden und anpassenden Strategietypen gar nicht oder nur in sehr geringem Maße repräsentiert, während die aufdeckenden und aufholenden Strategietypen einen deutlich höheren Anteil von "agency" an der Konstruktion professioneller Identitäten seitens der Interviewteilnehmenden aufwiesen. Diese Ergebnisse werden mit Blick auf zwei Aspekte diskutiert. Der erste Aspekt betrifft den theoretischen Rahmen der Arbeit und die Frage, wie dieser sich in deren empirischen Ergebnissen wiederfindet. Es wird deutlich, dass die Teilhabe in professionellen communities den Faktor "agency" erhöht damit die Konstruktion professioneller Identitäten unter-stützt, während sich unzureichende Teilhabe in einem Mangel an professioneller Identität wiederspiegelt. Damit ist die Konstruktion professioneller Identitäten klar an Teilhabe in tatsächlichen oder imaginären professionellen communities gebunden. Die Bestätigung solcher Teilhabe trägt ebenfalls eindeutig zur Konstruktion selbstbewusster professioneller Identitäten bei (Pratt 2012: 26). Darüber hinaus zeigt der Vergleich und die Gegenüberstel-lung der diskursiven Strategietypen (Kelle & Kluge 2010), wie metaphorische Verweise Machtverhältnisse (Lakoff & Johnson 1980) die Konstruktionsprozesse professioneller Identitäten unterstützen. Der zweite Aspekt ist die Validität der Forschungsergebnisse. Es wird gezeigt werden, dass obwohl die qualitative Ausrichtung des Forschungsvorhabens die Subjektivität der Forscherin in den Forschungsprozess mit einbezieht, ein zufriedenstellendes Maß an Validität innerhalb der Arbeit (Malterud 2001: 484). Durch die Anwendung verschiedener Qualitätskriterien wie der Offenlegung des Analyseprozesses und einem zweiten, zeitlich verschobenen Kodiervorgang erreicht werden konnte. Die Übertragbarkeit der Ergebnisse der vorliegenden Studie in einen anderen Kontext wird im Schlussteil der Arbeit aufgezeigt werden. Die Ergebnisse können mit Blick auf zukünftige Forschungsvorhaben vor allem in zweierlei Hinsicht übertragen werden: Zunächst kann eine Analyse mit einem ähnlichen Kodierrahmen von Strategietypen anhand von Interviews mit den gleichen Teilnehmenden zeigen, ob die Hypothese der professionellen Teilhabe als konstituierender Teil der professionellen Identitätsbildung bestätigt werden kann, wenn bereits eine längere Beschäftigung auf Niveau des Hochschulabschlusses besteht. Des Weiteren kann diese Hypothese auf andere Migrationssettings übertragen werden. Ein Vergleich beispielsweise mit Australien könnte darlegen, ob die Konstruktion professioneller Identitäten in anderen Einwanderungsländern divergiert.

Soviet and post-Soviet historians have not paid enough attention to the US National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) – the U.S. principal archive that preserves historical documentary sources of national importance. In the United States the history of the National Archives is presented in the works of Wayne C. Grover, Donald R. McCoy, H.G. Jones, Herman J. Viola, Anna Bruner Eales and other authors. The 1940-1950's in NARA's history is one of the most important periods, the time of "maturing and gaining self-awareness", which the author intends to explore in this article. NARA, established in 1934, tried to represent itself as a very important state agency. During World War II, NARA received a significant number of historical documents of the federal executive departments for storage, executed thousands of requests from civilian and military government agencies, popularized historical documents in order to reinforce a sense of patriotism, created thousands of security copies, let their premises to important military defense offices, made important steps to save documents of the occupied countries. Due to the services, rendered by archivists to the U.S. Army and Navy, NARA got the title of "National Defense Agency." Immediately after the war, the Second Archivist of the USA Solon J. Buck suggested creating the International Council on Archives and the UNO Archives. Prominent American archivists Waldo Gifford Leland, one of the founders of (NARA) the National Archives, Chairman of the Committee on Conservation of Cultural Resources, Collas G. Harris, the head of an Archives committee on protection against the hazards of war, Vernon D. Tate, the head of NARA photo archives department, Philip M. Hamer, the Records Control Officer NARA contributed to the development of the records' saving methods during the war. Ernst Posner, a scholar and lecturer at the American University, headed of the project on compilation of guides of archives in Germany, Italy and many occupied countries. The guides were created in order to save the repositories and documentary treasures they contained. Under the leadership of Philip M. Hamer the staff of the National Archives prepared "Guides to Records of World War II" for print. Consequently, archivists believed they were able to prove the value of archives as a strategic state informational resource that preserves nation's historical documents and provides government institutions with important retrospective information. However, in the postwar years, the government made decisions unfavorable for further development of the National Archives. Before and during the war an extraordinary number of documents in need of appraisal and disposal were accumulated in federal departments. In 1943 Congress issued the «Records Disposal Act» which demanded institutions to submit schedules of records, allocated for destruction to the U.S. Archivist. However, the devising of schedules progressed slowly. In 1945 amendments to the Act were adopted, which authorized the Archivist of the United States to compile mandatory General schedules. In 1946 President Harry S. Truman signed EO 9784 "Providing for the More Efficient Use and for the Transfer and Other Disposition of Government Records". This order required the departments of the executive branch to implement records management programs, and made NARA responsible for control and coordination in the area of the records management. It seemed that the measures taken to resolve the problem of appraisal and records management were sufficient. In 1947 the Commission on the Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government was established in the U.S. government, headed by the former U.S. President Herbert Hoover. Although Hoover declared that the reorganization was necessary for management simplification, clarity of the executive branch of power's policies, according to the Constitution of the United States, the real purpose of reorganization was the executive branch's attempt to take over all possible functions of governance, strengthening the status of major federal departments and cost savings. A special group was created as a part of the Commission. Its task was to survey the records management in federal agencies and provide recommendations for its improvement. Emmett J. Leahy led the group. He suggested the creation of a Federal Records Administration, incorporating it as a component of the National Archives and all the repositories, that stored non-current federal government documents, and passing a law to coordinate formation, storage, management and destruction of records procedures, appointing a person responsible for records management in each department, developing and implementing the relevant standards and regulations. However, the only Leahy's proposal the members of the Hoover Commission realized concerned NARA association with the General Services Administration (GSA), the office, responsible for ensuring the operation of public institutions and their buildings, transport and so on. The Third Archivist of the USA Wayne C. Grover (1948-1965) directed his own suggestions to the Hoover Commission, in which he appealed against the decision to establish a new Administration and insisted that NARA was able to successfully perform the functions of records management on its own. Opponents criticized Leahy for the narrowness of the aim he pursued: the problem of reducing the quantity of records and saving space for their storage. They made hints that he was more concerned with how to "sell" his idea to the Commission, than the communal benefit. They also pointed out the lack of alternatives and the uncertain status of the National Archives. Their fears were justified. On June 30, 1949 «Federal Property and Administrative Services Act» (PL 152) concerning federal property and administrative services was adopted, according to which all government records were declared federal property, centralized management was entrusted to GSA, which the National Archives and Records Service (NARS) was subjected to. With a few exceptions, the law passed in 1949 ensured that all the U.S. Archivist's responsibilities were passed to the head of GSA. Archives lost its authority as an independent government agency, and even changed its name from NARA to NARS. This resulted in the inability of the National Archives to conduct independent policy in the field of archival affairs and to control human resources and finances, which adversely affected the further development of the Archives. In 1953 U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961) intended to politicize the post of the Archivist, to remove W.C. Grover from the office and appoint a politician. In 1965 Grover resigned because of a conflict with GSA regarding Archives funding cuts. Before that he had written a letter to President Lyndon B. Johnson (1963-1969) with a request to reestablish the National Archives into an independent agency. For 25 years the conflict between the GSA and NARS had been developing into a state of "war" in which, fortunately for American Archivists, they achieved a victory, returning not only the name but also the independence and rights to the Archives in 1985. Changes in the archives legislation concerning U.S. Archives in the 1940s – 1950s improved the records management in federal agencies: General and specific schedules were introduced, the activities of institutions in the field of records management were regulated, the rules for records disposition were established, retention periods were determined, destruction procedures were standardized, federal records centers were founded. Institutions were freed from aggravating work with noncurrent records, receiving an opportunity to transfer them to temporary repositories, appraisal and subsequent disposal in records centers. Activities of federal agencies in the area of records were subjected to centralized management, coordination and control by NARS. In fact, NARS powers were increased with the right to the records management programs control of the life cycle of documents from the formation in an institution until the final disposition. This was a significant step forward in comparison with the situation in the first half of the XX century. It ensured systematic acquisition of records of historical value by NARS and prevented the loss of valuable documents. Assessment of the guidelines given to the government by Hoover Commission is not high. The National Archives as an independent agency of the executive branch could have implemented its tasks in the field of records management on its own without unnecessary complications. Instead, it was held "captive" for 25 years (in the words of American Archivists) by the GSA and worked under pressure of an unresolved conflict which was time and energy consuming for the archivists. The examined period in the history of the National Archives of the United States (1940-1950's) was important both in terms of archives' achievements in practicing their trade and in terms of understanding their role as archivists. American archivists managed to prove to their federal departments the importance of transferring documents to be stored in the Archives and showed department heads that the Archives are a federal agency, which guarantees and reliably ensures the safety of government records and information as well as institutions' services. Later on, the heads of federal agencies had no doubts about the wisdom of submitting records to the NARA. Archives' informational activities didn't focus solely on executing state civilian and military agencies' requests, but on actively popularizing historical documents among officials, military men and citizens too. Actions, intended to popularize historical documents, helped to form a positive image of archives in the community. For the United States it was of great importance as American citizens as taxpayers assess the necessity of an institution's existence in terms of its cost justification. Activities of American archivists had a positive impact on the safety of occupied countries' documents. Contribution to the salvage of documents of other countries positively influenced the perception of the United States as one of the founders of the International Council on Archives by the international archival community. Decisions taken by the U.S. government in the postwar years were positive as a whole. Firstly, a strict records management system was implemented in federal agencies. The problem of appraisal and temporary storage of records was solved. Second, the loss of National Archives status as an independent public entity, which negatively reflected on all of the Archives' activities until 1985, taught archivists a lesson. Archivists realized that their mission was not to be clerks, who perform routine paperwork, but as guardians of history. W.C. Grover commented on this in his farewell letter to the staff of the Archives: «These missions, as I have repeated many times, are important. They are at the center of man's effort to preserve and carry forward civilization itself. "The written word endures" - at least such portions of the word as we archivists decide are worth preserving! It is a worrisome and responsible task, but I can't think of a nobler one in this rather uncivilized era we find ourselves». It took years for archivists to overcome the resistance of politicians and government officials, return an independent status to the Archives, eliminate the threat of politicization and turn archival branch into a separate independent public system. This does not mean that the U.S. archival branch and National Archives today operate without problems, but they experienced a period of "maturing and gaining self-awareness", which allowed archivists to move on to a new level of perception and representation of themselves and their role in State and society. ; Освещена история Национального архива США в период Второй мировой войны и первые послевоенные годы, усилия архивистов, направленные на организацию экспертизы ценности и обеспечение сохранности документов департаментов федерального правительства, популяризацию исторических источников; деятельность первой и второй Гуверовских комиссий, изменения законодательства в отраслях архивного дела и управления документацией в США в 1940-1950-х гг. Особенное внимание уделено статусу Национального архива США как самостоятельного органа исполнительной ветви власти и стратегического информационного ресурса государства ; Висвітлено історію Національного архіву США у період Другої світової війни та перші повоєнні роки, зусилля архівістів з організації експертизи цінності та забезпечення збереженості документів департаментів федерального уряду, популяризації історичних джерел; діяльність першої та другої Гуверівських комісій, зміни законодавства у галузі архівної справи та у сфері управління документацією у США у 1940-1950-х рр. Особливу увагу приділено статусу Національного архіву США як самостійного органу виконавчої гілки влади та стратегічного інформаційного ресурсу держави

The twentieth century (characterized by the gruesome and haze of horror of two World Wars, the Cold Wars-CW, dictatorships, civil wars, genocides, etc.) has seen a great transformation in warfare but to the expense of the innocent civilians and yet in the full view of regulatory internationally recognized war-laws. So, if at one point in history, civilian populations hardly suffered war directly, the order of the state of affairs has now changed. Many civilians perish simply because warlords so desire; extremes of violence, killings and destruction of property is predominantly preferred. As if that is not enough, the indifference of the majority of the public in tranquil zones of the world towards the fate of the civilians in zones under by fire kind of provide implicit licenses to violence planners to do whatever it takes to "win". Consequently, great numbers of survivors are seen trying to escape from situations of assured death to that of probable death. It is against this background that we feel moved to take on this dissertation. Bearing in mind the generally complex and challenging contemporary conflicts that acutely breeds volatile security environments (for civilians), our thesis is that there needed to be an increased, noteworthy and continued applicable innovation of approaches to civilian protection. To be precise, as a strategy to sustainable peace, we have aspired after a world where the United Nations Peacekeeping Department (UNPKD) is not singly considered the sole custodian of the concept of civilian protection but (based on contexts and cases) as one but a leader among other stakeholders (local and foreign) able and ready to contribute to the common-pool of operational arenas. Thinking about these other stake holders, we have in this work stood by those that: firstly, move towards more civilian-centered operations that are; secondly, carried out by (a mixture of grassroots and international) unarmed civilians by means of; thirdly, engages nonviolent approaches and practices that in themselves anticipate the basic constituents of successive bottom-up Peacemaking (PK) and Peacebuilding (PB) in the hic et nunc of their Peacekeeping (PK) initiatives and applications. All these basics, in our view, do not just add up to drawing a continuous line that intersects the just mentioned Three Approaches to Peace (PK, PM, PB) coined by Johan Galtung way back in 1975; they also open avenues to sustainability. The thesis is taken on through three different parts; each subdivided into two chapters. With due attention to intrastate contemporary violent conflicts, the first part tries to demonstrate the reason why in PK there has been indeed need for rethinking the protection of civilians (PoC) and/or for enriching the methods until now employed in bringing it about. In the first chapter of the part, we kind of gave a sketchy attention to the historical journey that the patterns of violent conflicts in relation to the fate of non-combatants have made. It emerges that, unlike in the past, the pattern of contemporary violent conflict, especially with reference to the CW (especially in third-world countries) and post-CW periods, have become severely complex to handle. Wars have continued and proved to be very hot especially on the populations on the periphery; on those who are minimally directly concerned with and honestly ignorant of its objectives. In the period in question, these innocent men, women and children are more than ever struck hard not just by its direct consequences but also the indirect ones and their hopes are constantly put at the brink of mere survival and of the grave. Mores so the lucky ones who manage to escape these snares, continue to unwaveringly hope for bread, freedom, justice and peace, instead of iron that kills and destroys. In chapter II of the same part, looking at the commitments borne by the UN right from its early years in keeping, initially, the interstate and successively also the intrastate peace (of those tormented by reign of violence and terror), we acknowledge the strides gradually taken along the years. These strides has better late than never embraced a multidimensional point in time where civilian protection counts as a primacy. Accordingly, we recognize that the UN military PK is certainly capable of reducing the level of tension in conflicts but we also negated that, by so doing, it is able to guarantee a durable peace not only because of the application of the non-peaceful means which is limited to separating the conflicting parties but also because it lacks the strategic concern of fostering an active citizenship which is a basic ingredient to democratic populace. In Part Two, we have concentrated on the vision and the peculiar picture of the practitioners of the alternative way, particularly; the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) which operates on a benchmark of bottom-up strategic empowerment of local civilian unarmed and nonviolent efforts by international unarmed and nonviolent civilians to protect civilians, prevent, reduce and stop violent conflicts. The first chapter of this second part begins by singling out some of the nuts and bolts (Like: The centrality of sustainability; strategic, local and multilevel capacity and relational empowerment and mediation for peace; conflict transformation as the adequate language; nonviolence and nonpartisanship as a philosophy) that make Unarmed Civilian Protection (UCP) stands out faithfully to the above stated aspirations. Without giving importance to the chronological specifics and with a particular reference to the assessment of the practicality of the project that, on a later date, would organizationally become the NP, an extensive attention is paid to the vicissitudes that surrounded the founding of this UCP protection agency and especially to the foundations of the formative elements entailed. Chapter II does not only build on the findings and stimuli of Chapter I, it supersedes it and makes real a new and distinct reality. Herein, a unique place is devoted to the formative components reserved to the practitioners as a strategy for guaranteeing the competencies and high professionalism needed for the successful execution of field strategies attached to the NP UCP objectives, principles, key methods and practices. Through the analysis of the UCP Training Course entitled "Strengthening Civilian Capacities to Protect Civilians; A joint UNITAR- Nonviolent Peaceforce online Course" the chapter tries to show how the activities of the organization intrinsically flow from its very being; from elements which define it. And this is illustrated in how the very life of the NP UCP is blended with its formative spirit and content; a sort of transformative training that seeks to promote transformative operational frameworks that applicable to situations and contexts. The third part of the work is an applied one. It is dedicated to our chosen case study, namely, NP's intervention in the longtime violence-stricken Republic of South Sudan; in a country which (Thomas Hobbes would say) has once again reverted to its natural state; a harsh reality of hand to mouth living and a never ending search for sustenance in an ambiance virtually challenging to change. In chapter I, the pragmatic implementation of NP UCP in strengthening the local civilians' capacity, security and sense of safety in situation of violent conflict is marked out. Here, some concrete instances of this intervention are presented to exemplify the claim that a multiple base of actors (UCPs, the inviting civil society and/or local NGOs of an UCP presence and local partners) can sustainably and strategically provide the PoC work that for a long time was and is still largely entrusted to the military. And at the end of the day PK, PM, PB resources are considered to consist in not only financial and material supports, but also, and (in the same way) importantly, the socio-cultural resources of the affected people. And in this way people in conflict settings are seen as resources rather than recipients. Even though we evidently confirmed that the alternative way counts exceptionally big in strategically promoting, developing, and implementing sustainable unarmed civilian PK as a tool for preventing, reducing and stopping violence and protecting civilians in situations of violent conflict, we also acknowledge that it is not without challenges. These are actually what chapter two of the part extensively dwells on. The second chapter is instead dedicated (at length) to looking at the challenges that NP faces not only with regard to its missions lands but also in general. We have gone about this in the form of a comprehensive assessment and in some humble recommendations are advanced. Among these challenges we have particularly paid attention to issues like: The meager UCP funding and the dominant top-down mentality; the violent bully character of some major world power wielders; the need for more practitioners to carry out UCP; the dynamicity and complexity of conflict nature as a challenge; conflict prevention challenges like delays in capturing the signs of time so as to effectively intervene; the presence of spoilers as a challenge; the challenge of effective sustainable credibility. Recommendations proposed include among others: Investing in systematic reflections on the extent of the progress and failures so far registered in efforts to involve the UN, regional bodies and other donor agencies or individuals in the cause of NP (UCP) and reflecting on the philosophy that underpins the reasons why financial assistance to UCP and NP in particular is founded; more emphasis on the already existing engagement with political leaders and other influential people and embarking on popular campaigns to propagate a concretely evidenced knowledge of the feasibility of the alternative way, instituting and investing in "School Project" (dedicated to preferably to high schools) within the NP Advocacy and Outreach office and insisting on the positives of volunteers' contribution; enriching a little more the content of the just elaborated online UCP training course; etc. Hereafter, the general conclusion of our dissertation will be drawn. A profound acknowledgement of the UNPK pivotal role with its actual multidimensional fronts in PK basically intended as PoC specifically in the contemporary intrastate violent conflicts. It is also observed that, thanks to the appropriate blending of local and international capacities giving priority to the former, UCP's strategic approach to PK (which is not limited to the PoCs but is also anchored to preventing, reducing and ending not just those that are already on but also lays for standing up to the future possible ones) could be counted on. Thus far, it is on one hand, admissible that, despite all the challenges that there may be, NP (UCP) mechanisms is already proffering a great deal to this end, and on the other, it is evident that it can and should still do more. The ability of its interventions to stand the test of time and to stand up to the future conflicts (i.e. its sustainability) resides in a time which is not yet at hand and in the continuous involvement and inventiveness of many. As per now, if the Italian proverb "Il buongiorno si vede dal mattino" (Meaning: You can tell how something will go by how it begins) holds, then it is, up till now, realistic to count on NP as one of the most outstanding Bottom-up UCP organizations in the PoC in (selected) contemporary violent conflict situations. All that is needed is the building and the consolidation of international interest and support for UCP that presents the hope and reality of alternatives to over dependence on armed intervention; alternatives that chances the revitalization of local communities and the restoration of the social fabrics and capital of the affected people.

Como se había mencionado en la editorial anterior (López-López, 2015), el libro de Suber (2015) es una contribución significativa para aclarar los límites y alcances del acceso abierto (OA) y permite decantar confusiones e impresiones que prevalecen en nuestras comunidades que no están preparadas para los cambios tan acelerados que las nuevas dinámicas de producción y comunicación académica están generando (Gallegos, Berra, Benito, & López-López, 2014). Suber (2015) plantea como el acceso abierto surge bajo un conjunto de motivaciones que influyeron en su desarrollo. Estas motivaciones son: 1. El incremento desmedido de los precios de las revistas científicas con lo cual se ha dificultado el acceso al conocimiento, generando mayor inequidad y profundizando además paradojas perversas como que en países pobres se produce conocimiento al que luego no puede accederse por no poder pagar las revistas donde se publica. Este punto es crítico para las sociedades o las bibliotecas que cuentan con presupuestos limitados para acceso a bases de datos o países que en consorcio buscan comprar colecciones relevantes para sus infraestructuras de conocimiento; las brechas generadas por los costos afectan a todos los investigadores y más a los que tiene mayores restricciones económicas ampliando la inequidad y brechas, disminuyendo la posibilidad de construir redes de colaboración por las asimetrías generadas. Es bueno anotar que el incremento de precios suele ser mayor en forma considerable que los indicadores de inflación y los presupuestos de las instituciones. 2. Las grandes editoriales suelen vender paquetes de revistas (Big deals) de múltiples calidades impidiendo así que se negocie en relación con las revistas que son necesarias estratégicamente por una institución y se suele castigar con un precio las cancelaciones a títulos que son de baja circulación o calidad. Y peor aún, las casas editoriales suelen suscribir cláusulas de confidencialidad en relación con los precios y las condiciones de negocio lo que impide tener negociaciones con más transparencia sobre la compra de los mencionados paquetes incluso con instituciones cercanas. 3. Las restricciones por precio generan limitaciones de acceso pues se impide la reproducción de los contenidos a todos los niveles, desde la formación terminando en la investigación propiamente dicha. Además ni siquiera hoy las bibliotecas pueden ser dueñas de lo que han pagado en el pasado, hoy estas solo pueden "arrendar" la información y se impide la migración de contenidos anteriores así se haya pagado por ellos. 4. Un agravante adicional es que en el mundo entero los investigadores ceden los derechos de publicación a las editoriales y estas se quedan con la propiedad de los contenidos. Éstos deben ser adquiridos por altos costos por los propios investigadores, sus instituciones y bibliotecas e incluso por los organismos financiadores. La mayor parte de la financiación de la investigación se genera de entidades estatales con dinero público, incluso, en universidades privadas aunque éstas los financien con dinero privado es absurdo que ellas mismas no puedan pagar de nuevo las cifras desproporcionadas que cobran algunas de estas editoriales. 5. Estas empresas de intermediación de conocimiento provocan además escasez artificial al restringir los accesos debido a los costos. Es así como los modelos de acceso abierto evidentemente pueden disminuir los costos o por lo menos tratar de tenerlos bajo la inflación o bajo los costos reales razonables, incluida la utilidad de producción. Pero es claro como se dijo antes que, en cualquier forma, la investigación que se financia con recursos públicos debe tener una condición de acceso como bien público y es por esta intervención directa que no es razonable pretender que el acceso abierto opere "interfiriendo el libre mercado". 6. Las revistas de acceso abierto están compitiendo en primer lugar por autores y artículos de la mejor calidad y en segundo lugar están interesadas en que esta calidad se refleje en diversos usos y no pretende competir o interferir en los mercados de las revistas de pago. Es por esto que el OA busca en forma prioritaria que la evaluación por pares garantice la calidad de los contenidos. Incluso muchas revistas de pago pueden incrementar sus márgenes de ganancia con el incremento de las tasas de rechazo. 7. La falta de conocimiento sobre lo que es el acceso abierto e incluso los proceso de comunicación y circulación del conocimiento por parte de investigadores, bibliotecarios y diversos actores de las cadenas de producción y circulación de conocimiento, suele ser usado por algunas de estas empresas para incrementar costos e incluso en incurrir en asuntos éticos. 8. Todas las estimaciones de crecimiento de la producción científica muestran que al parecer el negocio de las editoriales y revistas privadas seguirá creciendo con la consecuente imposibilidad de acceder al contenido bajo los modelos de negocio y no solo es necesario sino conveniente que el acceso abierto se desarrolle y crezca. 9. Desde el 2004, anota Suber (2015), Thomson Scientific identificó que es sus diferentes temáticas entre las revistas de más impacto hay buen crecimiento constante de revistas de Acceso Abierto lo cual es muy relevante por cuanto estás apenas están arrancando y deben competir con revistas de muy larga trayectoria. Por último, es necesario diferenciar los repositorios de acceso abierto de las revistas y documentos que pasaron por revisión de pares. Es necesario aclarar que hoy los repositorios incluyen todo tipo de contenidos y algunos han denominado "depósitos oscuros" que no exigen la evaluación de pares. Debido a esto se puede diferenciar en OA oro y OA verde. El primero se refiere al acceso abierto de las revistas sin tener en cuenta el modelo de negocio y el OA verde al que es facilitado por los repositorios y se entiende como un "auto archivo a la práctica de depositar un trabajo propio en un repositorio de OA". Estos términos permiten diferenciar el tipo de acceso abierto y las consecuencias de cada uno y es probable que se introduzcan nuevos términos que permitan diferenciar y aclarar más el acceso abierto. En definitiva el libro de Suber (2015) será un recurso obligado de consulta para quienes sigamos comprometidos con el acceso abierto, porque entendemos las implicaciones políticas y económicas de inclusión y democratización de acceso al conocimiento que tienen en especial países como el nuestro en el que la inversión en ciencia y educación es escaso. ; As mentioned in the previous editorial (López-López, 2015), Suber's (2015) book is a significant contribution that we can use to clarify the limits and the scope of Open Access (OA), and it is also helpful in explaining confusions and inaccuracies that are widespread in our communities, which are not quite ready to face the accelerated changes that are being generated by the new dynamics of scientific output and communication (Gallegos, Berra, Benito, & López-López, 2014). Suber (2015) states that OA emerges in the context of motivating circumstances. These are: 1) The overwhelming increase in the fees of scientific journals, which has made access to knowledge more difficult. This has created more inequality and has deepened perverse paradoxes, such as the fact that poor countries produce knowledge that they cannot later access due to the inability to pay those exorbitant fees. This issue is critical for societies or libraries that have limited budgets to pay for access to databases, or countries looking to purchase relevant collections for their knowledge infrastructures, in association. The gaps created by high costs have an effect on the whole research community, and more so on those with worse economic restrictions. The resulting asymmetries make it harder to build collaboration networks. It is worth noting that the increase in those fees is often (much) higher than inflation indicators and the corresponding increases in institutional budgets. 2) The main publishing houses often sell journal packages (Big deals), consisting of journals of varying quality. This prevents negotiation of the journals that are strategically necessary for an institution, and cancelling subscriptions to low quality or low circulation journals is often punished with a premium. Even worse, publishers often subscribe confidentiality clauses with regards to prices and business conditions, which fosters a lack of transparency in the purchase of the aforementioned packages. 3) Price restrictions create access limitations, because the reproduction of contents is forbidden at every level – from basic training all the way to research proper. Besides, nowadays not even libraries own what they have paid for in the past. They can only "rent" the information, and migration of previous content is prevented, even if it has been purchased in the past. 4) An additional problem is that researchers transfer their publication rights to the publishing houses and these keep property rights over the contents. These contents must then be purchased by researchers, their institutions, libraries and even supporting entities, at a high cost. Most funding for research is provided by government/state institutions with public monies, and sometimes not even private universities are able to afford the disproportionate fees charged by some of these publishers. 5) These middlemen companies also create artificial scarcity by restricting access due to costs. As such, OA models can reduce those fees or at least they can try to keep them under inflation or real reasonable costs, including profit. But clearly, as said before, it should be possible to access research funded with public resources in the same way other public goods are accessed. For this reason, it is not reasonable to say that OA operates by "interfering with the free market". 6) OA journals are competing for top quality authors and papers, and they are interested in getting this quality to reflect on different usages – they do not intend to compete or interfere with the paid journal market. Therefore, OA seeks that peer-review processes can guarantee the quality of its content. Many paid journals can actually increase their profit margins by increasing rejection rates. 7) A lack of knowledge of OA and even communication and circulation processes on the part of researchers, librarians and other actors in the production and circulation chains is often used by some of these companies to increase costs and even to engage in unethical practices. 8) All estimations of scientific output growth seem to show that the publishing business will continue to grow, with the corresponding impossibility of accessing contents under the current business model. It is therefore convenient and necessary that OA continues to develop and grow. 9) Since 2004, according to Suber (2015), Thomson Scientific identified a continued growth of OA journals in terms of impact, which is relevant since they are still young and must compete with journals with longer lifespans. Finally, we need to differentiate OA and peer-reviewed document repositories. Nowadays, repositories cover all sorts of content, and some which do not require peer review are called "dark repositories". Gold OA, therefore, is Open Access with no regard for the business model, and Green OA is a self-archiving practice of placing one's work into an OA repository. These terms enable us to differentiate the types of OA and their associated consequences – more such terms may be introduced in the future to clarify different models. In summary, Suber's (2015) book will be a mandatory resource for those who are still committed to OA, because we understand the political and economical implications of inclusion and democratization of access to knowledge, especially in countries such as ours, where investment in science and education is scarce.

The virulent strain of nativist, anti-establishment, anti-corporatist and anti-immigrant sentiment is rocking the foundations of traditional party systems in all industrialized democracies. Its causes are many, but in broad terms it is safe to say they surfaced right after the 2008-09 economic collapse, an era that was characterized by intense polarization and confrontational approaches against governments, corporations and financial institutions which crossed party lines and traditional political cleavages. The sweeping changes brought about by globalized capital and corporate interests, and the blurring of national borders that accompanied them, have alienated big swathes of the population and given rise to new forms of strident populism everywhere.In the United States the main manifestation of this phenomenon is taking the form of a populist revolt, a singular form of class warfare inside the Republican Party, between the established party hierarchy and the Tea Party movement.As the next legislative election approaches, the internecine feud within the Republican Party continues to create challenges for its top candidates who must veer more right-wing to secure the nomination and then turn back to the center of American politics to win the general election. Before 2012, the GOP tried to co-opt the extreme right and used their rhetoric, but after the 2012 election losses, the party took uncertain steps to distance itself from the movement. Today, the movement rather than the establishment seems to be dictating the party line, so there is paralysis in Washington once again. The leadership will still have to govern and legislate on some central issues-increase the debt limit, fund the government, and renew the authorization charter of the Export-Import Bank, among other things, and in so doing, further alienate Tea Party voters. The Republican-dominated House will no doubt stay away from the avoidable taboos, such as considering immigration reform (for which the Senate already passed its own bill one year ago!) and in consequence, one more time unintentionally secure the Latino vote for the Democratic Party. They will continue blocking the minimum wage raise and the Fair Paycheck Act, thereby losing the minorities and women's vote. In this context, the 2016 presidential horizon looks brilliantly promising for Democrats and their two presidential hopefuls, Hillary Clinton and Elizabeth Warren.The defeat of Virginia Representative and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in the June 10th Republican primary for the seventh Congressional district is symptomatic of deep divisions not only within the Republican Partybut in the electorate at large. Eric Cantor, a Republican with impeccable conservative credentials who had been re-elected seven times and who was first in line for House Speaker,lost by ten solid points to a little known college professor who ran against him by portraying him as the pro-Wall Street, pro-K Street typical Washington insider, indifferent from Main Street needs and demands. This race is very significant for several reasons. For starters, the anti-Washington, anti "corporate welfare" and anti-Wall Street sentiment is widespread among independent voters and those GOP legislators that have been "pro-bailout, pro-Obama stimulus spending and pro-immigration," as articulated by Tea Party leaders, live in fear of being chastened by voters.That is why this week Republicans in Congress who were holding their breath, are exhaling with a sense of relief as Senator Thad Cochran wins the primary runoff against Tea Party challenger ChrisMcDaniels who ran on a promise to voters that he would add his voice to the fight against Obamacare and big government spending. It appears then that the anti-incumbent sentiment has not been strong enoughto become a sustained trend: so far, only two sitting representatives have not won re-nomination in the House and all 18 Senate races have been won by those holding the seats, including Lindsay Graham of South Carolina, who was a leader in favor of Immigration Reform in the Senate, but has been vocal in confronting Obama with his dismal record in foreign policy, from Benghazi to Syria to Ukraine, and now all the way back to Iraq. But even pollsters have been taken by surprise in most cases, whether as to the narrowness of results (such as the one is Mississippi, which required a runoff election) or to the unfathomable upsets (Cantor's represents a historical defeat: no Majority leader had been voted out in a primary election since the nineteenth century). There are many reasons why nobody saw this coming, first among them the constant problem of voter turnout, especially in primaries, followed by new strategies by candidates (David Bratt, the college professor that beat Cantor, did door -to -door canvassing, taking time to speak to prospective voters, and he beat a competitor who had outspent him 40 to 1) and by the strong commitment of a small group of activists that mobilized the grassroots against Cantor's pro-business stance. The outcome of these races is further complicated by the fact that many Democrats are taking part in open primaries, which makes them even more unpredictable. Democrats participated in both races, voting against the incumbent, Cantor, in Virginia (he was perceived as the main obstacle for bringing to the floor a vote on immigration bills that apparently would have had the votes to pass) and in favor of incumbent, veteranSenator Thad Cochran in Mississippi (he courted the African American vote, pointing out the amount of federal funds he had brought to the state in his 36 years as Senator, and they acquiesced, fearing Mc Daniels would be a worse choice for their interests in such a red state as Mississippi).These idiosyncratic variations and distortions should not distract us from the fact that the defeat of ultra-conservative House Majority leader from a white, affluent Richmond suburb is extremely significant and will have many ramifications in the near future. First and foremost, it has led to an immediate reshuffle of the party internal House leadership, as Cantorresigned his post as Majority leader. The first in line to fill his post, House whip Kevin McCarthy from California, used his insider skills to mobilize his contacts and call in his favors fast enough to pre-empt a challenge by a Tea Party congressman from Idaho, Raul Labrador, in a secret, internal party ballot. He has thus become Majority leader only eight years after he was first elected to Congress for California 23rd district. If re-elected in November, he will be first in line for House Speaker when Rep. Boehner gives up his post. This coveted position would have been Cantor's crowning achievement after a solid career of 14 years in Congress: he had hoped to become the first Jewish Speaker of the House.In spite of McCarthy's success in pre-empting challenges from outside the party leadership, the next one in line to move into McCarthy's whip position, deputy whip Peter Roskam from Illinois, lost the ballot to Tea Party challenger Steve Scalise from Louisiana, who mobilized the vote of Southern legislators and won, thereby establishing a presence for the movement inside the GOP hierarchy. Scalise, who was elected to Congress in 2008, has also risen rapidly through the ranks, as chairman of the ultra-conservative Republican Study Group and as a vocal advocate against big government.Party Whips in Congress are in charge of counting votes for and against legislation. They are enforcers, offering incentives and doling out punishments for votes among their caucus members. Their role becomes particularly important in close votes. The whip is also the main liaison between the party leadership and the rank and file.Primaries are proving to be much more dangerous for establishment Republicans than a prospective national election at the end of this year, in which they are poised to win both some Senate and House seats, mainly due to slow economic growth and low support for Obama, but more pointedly due to the opportunity created by the retirement of a significant number of long-serving senior legislators. Rather than the November election challenge against Democrats, primaries have become the main obstacle to surmount and the main focus of funding for incumbents and party establishment candidates. Memories of seats lost due to Tea party primary winners in the national 2010 and 2012 election still loom heavily in GOP minds. Karl Rove's words of advice to both the Tea Party activists and the GOP leadershipin February of 2010 still resonate in the halls of Congress:"If Tea party groups are to maximize their influence on policy, they must now begin the difficult task of disassociating themselves from cranks and conspiracy nuts. This includes 9/11 deniers, "birthers" who insist Barack Obama was not born in the U.S., and militia supporters espousing something vaguely close to armed rebellion.""The GOP is also better off if it foregoes any attempt to merge with the tea party movement. The GOP cannot possibly hope to control the dynamics of the highly decentralized galaxy of groups that make up the tea party movement. There will be troubling excesses and these will hurt Republicans if the party is formally associated with tea party groups" (Wall Street Journal, Feb. 18 2010).Because they are extremely vocal as well as media favorites (whether to disparage or to endorse them) and have made some undeniable inroads into the halls of power, the Tea Partiers have indeed made a splash in US politics, and they have re-shaped the agenda on issues of taxes and spending (with mixed success). But so far this term, 273 of 275 House incumbents and 18 out of 18 Senators have won re-nomination, even if in most House cases these contests were won by small margins. This is evidence that there is still somediscipline in party ranks, and newcomers are forced to follow the party leadership. For example in Kentucky, Sen. Rand Paul, largely recognized as the presidential candidate for Tea-Partiers and libertarians alike, did not campaign in favor of the Tea Party candidate who was running against Senate Minority leader Mitch McConnell, and gave the former only lukewarm support. Senator McConnell, a tough, seasoned veteran, was reported to have had a private, one-on-one, closed-doors conversation with Rand Paul before the primary campaign started…It then becomes clear that membership still has its privileges, and the Tea Partiers' disdain for insider politicking and the compromises required by politics in general won't take them very far. That is the stuff of politics, so now these political neophytes are getting into the fray, they will have to learn a few organizational lessons from the savvy insiders they are trying to replace. Nonetheless, one of the first comments made by Kevin McCarthy Fox News as he moved into Cantor's position was that "Yes, he would let the Export-Import Bank (reauthorization) to expire because it is something the private sector can do better". This represents a reversal from his 2012 position, and one that distances him from the business community and the party establishment, who want the Bank to remain. (Tea Partiers want to do away with the Ex-Im, the IRS and the Department of Education, among other institutions they find superfluous). In another interview, McCarthy asserted that the GOP had more to gain (politically) if it moved closer to libertarian ideas. So it has become apparent then, that the Tea Party as a movement and as a faction of the Republican Party is here to stay, at least for the near future. Its strength will depend on how they can accommodate their desires to the realities of governing the United States of America in the XXI century.María Fornella-Oehninger - Comparative Politics Professor, Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Virginia.

Il presente lavoro prende le mosse da un'analisi filosofica del determinismo genetico sia nella forma che ha preso negli ambiti del razzismo scientifico e dell'eugenetica classica che nel paradigma che sembra configurarsi nella nuova eugenetica americana. L'esigenza di tale analisi nasce dalla considerazione che il modello deterministico dell'agire umano e la concezione meccanicistica del mondo risultano non aver mai abbandonato la cultura moderna e contemporanea, nonostante l'avvento della ragione illuminista e l'apparente liberazione dell'umanità dalle pastoie della tradizione della necessità e della superstizione. Da tale riflessione scaturisce il bisogno di una comprensione teoretica che abbracci non solo il doloroso e barbaro passato recente del razzismo e dell'eugenetica novecentesca ma anche quelle odierne correnti all'interno della scienza ufficiale che nel nostro presente ripropongono esplicitamente e sotto nuova forma modelli biologici ed etici ritenuti ormai superati ed invalidati. Uno dei concetti attorno a cui ha ruotato tale analisi è stato quello di identità personale, che declinato biologicamente nel credo razzista ed eugenetico diviene il fondamento e la soluzione alla krisis ed alle esigenze di conservazione politiche dello status quo, provando scientificamente in tal modo l'inutilità dei cambiamenti nell'organizzazione sociale, la necessità della stratificazione della società in classi e l'emarginazione socio-politica. Inoltre si è esaminato l'attuale orizzonte normativo relativo alla protezione giuridica del vivente e delle invenzioni biotecnologiche in Italia, approfondendo gli aspetti giuridici dell'istituto del brevetto quando applicato nei campi biochimico e biotecnologico. Nel primo capitolo si ripercorre, a mo' di introduzione, la storia e la preistoria della genetica classica e moderna presentando le figure e le dottrine fondamentali che hanno caratterizzato le diversi fasi di tale disciplina. Dopo aver presentato ed esposta le diverse teorie sull'ereditarietà pre-mendeliane, sia antiche (come quelle di autori classici come Ippocrate, Aristotele e Teofrasto e di enciclopedisti arabi come Al-Jahiz), che moderne (i sistemi e le idee di van Leeuwenhoek, Linneo, Kolreuter, von Gartner, Haudin, Sageret e Lamarck), si passa ad approfondire il lavoro e le leggi di Mendel e del mendelismo, la fondazione della genetica classica (con le teorie di Boveri, Sutton, Morgan, Fischer e Dobzhansky), la scoperta del DNA da parte di Watson e Crick e le recenti teorie evolutive di Gould ed Eldredge. Successivamente si illustra la nascita della teoria e della prassi dell'eugenetica ottocentesca e novecentesca postulandone una natura tra scienza e scientismo che sarà poi confermata dal caso dell'eugenetica nazista. Infine, sempre in tale capitolo, si descrivono e riassumono lo sviluppo della genetica e delle biotecnologie attraverso i progressi tecnologici e scientifici dell'ingegneria genetica e la scoperta di nuove tecniche e metodologie di manipolazione del vivente (PCR e le scoperte di Cohen-Chang e di Boyer) che hanno condotto verso l'esigenza di una sempre maggiore e più approfondita conoscenza del patrimonio genetico umano, favorendo la nascita di grandi progetti di ricerca e di analisi, come lo Human Genome Project a partire dagli anni Novanta e l'International HapMap Project, con finalità di ricerca non solo nel campo della diversità genetica umana e fisico-antropologica ma anche e soprattutto nel settore medico e farmaceutico con lo studio delle variabili genetiche alla base di sintomi e malattie, favorendo in tal modo la nascita della farmacogenomica e della farmacogenetica. Nel secondo capitolo si affrontano le questioni relative agli effetti della dottrina del determinismo genetico (come paradigma filosofico-scientifico) in relazione all'identità biologica. Vengono ripercorse ed illustrate la nascita e lo sviluppo del concetto di razza (correlato a quello di specie) e dell'ideologia del razzismo scientifico a partire da autori come Ray e Bernier ed approfondendo la teorie di Linneo, Leclerc, Blumenbach, De Gobineau e Müller per giungere a trattare dei sistemi e cataloghi razziali di Broca, Deniker, von Eickstedt, Fritzsch, Stratz, Biasutti e Sergi. Segue il riferimento ai lavori ed ai risultati scientifici, che a partire dagli anni Cinquanta dello scorso secolo con Montagu, hanno da una parte dimostrato l'inesistenza delle razze umane e dall'altra sviluppato - a partire dagli anni Sessanta grazie a Cavalli-Sforza - un albero evolutivo su basi genetiche delle popolazioni della specie umana invalidando in tal modo alcuni dei modelli delle migrazioni umane alla base del razzismo scientifico (come anche il poligenismo di Coon e l'evoluzione multiregionale di Wulpoff). Ne risulta dunque rafforzato il recente modello teorico detto "Out of Africa" ovvero dell' "origine africana recente". Inoltre vengono citate le recenti posizioni scientifiche di autori e scienziati che a partire dagli anni Novanta hanno tentato di reintrodurre il concetto di razza in antropologia, biologia e nel campo della ricerca medica e della diagnostica clinica (Rushton, Lahn, Shriver e Risch) andando ad avvalorare in taluni casi tesi razziste di natura politica o economica (Herrnstein, Murray, Entine e Duke). Ed è a partire da questa ricostruzione storica e filosofico-scientifica che si vuole evidenziare come il determinismo genetico, proprio di una visione meccanicistica del mondo dei fenomeni fisici, naturali, sociali ed umani, sia il fattore più importante nella formazione e corroborazione scientifica delle ideologie razziste ed eugenetiche. Tale determinismo di natura biologica rientra nella categoria più ampia di tutte quelle concezioni culturali sul mondo di tipo meccanicistico volte a preservare l'ordine sociale e politico vigente e miranti a dare una spiegazione ragionevolmente sufficiente ed esauriente del motivo della diversità degli stati e delle condizioni degli uomini e delle diverse classi sociali. In tali prospettive anche il comportamento e la libertà di scelta dell'uomo vengono predeterminati in modo da ridurre ulteriormente le possibilità di variazione ed alterazione della struttura vigente. Inoltre l'utilizzo e la deformazione politica ed ideologica di alcuni dei risultati e dei dati della ricerca genetica, nonché l'individuazione e l'impiego dei soli dati e concetti isolati dal resto al fine di confermare concezioni e prassi politiche già consolidate, hanno fatto passare in secondo piano il progressivo affrancamento e la crescente liberazione dell'uomo dai vincoli naturali ed assoggettanti della materia avvenute a partire dalla modernità con lo sviluppo della scienza moderna, vanificando il concetto stesso di storia, la quale è storia degli individui e storia delle comunità, ovvero un percorso proprio unicamente all'umanità, che, come Vico ha insegnato, può conoscere con il massimo grado di approssimazione soprattutto ciò che essa stessa ha contribuito a creare. Nel terzo capitolo viene esaminato l'attuale panorama giuridico e normativo italiano relativo alla tutela del vivente globalmente inteso e alla tutela delle biotecnologie e degli organismi geneticamente modificati (considerati all'interno dell'istituto brevettuale sullo stesso piano delle invenzioni progettuali) evidenziando analogie e differenze tra il brevetto classico di origine e derivazione meccanica e quello più recente biotecnologico attraverso il confronto delle trasformazioni che il primo ha subito al subentrare delle pratiche ed interpretazioni brevettuali relative alle innovazioni prima in campo chimico e poi in quello biologico. Tale analisi giuridica si pone come necessaria nell'economia del lavoro di tesi in considerazione del fatto che l'adozione di una teoria sistemica che presenti aspetti sia meccanicistici che deterministici nella spiegazione generale dei fenomeni comporti inevitabilmente, nella sua considerazione e valutazione all'interno del panorama dei valori, la "caduta" del significato dell'uomo e del vivente (e delle metodologie manipolative su tale vivente) ad oggetto, quindi a prodotto o procedura brevettabile alla stregua di ogni altra merce. In una prima parte vengono approfonditi gli aspetti legislativi in riferimento sia alla tutela del vivente, in generale, che alla tutela dell'integrità genetica ecosistemica ed umana. Tali aspetti vengono rilevati a partire da come essi sono sanciti dalla Costituzione e dalle leggi italiane, tenendo conto anche delle specifiche direttive europee e dei principi sottesi a tale direttive: è il caso segnatamente del fondamentale principio di precauzione, che trova largo impiego in molte delle questioni pratiche connesse alla valutazione, alla gestione del rischio, all'immissione ed al rilascio o commercializzazione degli organismi geneticamente modificati, nonché alla biosicurezza ed al monitoraggio nel controllo della diffusione degli stessi. Nella seconda parte si illustrano poi le motivazioni ed i meccanismi che hanno portato all'impiego dei brevetti anche nelle procedure di innovazione biotecnologica e nelle modificazioni di organismi complessi, a partire dal primo brevetto di microrganismi biotecnologici negli anni Ottanta (con rimando alla sentenza statunitense "Diamond v. Chakrabarty"), brevetti che hanno trovato un utile e oggi diffuso impiego in campo farmaceutico. Come noto, il brevetto come diritto di proprietà intellettuale garantisce anche un diritto economico nello sfruttamento dell'opera da parte dell'inventore titolare a cui ne viene attribuita la "paternità" tutelando ed impedendo allo stesso tempo che terzi concorrenti traggano profitti dall'utilizzo o dalla vendita dell'opera. Questa protezione e temporanea esclusività dell'opera costituirebbe per alcuni anche un giusto riconoscimento da parte della collettività verso l'inventore (e verso l'imprenditore) per gli sforzi, l'impegno ed i costi affrontati nella ricerca necessaria al raggiungimento di tali risultati. Inoltre, per essere oggetto di brevetto un'invenzione deve presentare i tre requisiti di novità, non evidenza ed utilità. Come alcuni hanno notato, il brevetto relativo alle "risorse" biologiche e genetiche (ad esempio: materiale biologico, sequenze genetiche, OGM come microrganismi o animali) sono il risultato del "paradigma culturale dell'informazione", in qui il mondo organico e vivente diventa sussumibile e rappresentabile solamente attraverso l'informazione (biologica, genetica o informatica) in esso virtualmente contenuta, ciò a detrimento del supporto dell'informazione stessa – supporto che tende a passare sempre di più in secondo piano. Il meccanismo di passaggio che ha portato la tipologia originale di brevetto artefattuale, ossia quello meccanico e progettuale nato nel Settecento dopo la Rivoluzione Francese, verso quello derivato biotecnologico ed "informatico" è costituito dalla categoria giuridica intermedia del brevetto del vivente vegetale, attraverso il Plant Patent Act del 1930 – atto in cui venne consentita negli Stati Uniti il brevetto di quelle piante che potevano essere ottenute attraverso la riproduzione asessuata, possibilità che inoltre fu successivamente estesa dal Plant Variety Protection Act nel 1970 anche a tutte quelle varietà vegetali in grado di riprodursi per via sessuale. Il brevetto di tipo biotecnologico è stato infine sancito definitivamente come brevetto di "informazione" nella Direttiva Europea 98/44/CE, nonché nella disciplina statunitense. Tale trasformazione ontologica del brevetto non rappresenta solamente il passaggio verso un diverso paradigma giuridico ma l'introduzione e l'adesione ad un modello filosofico-scientifico totalmente diverso nei suoi principi e nelle sue conseguenze. In tale modello il vivente presenta caratteri puramente meccanicistici, non probabilistici e deterministici, dato che la materia organica e quella inorganica giungono ad equivalersi in quanto strutturate e dirette dalla medesima composizione di elementi fisico-chimici e di forze in moto (gli organismi come macchine o bio-artefatti). Contro tale mutamento di paradigma si sono comunque verificati casi di opposizione in ambito giuridico, come nel caso della Corte Suprema del Canada che ha escluso di principio la brevettabilità di organismi biologici al fine di impedire la brevettazione dell'essere umano stesso, o di sue parti. Inoltre possiamo osservare che il modello della "macchina vivente" qui tratteggiato, quando viene applicato al mondo vivente ed organico, a partire dal mondo vegetale fino a quello umano, è animato dal principio di "riduzione" della complessità di tale vivente, riduzione che è frutto della distorsione teoretica ed epistemologica delle possibilità di variazione, che dapprima si presentano come errore e casualità nell'ambito vegetale ed animale, per configurarsi come intenzionalità, libertà ed autonomia nella strutturazione del pensiero e dell'azione decidente in ambito umano. Un ulteriore aspetto della brevettabilità biotecnologica è la critica economica e politica rivolta al modello economico all'interno del quale il brevetto ha origine e trova il suo luogo naturale e al fatto che la maggior parte dei brevetti vengano detenuti da società ed imprese multinazionali determinando in tal modo una nuova forma di colonialismo commerciale nei confronti dei paesi emergenti e del Sud del mondo - un colonialismo biologico e genetico definito bio-pirateria. Divenendo molte delle risorse genetico-biologiche sia vegetali che animali di tali paesi oggetto di brevetto da parte delle multinazionali occidentali, secondo alcuni teorici verrebbe a porsi l'esigenza di una revisione dell'istituto brevettuale alla luce dei principi della democrazia e della giustizia internazionale.

From the book's Foreword: In the early 1970s, the U.S. Army Center of Military History contracted with BDM Corporation for a history of U.S. efforts to counter Soviet air and missile threats during the Cold War. The resulting two-volume History of Strategic Air and Ballistic Missile Defense covers the years 1945-1972 when the strategic arms competition between the United States and the Soviet Union was at its height. The study was first published for limited distribution in 1975 and recently declassified with minimal redaction. These volumes address the passive and active defense strategies, technologies, and techniques adopted by both U.S. and Soviet defense planners. Much of their actions centered around three common questions: How might we be attacked? How shall we defend our country? What can technology do to solve the basic problems of defending against this new intercontinental threat? ; Shipping list no.: 2009-0036-S ; Includes bibliographical references and index ; v. 1. 1945-1955 -- v. 2. 1956-1972 ; Volume 2: 1956-1972 -- Foreword -- Preface -- Executive Summary -- A: Introduction -- B: Setting -- 1: Influential factors -- 2: Context in 1955 -- 3: General overview -- C: Strategic actions -- 1: Parallel decisions during the period -- 2: Contrasts in choice -- 3: Tactics-US-Soviet air and missile defense strategy -- D: Conclusions -- 1: Summary judgments -- 2: Conclusion -- Chapter 1: US And Soviet Strategies For Strategic Air And Missile Defense, 1955-1972: A Comparison -- A: Introduction -- B: What was different from the first decade? -- 1: 1955 environment -- 2: 1955 problem-where to go next -- 3: Options-more defense or more offense -- C: Contrasting responses -- 1: Importance of air defense strategy -- 2: Impact of technology on strategic options -- 3: Summary-US-Soviet air and missile defense strategy -- 4: Judgments -- D: Reasons and influences -- 1: Parallel decisions during the period -- 2: Corollaries and consequences -- 3: Implications for US air/missile defense -- E: Conclusion -- Chapter 2: Blue Air Defense Strategy, 1955-1972 -- A: Administrative note -- B: Introduction and abstract -- C: Prelude to 1955 -- D: Blue strategy, 1955-1972 -- 1: 1955-4 October 1957: Emphasis on the air-breathing threat defense (the decision to build up the air defense system) -- 2: 4 October 1957-January 1961: Reevaluation of the strategic threat (the decision to deploy first generation IRBMs/ICBMs) -- 3: January 1961-January 1968: McNarma years -- 4: Decision not to deploy a ballistic missile defense system -- 5: Calendar years 1968-1972 plans for the future of air defense -- E: Summary -- 1: Politics of congress as it affected air defense -- 2: JCS/service participation in air defense strategy -- 3: Impact of detente on air defense -- 4: Decision 1: Build-up of the air defense system, January 1955 -- 5: Decision 2: Decision to deploy first generation IRBM/ICBMs of 1958 -- 6: Decision 3: Decisions not to deploy new air defense systems in the 1959-1962 period -- 7: Decision 4: Decision not to deploy a ballistic missile defense system through September 1967 -- 8: Decision 5: Decision for detente -- Annexes -- 1: CONUS air defense "master plan" -- 2: DERs and DEW line -- 3: Phasedown of C2 systems, 1958-1963 -- 4: Threat assessments in a secondary source -- 5: Changing threat estimates, 1954-1956 -- Chapter 3: Soviet Air And Defense Strategy -- A: Introduction -- B: Studies of behavior -- 1: Introduction -- 2: Great debate in military thought -- 3: Public statements on antiballistic missile defense capabilities -- C: Major decisions -- 1: Role of major decisions -- 2: Decision to deploy SAMs extensively -- 3: Decision to revamp the National Air Defense Forces -- 4: Decision to upgrade civil defense -- 5: Decision to continue a major role for fighter aviation -- 6: Decision to deploy ABMs -- 7: Decision to negotiate an ABM treaty -- D: Major factors shaping Soviet strategy -- 1: Factors -- 2: Threat perception -- 3: Reaction and interaction-the APVO case -- 4: Response to major events and crises -- 5: Relative importance of strategic defense -- 6: Budgetary constraints -- E: Soviet strategy-a synthesis -- 1: Basic thrust of Soviet strategy -- 2: Rationale of Soviet strategy -- 3: Weapons and resource strategy -- 4: Summary -- Chapter 4: American Systems -- Section 1: General -- A: Limitations -- B: Purpose -- C: Approach -- D: Chapter organization -- E: Analysis factors -- F: Status, end of 1955 -- 1: Approach -- 2: Organizational and command -- 3: Surveillance and early warning -- 4: Fighter interceptors -- 5: Ground-based antiaircraft defenses -- 6: Strategy -- Section 2: Air Defense, 1956-1972 -- A: Approach -- B: 1956-1960 -- 1: Organization, command, and control -- 2: Surveillance and early warning -- 3: Fighter interceptors -- 4: Antiaircraft gun and SAM defenses -- 5: Operational problems -- C: 1961-1964 -- 1: Organization, command, and control -- 2: Surveillance and early warning -- 3: Fighter interceptors -- 4: Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM) defenses -- 5: Operational problems -- D: 1965-1968 -- 1: Status of the air defense system, January 1965 -- 2: Organization, command, and control -- 3: Surveillance and early warning -- 4: Fighter interceptors -- 5: Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM) defenses -- 6: Modernized air defense concept -- E: 1969-1972 -- 1: Organization, command, and control -- 2: Surveillance and early warning -- 3: Fighter interceptors -- 4: Surface-to-Air Missile (Sam) Defenses -- 5: Air defense of the southern United States -- 6: Air defense with reduced forces -- 7: Planning directives -- 8: Air defense of ABM facilities -- F: 1972 view of future system requirements -- 1: Performance characteristics deficiencies in the 1972 air defense force system -- 2: New system development -- 3: Modernized air defense concept -- 4: Recommended force levels, modernized air defense force -- G: Characteristics and strategic implications deduced from the development, deployment, and modification of the air defense system, 1945-1972 -- 1: General -- 2: Significant events -- 3: Air defense in a continental perspective -- 4: System deployments -- 5: Significance of the threat -- Section 3: Ballistic Missile Defense -- A: Approach -- B: New dimension -- C: Nike Zeus development -- 1: Early years -- 2: Assignment of responsibilities -- 3: Early plans -- 4: Conflicting factors -- 5: Accelerated deployment -- D: Nike-X is born -- E: Assured destruction and damage limitation -- 1: McNamara's inconsistency -- 2: Back to the drawing board -- F: Limited Nike-X: the Chinese threat -- G: Sentinel decision -- H: Sentinel deployment -- I: Demise of sentinel -- J: Safeguard -- K: SALT -- Section 4: Space defense -- A: Approach -- B: Missile and space surveillance and warning systems -- 1: Authority -- 2: Composition -- 3: BMEWS -- 4: SLBM warning system -- 5: Over-the-horizon, forward scatter radar (440L) -- 6: Space detection and tracking system -- 7: Defense Support Program (DSP) -- C: Space defense system -- D: Status-1972 -- Section 5: Civil defense, 1955-1972 -- A: Introduction -- B: History -- C: Threat perceptions -- D: Congress, shelters, and the ABM -- E: Conclusions -- Chapter 5: Soviet Systems For Strategic Defense -- A: Introduction -- B: Systems of PVO strany -- 1: Systems of anti-aircraft defense aviation (APVO) -- 2: Systems of anti-aircraft defense missile troops (ZRV) -- 3: ABM systems -- 4: Systems of the radiotechnical troops (RTV) -- C: Soviet civil defense systems -- 1: Overview -- 2: Post-1955 developments (1955-1962) -- 3: 1962-1968 -- 4: Civil defense and the ABM -- 5: Civil defense and limited conflicts -- 6: Perceptions of the western threat -- 7: Psychological /ideological implications -- 8: 1968-1972 -- Appendixes -- A: Chronology of American air defense systems (1956-1972) -- B: Chronology of ballistic missile and space defense (1955-1972) -- C: Chronology of Soviet air defense systems (1956-1972) -- Glossary -- Bibliography -- Index ; Volume 1: 1945-1955 -- Foreword -- Preface -- Executive summary -- Chapter 1: American And Soviet Strategy: A Comparison -- A: Factors influencing air defense development and deployment, 1945-1950 -- 1: Perspectives of the threat and strategic realities -- 2: Impetus for decisions -- 3: Influence of intelligence and some economic limitations -- Increasing focus on Europe -- 5: Strategic concepts -- 6: Domestic political considerations -- 7: Decision style -- 8: Significant initial air defense decisions -- B: Systems developments -- 1: Unilateral efforts, service concepts, and continuing momentum in a context of challenge and change -- 2: Air defense systems components -- C: Factors influencing development and deployment, 1950-1955 -- 1: Air defense requirements and related actions -- 2: Summer study group-other air defense views -- 3: Soviet perspectives after Stalin -- 4: Evolution of the "new look"-NSC 162 -- 5: Growing differences -- D: Systems development -- 1: Overview -- 2: Air defense system components -- E: Summary judgments -- Chapter 2: American Strategy For Air And Ballistic Missile Defense -- A: 1945-1950: Entering the atomic era -- 1: World War II heritage -- 2: Immediate postwar developments -- 3: Planning and developing an air defense -- 4: Summary: 1943-1950 -- B: 1950-1955: Defense against the World War II threat -- 1: Strategic interaction: impact of the Korean War -- 2: Strategic interaction: the Soviet thermonuclear device I -- 3: Summary: 1950-1955 -- 4: Evaluation of US Strategic Air Defense 1945-1955 -- Chapter 3: Soviet Strategy For Air And Ballistic Missile Defense -- A: Historical backdrop -- 1: Long-term factors -- 2: Soviet air defense: the inter-war years -- 3: World War II experience -- B: Formative years, 1945-1950 -- 1: Strategic context -- 2: Organizational approach -- 3: Pursuit of systems development -- 4: Soviet strategy -- 5: Summary: 1945-1950 -- C: System established, 1950-1955 -- 1: Strategic context -- 2: Organizational integrity achieved -- 3: Systems mix in transition -- 4: Interim strategy -- 5: Korean proving ground -- 6: Summary: 1950-1955 -- D: Decision making in Soviet air and ballistic defense -- 1: Problem of data -- 2: Major actors -- 3: Influences on decision making -- 4: Consequences -- E: Appraisal for the first decade -- 1: Accomplishments of the period -- 2: Relative values -- 3: Absolute values -- 4: Strategic decisions: why and how -- Chapter 4: American Systems -- A: Introduction -- B: History of civil defense -- 1: World War II background -- 2: Initial civil defense planning -- 3: Civil defense operating agencies, 1951 -- 4: Period from 1952-1955 -- C: History of surface-to-air missiles -- 1: Background -- 2: AAF-ASF split -- 3: Work begins on Nike and GAPA -- 4: Race of the engineers -- 5: Bureaucratic struggle over missile programs -- D: History of antiballistic missiles -- 1: Technological problems -- 2: World War II experience -- 3: Post-war developments -- E: History of jet interceptors -- 1: Background -- 2: Shift to jet interceptors -- 3: Summary -- 4: Decisions for Supersonic Interceptors, 1948-1955 -- 5: Summary: 1950-1955 -- F: History of early warning systems, 1945-1955 -- 1: Introduction -- 2: DEW line -- 3: Track II-Lashup -- 4: Track III-Supremacy and the "permanent" system -- 5: Track IV-Mid-Canada line -- 6: Track V-Pinetree line -- G: History of command and control, 1945-1955 -- 1: Introduction -- 2: Pre-1945 decisions -- 3: Immediate post-war decisions -- 4: Korean War period -- 5: Post-Korean War developments -- 6: Summary -- Chapter 5: Soviet Systems -- A: Introduction -- B: History of fighter aircraft of PVO -- 1: Pre-war experience -- 2: Performance of Soviet aviation during WWII -- 3: Post-World War II developments -- 4: Observations based on the evolution of interceptor designs -- C: Antiaircraft artillery and surface-to-air missiles -- 1: World War II experience -- 2: Post-War development (1945-1955) -- 3: Evaluation -- D: History of early warning systems -- 1: Pre-1945 developments -- 2: Assessment of post-war requirements -- 3: Developments after 1945 -- 4: Summary -- E: History of civil defense in the Soviet Union, 1945-1955 -- 1: Introduction -- 2: Post-war developments: general -- 3: Organization -- 4: Training -- 5: Shelters, evacuation, and dispersal -- 6: Summary -- Appendixes -- A: Concepts of air defense before 1945 -- B: Chronology of American air and ballistic missile defense systems -- C: Chronology of Soviet air and ballistic missile defense -- D: Figures -- Bibliography -- Index ; From the book's Foreword: In the early 1970s, the U.S. Army Center of Military History contracted with BDM Corporation for a history of U.S. efforts to counter Soviet air and missile threats during the Cold War. The resulting two-volume History of Strategic Air and Ballistic Missile Defense covers the years 1945-1972 when the strategic arms competition between the United States and the Soviet Union was at its height. The study was first published for limited distribution in 1975 and recently declassified with minimal redaction. These volumes address the passive and active defense strategies, technologies, and techniques adopted by both U.S. and Soviet defense planners. Much of their actions centered around three common questions: How might we be attacked? How shall we defend our country? What can technology do to solve the basic problems of defending against this new intercontinental threat? ; Mode of access: Internet.

Author's introductionAlthough there has been a considerable body of research on families and family life in general, relatively little attention has been paid to family leisure, family time, and the role that leisure activities play within the family context. Evidence of increased time stress within families suggests that family time may be highly constrained. However, this situation may also have led to family time becoming increasingly desired and valued. Family leisure is deemed to be beneficial for families in a number of ways, because it provides a context for enhancing family relationships and strengthening family ties. Family leisure can also be seen to reflect and contribute to new and emerging ideologies about motherhood and fatherhood, with both positive and negative implications for parents and for families.Author recommends Daly, Kerry J. Families and Time: Keeping Pace in a Hurried Culture (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1996).This classic work shows the importance of understanding the concept of time and how families use time and allocate time to a wide range of activities. The author discusses how the experience of time within families has changed throughout history and how perspectives of time are profoundly influenced by socio‐cultural factors. Parents today, it is argued, are caught between an increasingly 'hurried culture' and their own desire to protect family time. Control over time allocation is seen as a crucial, but challenging, aspect of family life. Samuel, Nicole (ed.). Women, Leisure and the Family: A Multinational Perspective (Wallingford, UK: CAB International, 1996).This book was one of the first to address the complex issue of family leisure. Moreover, its international perspective brings together research on this topic from different parts of the world, providing comparisons between countries in a variety of socio‐economic situations. The focus of the text is on women, highlighting the significant role that mothers play in facilitating family activities and the importance of family leisure to women. The constraints on women's personal leisure due to traditional ideologies and gender relations are also discussed, as well as the potential for leisure as a source of empowerment and autonomy. Kay, Tess (ed.). Special Issue of the Leisure Studies Journal: Fathering through Leisure (Milton Park, UK: Routledge, 2006).This volume is a collection of academic papers on leisure and fatherhood. Because much of the early research on family leisure focussed on women and mothers, this special journal issue represents a more inclusive gender analysis of this form of leisure. The collection of papers addresses a range of issues associated with fatherhood and leisure, including leisure as a context for fathering, changing ideologies of fatherhood, and how family leisure is practiced and experienced in different family situations. Hays, Sharon. The Cultural Contradictions of Motherhood (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996).This is a widely acclaimed book that addresses the tensions and strains of contemporary motherhood. The author draws on a variety of sources, including historical data about mothering, analysis of the advice provided in recent childrearing manuals and in‐depth interviews with mothers of young children. She argues that the contemporary model of appropriate mothering reflects an ideology of 'intensive motherhood' in which mothers are expected to be both tireless and unselfish in their constant dedication to caring for their children. This situation creates considerable difficulties and ambivalences for women – particularly employed mothers – as they seek to live up to the unrealistic expectations of modern‐day motherhood. Marsiglio, William, Greer Fox, and Kevin Roy (eds). Situated Fathering: A Focus on Physical and Social Spaces (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005).This edited book reflects recent scholarship on fathering and fatherhood. Bringing together theory and data from different disciplinary perspectives, the volume provides insight into the diversity of meanings and experiences of fatherhood in contemporary society, as well as discussion of the father–child relationship and men's behaviour as fathers. Different fathering contexts are explored, including step‐fatherhood, non‐residential fathers, incarcerated fathers, and farm fathers. The volume extends earlier scholarship about men's involvement with their children, men's identities as fathers, and how fathering practices relate to cultural prescriptions of masculinity. Gatrell, Caroline. Hard Labour: The Sociology of Parenthood (Maidenhead, UK: Open University Press, 2005).This Open University Press book provides an excellent overview of the literature on motherhood, fatherhood, and family practices. It also reports on a study of the lives of mothers and fathers, all of whom were combining parenthood with careers. Particular attention is paid to mothers' and fathers' commitments to child care and child rearing as well as their commitments to the workplace. The book focuses on the willingness of parents to share the tasks associated with care‐giving and household labour. Although willingness to share is evident, the author argues that a change in societal attitudes towards equitable parenting is needed, as well as a collective sense of responsibility and support for parents and families. Bianchi, Suzanne, Lynne M. Casper, and Rosalind Berkowitz King (eds). Work, Family, Health, and Well‐Being (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2005).This edited book includes a range of disciplinary perspectives on the study of work and family. It includes information on how families allocate time, the difficulties of managing family life and family time in the 24/7 economy, and 'workforce–workplace mismatch'. The particular challenges that face low‐income families and those who have to negotiate non‐standard work hours are addressed. The focus of the book is on health, including the well‐being of children, parents, and the family as a whole. The need for improved work and family‐related policies that would enhance family life and family well‐being is discussed.Online materials http://www.ifamily.ca/about/about.html The Vanier Institute of the Family is a national Canadian charitable organization dedicated to promoting the well‐being of all types and forms of families. Through access to a range of publications, reports, and links to statistical data, the website provides information and discussion on important issues and trends critical to the health and well‐being of families. The Institute is also involved in research, advocacy and educational work related to social and institutional policies that affect family life in a variety of ways. http://www.yorku.ca/arm/ The Association for Research on Mothering (ARM) promotes feminist scholarship on mothering and motherhood. It is also the home of Dementer Press and the Journal of the Association for Research on Mothering. The website provides information about journal articles and book publications, as well as upcoming conferences and other events. In addition to research promotion, ARM is also an outreach organization. It supports a mothers' group (Mother Outlaws) based in Toronto, a newsletter and various knowledge mobilization projects. Links to all these activities can be found on the website. http://www.fira.ca/ The Fatherhood Involvement Research Alliance comprises individuals, organizations and institutions dedicated to the development of and sharing of knowledge about fatherhood and fathering. It aims to build community–university alliances through providing linkages of communication between practitioners, academics, policy makers and the general public related to concerns and issues associated with father involvement. The website provides information on new research, as well as upcoming conferences, workshops, colloquiums, and other activities. http://www.childstats.gov/ This is the website of the US Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics. The Forum collects data on a range of issues related to children and families and regularly provides updated statistics and reports on topics such as health care, safety, education and the social environment. The Forum's annual report, America's Children: Key National Indicators of Well‐Being can be found at the website. http://www.academyofleisuresciences.org/index.html This is the website of the Academy of Leisure Sciences, an honorary organization made up of academics who have been elected to the Academy in recognition of their contributions to knowledge about leisure and recreation. The website lists the areas of expertise and research interests of the members of the Academy as well as information about books and journal article publications. http://www.leisure‐studies‐association.info/ The UK‐based Leisure Studies Association (LSA) was formed in 1975 to promote interest and foster research in leisure studies and to advance education in this field. The Association facilitates the exchange of ideas on contemporary leisure issues and provides a communication forum for practitioners and students and researchers from a variety of disciplines. The website provides information about LSA conferences and publications, including the Leisure Studies journal.Sample syllabusFamilies and family life Section 1: A brief introduction to the study of families

Families in historical perspective
Socio‐cultural perspectives on families
Diversity in family forms, settings, and meanings

Section 2: Using theory to understand family life

The Parsonian family
The family as a social system
Class and gender dimensions of families
Constructed families

Section 3: Motherhood and fatherhood

The cultural underpinnings of parenthood
Changing ideologies and discourses of motherhood and fatherhood
The expectations and contexts of contemporary parenthood

Section 4: The intersection of work and family

Work–family conflict
The impact of parenthood on paid and unpaid work
Gender equity and the division of household labour
Work structures, labour policies and family policies

Section 5: Family time

Assessing family time use
Time‐crunched families
The purposive nature of family time and family leisure
Divergent experiences and outcomes of family time
Motherhood, fatherhood, and leisure

ReadingsBianchi, Suzanne M., and Sara B. Raley 2005. 'Time allocation in families.' Pp. 21–42 in Work, Family, Health, and Well‐Being, edited by Suzanne M. Bianchi, Lynne M. Casper and Rosalind Berkowitz King. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Craig, Lynn 2006. 'Children and the Revolution: A Time–Diary Analysis of the Impact of Motherhood on Daily Workload.'Journal of Sociology 42: 125–143.Kay, Tess 1998. 'Having it All or Doing it All? The Construction of Women's Lifestyles in Time‐Crunched Households.'Loisir et Société21: 435–454.Daly, Kerry J. 1996. 'Time Together: The Social Construction of Family Time.' Pp. 66–84 in Families and Time: Keeping Pace in a Hurried Culture, by Kerry J. Daly. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Harrington, Maureen 2006. 'Family Leisure.' Pp. 417–432 in A Handbook of Leisure Studies, edited by Chris Rojek, Susan M. Shaw and A. J. (Tony) Veal. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.Zabriskie, Ramon B. and Brian P. McCormick 2001. 'The Influences of Family Leisure Patterns on Perceptions of Family Functioning.'Family Relations 50: 281–289.Shaw, Susan M. 2008. 'Family Leisure and Changing Ideologies of Parenthood.'Sociology Compass: http://www.blackwell‐synergy.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2007.00076.xCoakley, Jay 2006. 'The Good Father: Parental Expectations and Youth Sports.'Leisure Studies 25: 153–163. Section 6: Families, health, and well‐being

Time use, time stress, and health
Taking control of family time
Toward the development of health‐focussed family policies

Focus questions

What is meant by the terms 'family time' and 'family leisure'? How are these terms used in popular discourse (i.e., in the media or in everyday conversations)? How are these terms used in the research literature?
What are the challenges that researchers face in assessing and/or measuring time use, family time and family leisure? What factors need to be taken into account? (e.g., the nature or meaning of an activity? the location? the social context?)
What is the evidence for increasing time stress in contemporary families? What are the causes and consequences of time‐stressed families?
What do researchers mean by the term 'ideology'? In what ways does this concept help us to understand the experiences and practices of parenthood? What are the contemporary ideologies of motherhood and fatherhood?
How significant is family leisure for families today? What are the potential benefits of family leisure? What are the potential negative aspects? What are the relationships between family leisure, family time and ideologies of motherhood and fatherhood? In what ways do family leisure practices reinforce and/or resist these ideologies?

To analyse and compare the big powers' perspective on a Nordic country seems to require at least as much consideration for their economic as for the political interests. Whilst the British legation was predominantly concerned with Britain's economic interests the German legation focused on political issues. This does not mean that German-Finnish economic relations carried less weight but reflects a different organisation of the German foreign policy establishment and a different perception of mischief. Public opinion in Finland, culture and propaganda figure as secondary issues in both of the legations' sources. Whereas the British were apprehensive of German activity in the North the German conservative minister noted damage to the German image resulting from repugnant Nazi policy at home and abroad. Despite rising continental power German political influence in Finland suffered a substantial setback at the turn of 1936/1937. By the choice of Finnish voters a parliamentary majority on the left was established bringing to power a Centre-Left government and disposing a conservative president. The politics of the new foreign minister, Holsti, were disliked by the disposed Conservatives. The German minister in Finland, von Blücher, immediately adapted the Conservative's negative attitude. He also developed a strong personal aversion against Holsti perverting his reports continuously. Criticising Holsti's initiative to normalise strained relations with the Soviet Union Blücher aligned his position with that of Erkko – a right wing party fellow of Holsti. He had to acknowledge, however, the widely accepted political will to normalise eastern relations. The reports of the legations were characterised by opportunistic distortions. Whereas the British were quick to report a decline in German political influence, the German minister qualified the meaning of the political change in Finland by questioning the stability of the Centre-Left government and Holsti's position therein. The Germans readily acknowledged the weight of Finnish-British notably economic relations. Beyond that acknowledgement there was German frustration with the new Finnish foreign policy that did not always find its way into official reporting. In looking for the information opportune to their interests both legations had no difficulties finding influential Finns that provided the desired assessments of Finland's affairs. Central in the concern of the big powers about Finland was Finnish foreign policy. In spite of an official assertion of an unchanged foreign policy the Finnish prime minister speaking in private labelled the United Kingdom a 'protecting power'. Finns across the political spectrum, even Conservatives who traditionally stood for a close relationship with Germany, also desired a closer relationship with the UK. High-ranking political and weighty English business representatives descended in large numbers on Finland. Blücher, however, saw no sign of a formal political alignment and only acknowledged some concerns regarding future access to Finland's natural recourses. This relaxed attitude must not have been universal since the British legation perceived nervousness and distress among junior members of the German legation. According to indirect evidence the German leadership was disgruntled. The German-Finnish relationship had supporters in both countries including Göring and the grand old man of Finland, Mannerheim. While a rather forced visit of Holsti in Berlin did not solve political contradictions there were other unofficial high-level contacts that tried to alleviate stress in the relations. In observing closely and trying to influence by various means the opinion of ordinary Finns and the capital's elite a rivalry between German and British influence manifested itself. The reports about the official celebrations of the birthday of Finland's revered Mannerheim are an example of the diplomat's scrutiny. Their contrasting depictions and interpretations reveal conscious and unconscious whitewashing stemming sometimes from biased informants. Germany's perversion in the 1930s was initially perceived through the lenses of the inner-Finnish split between conservatives and social-democrats with the latter criticising fascism across Europe vigorously. As German policy became more radical – especially with the endangerment of peace in Europe during the Sudeten-Crisis, the pogroms of 1938 and the occupation of Prague – the conservative parts of the population and politicians were willing to criticise it and did so, though mostly in private. The German minister went as far as possible for a Reich's civil servant in outlining the negative repercussions for Germany's public and also more tangible interests in Finland in reporting to his foreign ministry. This is remarkable in light of previous whitewashing of reports. While there was ever more reason to criticise Germany the concurrent threat of war and entanglement which Finland wished to avoid at any price demanded a more radical interpretation of neutrality. Thus just when criticism of Nazi policy was spreading the government and the media consented to toning down their criticism of Germany in accordance with German diplomatic pressure to that end. Britain's role in the world of rising fascism enjoyed high respect in Finland. British foreign policy and the Finnish population shared the desire for maintaining peace in Europe. Absent from British official reports is how the UK's role in undermining the integrity of another small state – Czechoslovakia – in Munich marred its image temporarily. Germany went further than the UK in actually trying to shape her image in Finland. Propaganda was seen as a substitute for cooler political relations. Speedily transmitted German news items were placed in receptive Finnish conservative newspapers and used by the German minister as a basis for argumentation. Visits of outstanding speakers and the German radio's ordinary broadcasts had an effect limited to a German speaking elite which also proved ambivalent. To reach the general public the German legation promoted military visits. The German propaganda efforts attracted disproportionate attention in the British legation. Events including official German guests were carefully scrutinised and considerable room was devoted to evaluate the German propaganda's motive and effect. German propaganda was not seen as threatening but rather as futile, however. The German minister, on the other hand, was jealous at the strong interest in 'everything English' as compared to the modest efforts of Britain, whose British Council had only recently been founded. The success was disproportionate: promotion of English culture and the advent of Anglo-American cinema attracted a comparatively high degree of interest among the wider Finnish public. The establishment of an Anglo-American share in popular culture became discernible. The crises of 1938, especially the Sudeten crisis, brought about by German policy damaged the German moral reputation but served to increase her political clout also in the North. The League of Nations- and UK-orientated foreign policy of the despised Finnish foreign minister Holsti and came under attack by the still formidable conservative opposition. His position seemed increasingly unstable. A renewed commitment to western values by the Finnish Prime Minister in the run-up to the Sudeten crisis did not save him. The German minister seized upon the political constellation and helped to bring Holsti down. The minister's subsequent euphoria was understandable in light of his long-harboured aversion against Holsti and close relationship with Holsti's successor, Erkko. Such euphoria, however, proved not justifiable. Instead the German minister had to avoid inconsequential criticism of Erkko's anglophile policies as he was told frankly that English desire for increased exports was well founded. The British had no reason to worry. Erkko promised to defend the independence of the Finnish media against German pressure and put all his considerable clout behind supporting Finnish purchase of English goods. The gross predominance of economic issues in British reports is contrasted by the German ministers almost complete disinterest in the issue. British economic difficulties in the thirties made trade a contentious issue that received much more attention than politics. Most noted was the contribution of trade with Finland to the general trade-deficit which seemed enormous considering the size of the countries' respective markets. Meanwhile German-Finnish trade grew in volume while British-Finnish trade stagnated. British industrialists highlighted the unfair methods that Germany employed for steering trade. The possibility of their subsequent demands for protectionism and control of trade being adapted by British politicians frightened Finnish industry. Some British officials were willing to employ scare tactics but diplomats on the ground recognised that the competitive disadvantages were home-grown. However, they eagerly supported their exporters. Pressure was exercised to influence public spending whenever the legation learned about planned acquisitions. Finnish politicians tried to meet such demands although this often meant paying more than for comparable German goods. Diplomats reported correctly that interventions in the public sector worked due to the Finns' willing co-operation. Germany's efforts to secure rights of usage to a Finnish harbour in the polar sea were rejected. The most efficient contact person for economic interventions was the new and more powerful foreign minister to whose the Germans ironically had helped by bringing his predecessor down. Public spending was, however, too small a factor to revert the general trend in favour of German industry. A high frequency of mutual visits by traders and industrialists was a sign of willingness to widen economic relations. They resulted in declarations of good-will but were sometimes overshadowed by protectionist grumbling of English traders. Given a protectionist penchant in the Foreign Office and the difficulty of directing trade by mere declarations of good will the legation did a superb job in preventing conflict. The legation gave its reports a positive spin, alerted their superiors to the sensibilities of Finnish partners and sometimes meditated carefully between British and Finnish parties. A last high-level political visit of a Finnish cabinet minister in Finland passed smoothly in contrast to his visit in Sweden. By virtue of foreign minister Erkko, liked both with the German and the British ministers, Finland was well positioned to avoid being caught in the differences between Germany and the western powers. This ability to stay neutral was put on test in 1939 when Germany offered a non-aggression pact to serve its propaganda aims at a time when no country wanted to be closely associated with her, least of all neutrality-minded Finland. The Finns put Scandinavian unity over adherence to Germany's wishes by declining the offer. The legation could not avoid dissatisfaction at home. At the same time Finnish-British political relations began to suffer from talks on guaranteeing Finland in alliance with the Soviet Union. Finland's vehement opposition was a far more serious concern to the British than the symbolic German pact offer. In analogy to the pattern in dealing with economic relations it was the legation that defended Finnish interests whereas the London Foreign Office argued in favour of the Soviet alliance. Before the German minister could rejoice in the discontent the British created by negotiating with Moscow his own country signed Finland away in the Hitler-Stalin Pact without even informing him. From now on the threat of entanglement in a war forced Finland to heed German demands scrupulously. A purely political analysis is insufficient and economic relations are essential for a comprehensive and proper history of the big powers policy towards Finland in the time between the wars. On the purely political plane German influence grew relentlessly although orientation towards Germany was not desired by the Finnish government. The stronger Germany grew the more its demands for absolute political neutrality had to be heeded. On the other hand, a look at Finnish-British economic relations reveals a squarely pro-British orientation. Germany by contrast was denied access to the Finnish polar sea port of Petsamo. For the UK with its vast trade deficit increased exports to Finland were of paramount importance. Especially the reshaped Finnish government with Erkko as foreign minister directed public expenditure in favour of English industry wherever possible. Even Finnish conservatives who appreciated the value of retaining close ties with Germany were not opposed to expand Finnish-British relations. A comprehensive look at economics, politics and culture makes German pressure on Finland appear like a futile effort to prevent an outdated state of international relations by intimidation and control.

Mención Especial en Investigación Arquitectónica en el XXV Premio de Arquitectura convocado por el Colegio Oficial de Arquitectos de Huelva ; [SPA] La clase proletaria en España habría de recorrer un largo y tedioso trayecto de algunas décadas hasta la definitiva consecución del derecho a unas vacaciones anuales retribuidas. Esta demanda histórica será satisfecha por vez primera en la Constitución Republicana del año 1931, y consolidada algunos años después con la promulgación del Fuero del Trabajo de 1938, lo que llevará al régimen franquista a afrontar el reto de idear modelos para la organización del ocio y las vacaciones de los trabajadores del país. Con la mirada puesta en aquellas experiencias de problemática similar llevadas a cabo previamente por otros regímenes totalitarios en Italia, Alemania o Portugal, la conocida como Obra Sindical de Educación y Descanso instauraría en España una compleja red de albergues y residencias de veraneo con localizaciones diversas a lo largo y ancho de la geografía del país, resultando significativo el número de instalaciones de este tipo emplazadas en el ámbito litoral. El rotundo éxito que entre las masas trabajadoras cosechase la labor desempeñada por este organismo estatal durante las dos primeras décadas del régimen franquista, propiciaría el escenario idóneo para la implementación de un novedoso modelo para la organización, como sin duda el control, del descanso y el ocio estival de los productores españoles: las ciudades de vacaciones de Educación y Descanso. Promovidas durante el tramo intermedio de la década de los años cincuenta, la Obra Sindical de Educación y Descanso construiría en España hasta tres ciudades de vacaciones para trabajadores, ejecutadas ex nihilo como asentamientos autosuficientes estratégicamente localizados en privilegiadas parcelas a pie de playa, y destinadas no sólo a garantizar el descanso de sus residentes durante el asueto estival, sino también a un adoctrinamiento político que, de manera soterrada, se pondría en práctica en el distendido ambiente que estas instalaciones vacacionales ofrecerían. El modelo ciudad de vacaciones de Educación y Descanso, objeto de un profundo estudio en este trabajo, encuentra su punto de partida en la playa Larga de Tarragona, extendiéndose en pocos años a sendas parcelas en Marbella y Perlora, convirtiéndose así en una sutil avanzadilla de lo que la década siguiente depararía al litoral español. El presente trabajo se propone dar respuesta a tres interrogantes surgidos en torno a este novedoso modelo de organización y control del descanso proletario en España. El primero de ellos aborda la especificidad que, como consecuencia de sus singulares circunstancias, se le presume a este tipo de asentamientos vacacionales. Para ello, se ha elaborado un análisis comparativo entre las ciudades de vacaciones de Educación y Descanso y otros modelos alternativos para la organización de las masas trabajadoras en el territorio que, contemporáneamente, se estarían desarrollando en España tanto en las periferias de la ciudad industrial tradicional, como en el ámbito rural como resultado del proceso de urbanización al que el Instituto Nacional de Colonización sometería al campo español. El segundo de los interrogantes planteados en este trabajo aflora tras la elaboración del estado del conocimiento sobre la materia, y versa sobre la posible continuidad del modelo en el tiempo. Esta investigación pone en entredicho la literatura especializada en las ciudades de vacaciones de Educación y Descanso, que sitúa dicho modelo como un hecho puntual y aislado de la década de los cincuenta, negando de forma precipitada la existencia de experiencias adicionales promovidas durante la etapa final del régimen franquista. El tercer y último interrogante que se plantea en este trabajo se centra en la revisión del modelo, tratando de identificar la probable influencia que sobre el mismo ejerciera el cambio de contexto experimentado con la llegada de la década de los años sesenta, cuando el fenómeno turístico de masas, tanto nacional como internacional, irrumpiría definitivamente en las casi inalteradas costas de nuestro país. Como colofón de esta investigación se han planteado una serie de conclusiones como resolución de las hipótesis de partida formuladas en el trabajo. La identificación de algunos parámetros inherentes a las tres ciudades de vacaciones ejecutadas por Educación y Descanso en la década de los años cincuenta, como la especificidad de su programa o su especial posicionamiento respecto al lugar y el paisaje, ha resultado determinante a la hora de demostrar la singularidad de estos conjuntos respecto de otros modelos analizados para la organización de las clases obreras en el territorio. Así mismo, como aportación al conocimiento sobre la temática, se han documentado hasta dos nuevos proyectos de ciudades de vacaciones promovidos por Educación y Descanso en la segunda mitad de los años sesenta, en Guardamar del Segura (Alicante) y en Punta Umbría (Huelva), ignoradas hasta hoy por la bibliografía específica. A pesar de no haber sido ejecutadas, estas propuestas han permitido constatar las intenciones de la Obra Sindical de dar continuidad a su novedoso modelo de organización y control del descanso de los trabajadores durante la etapa final del régimen franquista, un periodo en el que, sin embargo, asistiremos a la pérdida de la hegemonía sobre las costas españolas de la institución estatal Educación y Descanso en beneficio de las arrolladoras promociones de apartamentos y hoteles de promoción privada que ocuparán a partir de entonces las privilegiadas posiciones a pie de playa. Este contexto obligará a introducir variaciones sustanciales sobre el modelo objeto de este trabajo ante la ineludible necesidad de competir con otras actuaciones que en el orden privado se comenzarían a ejecutar en el litoral español. Situado este episodio de las ciudades de vacaciones de Educación y Descanso dentro del debate sobre la gestación del fenómeno turismo de masas en España, se abren ahora nuevos interrogantes que conducen a futuras líneas de trabajo, como desentrañar las causas reales que llevaron a la Obra Sindical al abandono prematuro de un modelo aparentemente exitoso, o identificar las posibles reminiscencias del mismo sobre otras propuestas de organización del ocio turístico en el territorio implementadas en las décadas posteriores, como los denominados resorts turísticos que tan en boga estuvieron en España a partir de los años noventa. ; [ENG] The proletarian class in Spain had to go through a long and tedious journey of some decades until the final attainment of the right to a paid annual vacation. This historical demand was fulfilled in the Republican Constitution of 1931 and consolidated some years later with the enactment of the Jurisdiction of Labour in 1938. It made the Franco's regime face the challenge of devising models for the organization of leisure and vacation of workers. With an eye towards those similar experiences carried out previously by other totalitarian regimes in Italy, Germany or Portugal, the so-called Trade Union Work of Education and Rest established a complex network of hostels and summer residences with different locations throughout Spain, being significant the number of this kind of facilities located in the coastal area. The clear success that the labour of this State institution had among the working class in the first two decades of Franco's regime favoured the perfect setting for the implementation of a new model for the organization, as well as the control, of Spanish producers' rest and summer leisure: holiday cities of education and rest. Promoted during the middle part of the 1950s, the Trade Union Work of Education and Rest built three holiday cities for workers in Spain. They were performed ex nihilo as self-sufficient settlements, strategically located in privileged plots at the beach and intended not only to guarantee the rest of its residents during the summer holidays, but also to a political indoctrination which would be covertly implemented in the relaxed atmosphere that these holiday facilities offered. The model of holiday city of education and rest, object of a deep study in this research, has its starting point at Larga beach, in Tarragona, extending itself in a few years to two plots in Marbella and Perlora. Therefore, it became a subtle advance of what the next decade would bring to the Spanish coast. The present study intends to answer three questions about this new model of organization and control of proletarian rest in Spain. The first question is about the specificity that, as a consequence of its unique circumstances, this kind of holiday settlements is assumed to have. To do this, a comparative analysis has been carried out among holiday cities of Education and Rest and other alternative models for organization of working masses in the territory that at the same time would be developing in Spain, not only in the surroundings of the traditional industrial city, but also in the rural area. This is the result of the urbanization process that the National Institute of Colonization would subject to Spanish countryside. The second question, which is raised in this study after the development of the state of knowledge on the subject, deals with the possible continuity of the model over time. This research calls into question the specialized literature in the holiday cities of Education and Rest. This literature finds this model as a punctual and isolated fact from the fifties, hastily denying the existence of additional experiences promoted during the final stage of Franco's regime. The third and final question of this study focuses on the review of the model, trying to identify the probable influence that the change of context experienced with the arrival of the sixties had on it, when mass tourism phenomenon, both national and international, would definitely break into the almost unchanged coasts of our country. As a culmination of this research, some conclusions have been proposed as a resolution of the starting hypotheses formulated in the study. The identification of some parameters inherent in the three holiday cities performed by Education and Rest in the fifties, such as the specificity of its program or its special positioning regarding place and landscape, has proved to be decisive to demonstrate the uniqueness of these sets in relation to other models analyzed for the organization of working classes in the territory. Likewise, as a contribution to knowledge on the subject, two new projects of holiday cities promoted by Education and Rest have been documented in the second half of the sixties, in Guardamar del Segura (Alicante) and in Punta Umbría (Huelva), being ignored until today by specific bibliography. Despite not having been performed, these proposals have revealed the intentions of the Trade Union Work to continue its innovative model of organization and control of workers' rest during the final stage of Franco's regime. However, there will be a loss of hegemony of the state institution Education and Rest over Spanish coasts for the benefit of overwhelming promotions of apartments and hotels of private promotion which will be on privileged positions at the beach from then on. This context will force the introduction of substantial variations on the model being studied in this work because of the unavoidable need to compete with other performances which would privately start to be carried out in Spanish coast. Having placed this episode of holiday cities of Education and Rest within the debate on the gestation of the mass tourism phenomenon in Spain, there are some new questions leading to future lines of study, such as finding the real causes that made the Trade Union Work leave prematurely a model apparently successful or finding its possible reminiscences on other proposals for organizing tourist leisure in the territory being implemented in subsequent decades. An example of this aspect would be the so-called tourist resorts which were so popular in Spain since the 1990s. ; Escuela Internacional de Doctorado de la Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena ; Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Arquitectura y Tecnología de la Edificación

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with Morris Barrett. Mr. Barrett recalls gaining an education at the Weber Normal School, teaching and serving as principal in Eden during the Depression, teaching at Weber High School, and serving as principal and teacher at Hooper Junior High School. ; 10p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Morris Barrett Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Morris Barrett Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Barrett, Morris, an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Morris Barrett. Mr. Barrett recalls gaining an education at the Weber Normal School, teaching and serving as principal in Eden during the Depression, teaching at Weber High School, and serving as principal and teacher at Hooper Junior High School. The interviewer is Mack Taft. MT: What do you remember about the Great Depression? What were you doing then? Where did you live? MB: I happened to have graduated from high school in the spring of 1929, and by the time I was in my first year of college at Weber Normal College, we were becoming aware of the fact that there was a Depression underway. It became more marked and more extreme in its dimension as I continued at Weber College, where I graduated in 1932. MT: When did you start your teaching career? MB: My first full year began in the fall of 1935. MT: And where did you teach at that time? MB: In Eden. I was principal and teacher at Eden. There were eight grades, three teachers. I was principal and had the seventh and eighth grades as my responsibility. MT: What do you remember about teaching at that time? What did you get paid? What were the problems, if there were problems? MB: I may preface that by saying that the first year that I came out of college before the first full year that I spoke of, there were, as I recall, two teaching positions that were open in Weber County as the late summer came. I recall so well being 2 one of many, many, many who were interviewed by Superintendent Wahlquist and some other members of the staff on a particular evening set for interviews. Neither of the positions were in my subject major. As I recall, one position went to a young lady and the other position to a young man who had applied. There were, as I say, many, many who applied. It happened that during the course of that year, although I had not been given a full-time position, I was called in by the board and assigned to relieve one of the members of the high school staff who had run for, and been elected to, the state legislature. So my first year of teaching was at Weber High School - or my first extended experience was at Weber High School - where I taught for about 16 weeks while the legislature was in progress. By the time that year had ended, I had been identified as one to take a full-time job, and that was as principal teacher in Eden. Now, I recall so well my salary that I made during my first full year of teaching. But if I may leave that fact for a moment, as a substitute teacher at Weber - I taught at Weber High School - I taught for a flat salary of $3.50 per day. My first contract for principal and teacher was for $900 for the year. We were paid $50 each two weeks over the nine months period of time. My second year of teaching was $990, a $90 increase. My salary was still below $1,200 at the time I was married during my third year of teaching. I recall so well after having taught at the point of getting my Master's degree, I was teaching in Plain City at the time - this was five years after my Bachelor's - and without any 3 warning I was reassigned. This was the Friday before getting out for the Christmas holidays. I was assigned to go over to the Hooper School, and be the principal of the Hooper Junior High School. I recall so well hearing about this particular assignment directly from a member of the school board. I walked toward the school board office, and as I approached the building, I remember that Fred Barker, who was a member of the school board at that time, came walking down the steps. He said, "Congratulations on being the new principal of the Hooper School." I said, "You must have the wrong person in mind, Brother Barker." He said, "Don't you believe me?" I said, "What you're saying I can hardly believe," because I wasn't even aware that there was a position and I hadn't applied for it. He said, "Well, at the board meeting last night, you were voted to be the new principal of the Hooper School. And," he said, "you probably will be interested. Your salary is going to be $1,440." Now that was an increase, as I recall, of about $250 per year over what I was making over in Plain City - just barely over $1,200. I had been married part of this time, and as a matter of fact, I had taken part of a year off, two quarters off, to finish my Master's degree. Here I was with a Master's degree going to be principal of a 10-grade school. As I recall, there were 13 teachers, and I taught four periods of the day and was administrator. There was no secretary, no assistants, and my salary was $1,440. MT: What do you remember about students at that time, their clothing, and so forth? 4 MB: I don't have any vivid memories of clothing extremes. I do recall that the students were very well-dressed considering the situation. We were not plagued with the kinds of extreme styles that seem to characterize today, and though there were some extreme cases of hardship due to lack of sufficient earning in the family, students were remarkably well cared for, as I recall. I have no remembrance of any unfortunate circumstances related to the inability of families of youngsters to come reasonably well-dressed to school. MT: In some of the other interviews, I have heard that women were somewhat discriminated against during the Depression years. What is your recollection of that? MB: I recall that women were not permitted to teach when they were married. My wife, for instance, was teaching at Weber High School at the time that we were engaged. We married during the summer and because our plans were set for marriage during that summer, she was not offered a contract for the following year. I saw that without it having been an issue. She didn't plan to teach, the board didn't recognize it as a general custom that there should be two teaching salaries in one family, it was not a practice for a husband and wife to be both employed. MT: Do you think of anything else that might be of interest? MB: I recall that there has been a marked change in the quantity and type of equipment available in the schools for educational purposes. Obviously, though we had libraries, they were of a very limited nature. We had very few audiovisual materials or the hardware equipment. I recall my second year, it may have been 5 my first year of teaching in Eden, Dr. William P. Miller, present president of Weber College, was an employee of Weber County School District as a young man in his second or third year of employment, I believe. He was the audiovisual director at that time. I remember one of the roles he played was to bring a film around to the schools periodically. Now, we had no projectors of any kind in our school at Eden. There were no tape recorders, maps and charts in limited number, but no electronic equipment of any kind. Oh, what a great experience it was for the students, as well as the teachers, when Bill Miller came into the school on his schedule to show an educational film. He would spend sometimes half an hour, sometimes 45 minutes. On occasion the film may have been an hour, but most often it was less than that. He may have a feature of 35 minutes and maybe a short one of 10 minutes. I recall that on rare occasions, once in a while just for kicks, he would entertain the students by running a part of that film backwards. But what a contrast in the area of audiovisual equipment and use today as compared to then. I suppose that projector he brought was the only projector that was in the district at that time. It was not sound. That is, some of the films shown were not sound films.