Suchergebnisse

The key problems of Ivan Vyghovsky's rule (the main problem among them – is Gadiatskiy pact in 1658) in Mykhailo Grushevskiy's works are considered in the article. It's emphasized the scientist's ambiguity in treatment of polish Ukrainian compromise in 1658. On the one hand the researcher highly evaluates Ivan Vyghovskiy and his like minded persons for their realization the basic idea of social and political development of Ukrainian nation, the necessity of being independent and trying to legalize it in the appropriate paragraphs of "Big kingdom of Russia". On the other hand emphasizes the factors which caused the union "lack of vitality" and hopeless of I. Vyghovskiy's polish foreign policy choice. In the scientist's conception the compromise of 1658 is the result of a combination of a set of factors, opposing tendencies, which had a deep foundation; the current geopolitical realities. For the «Zaporizhzhya Army» it was seen as a salvation from the expansionist, incorporationist policy of Muscovy, the mechanism of affirmation of the Orthodox « Grand Duchy of Rus» as an equal component of the reorganized Commonwealth. Mykhailo Hrushevsky, while paying tribute to the Treaty of Hadiach as a political and legal act, which testified to the level of state thinking of the then Ukrainian elite, indicates, at the same time, his doom. First of all, the historian observes that the treatise was in a hurry, under pressure of circumstances, it may have a temporary character. The most dangerous thing in the treaty is the «. competition of the Cossack and Nobility element .». The researcher believes that the basis of the Hadiach Union was nobility, because it was called «. to restore the economic and political affluence . of this social stratum .». Even the acquisition of the nobility`s rights by the Cossack sergeant «. meant only the strengthening of the nobility stratum against the Cossack masses». Therefore, for the Cossack public (for the common people - moreover, because it was not mentioned in the treaty) the union was unacceptable. In addition, the weak power of the Commonwealth government was incapable of fulfilling allied obligations to the «Zaporizhzhya Army» and the magnate-nobility community has demonstrated its inability to engage in relations with it on a parity basis. In contrast to the Hadiach apologists in 1658, who admired the preferences for the Ukrainian in the field of education and culture. Mykhailo Hrushevsky convincingly states: «For us, from a retrospective perspective, it is quite clear that the Hadiach Union did not look to be successful .». In fact, only a formal Ukrainian-Polish compromise on the 6th(16th ) September 1658, could have been the basis of a federal union of Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania: the really progressive provisions of the treaty, which were proposed by Y. Nemirich - I. Vyhovsky, were already limited in time by signing it near Hadiach ; then - substantially eliminated in the process of ratification by the Warsaw Sejm; The illogical view of the coexistence of the Cossack emancipated Ukraine with the state-regulated Crown (with privileged nobility and followed by a feudal dependent slap) is seen in the «renewed» Commonwealth. That is why the Hadiach Treaty eventually became one of the decisive factors in defeat of Vyhovsky as a hetman. And at the same time it remains a Memorandum of such a desired mutual forgiveness and consent of the elites of the two peoples for a better life of each of them. ; У статті розглядаються ключові проблеми гетьманування Івана Виговського (з поміж яких визначальна – Гадяцький договір 1658 року) у працях Михайла Грушевського. Підкреслюється неоднозначність ставлення вченого до українсько-польського компромісу 1658 року. З одного боку, дослідник високо поціновує І.Виговського та його однодумців за усвідомлення ними наріжної ідеї суспільно політичного розвитку українства – необхідності власного національно державного буття – й спробу юридичної фіксації її у відповідних пунктах «Великого князівства Руського». З другого – наголошує на низці чинників, які обумовили «нежиттєздатність» унії й безперспективність польського зовнішньополітичного вибору І.Виговського.

The key problems of Ivan Vyghovsky's rule (the main problem among them – is Gadiatskiy pact in 1658) in Mykhailo Grushevskiy's works are considered in the article. It's emphasized the scientist's ambiguity in treatment of polish Ukrainian compromise in 1658. On the one hand the researcher highly evaluates Ivan Vyghovskiy and his like minded persons for their realization the basic idea of social and political development of Ukrainian nation, the necessity of being independent and trying to legalize it in the appropriate paragraphs of "Big kingdom of Russia". On the other hand emphasizes the factors which caused the union "lack of vitality" and hopeless of I. Vyghovskiy's polish foreign policy choice. In the scientist's conception the compromise of 1658 is the result of a combination of a set of factors, opposing tendencies, which had a deep foundation; the current geopolitical realities. For the «Zaporizhzhya Army» it was seen as a salvation from the expansionist, incorporationist policy of Muscovy, the mechanism of affirmation of the Orthodox « Grand Duchy of Rus» as an equal component of the reorganized Commonwealth. Mykhailo Hrushevsky, while paying tribute to the Treaty of Hadiach as a political and legal act, which testified to the level of state thinking of the then Ukrainian elite, indicates, at the same time, his doom. First of all, the historian observes that the treatise was in a hurry, under pressure of circumstances, it may have a temporary character. The most dangerous thing in the treaty is the «. competition of the Cossack and Nobility element .». The researcher believes that the basis of the Hadiach Union was nobility, because it was called «. to restore the economic and political affluence . of this social stratum .». Even the acquisition of the nobility`s rights by the Cossack sergeant «. meant only the strengthening of the nobility stratum against the Cossack masses». Therefore, for the Cossack public (for the common people - moreover, because it was not mentioned in the treaty) the union was unacceptable. In addition, the weak power of the Commonwealth government was incapable of fulfilling allied obligations to the «Zaporizhzhya Army» and the magnate-nobility community has demonstrated its inability to engage in relations with it on a parity basis. In contrast to the Hadiach apologists in 1658, who admired the preferences for the Ukrainian in the field of education and culture. Mykhailo Hrushevsky convincingly states: «For us, from a retrospective perspective, it is quite clear that the Hadiach Union did not look to be successful .». In fact, only a formal Ukrainian-Polish compromise on the 6th(16th ) September 1658, could have been the basis of a federal union of Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania: the really progressive provisions of the treaty, which were proposed by Y. Nemirich - I. Vyhovsky, were already limited in time by signing it near Hadiach ; then - substantially eliminated in the process of ratification by the Warsaw Sejm; The illogical view of the coexistence of the Cossack emancipated Ukraine with the state-regulated Crown (with privileged nobility and followed by a feudal dependent slap) is seen in the «renewed» Commonwealth. That is why the Hadiach Treaty eventually became one of the decisive factors in defeat of Vyhovsky as a hetman. And at the same time it remains a Memorandum of such a desired mutual forgiveness and consent of the elites of the two peoples for a better life of each of them. ; У статті розглядаються ключові проблеми гетьманування Івана Виговського (з поміж яких визначальна – Гадяцький договір 1658 року) у працях Михайла Грушевського. Підкреслюється неоднозначність ставлення вченого до українсько-польського компромісу 1658 року. З одного боку, дослідник високо поціновує І.Виговського та його однодумців за усвідомлення ними наріжної ідеї суспільно політичного розвитку українства – необхідності власного національно державного буття – й спробу юридичної фіксації її у відповідних пунктах «Великого князівства Руського». З другого – наголошує на низці чинників, які обумовили «нежиттєздатність» унії й безперспективність польського зовнішньополітичного вибору І.Виговського.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse empirically, proposing new methods to tackle disputed questions in the literature of political and labour economics, the Italian institutional setting both in a political competition context and in the occupational structure. The first paper explores the relationship between transfers from central state to political aligned municipalities and the effect of these transfers on local electoral consensus. This study contributes to the empirical literature of the political determinants of spikes in central transfers in pre-electoral periods and of the electoral benefits of pork barrel measures for incumbent politicians. Despite several findings of strong evidence that intergovernmental fiscal transfers rise during election years, in the Italian case researchers investigated little the political incentives that lay behind these increases or the success of these transfers in attracting votes. We focus on the so called swing municipalities, defined as those in which the probability of winning is close to one-half, analysing data of Italian comuni with more than 15 000 inhabitants, in the period 2007-2014. From an empirical perspective, every attempt to estimate the causal impact of political alignment on the amount of federal transfers is clearly complicated by endogeneity issues. Without a credible source of exogenous variation in political alignment, the empirical correlation between alignment and transfers (if any) can be completely driven by socio-economic factors influencing both dimensions. We propose a new model specification to account for the endogeneity issue arising when estimating the causal impact of political alignment on transfers: the unpredicted change in the government occurred in 2011 after the resignation of Silvio Berlusconi and the following appointment of Mario Monti as prime minister. We perform our empirical estimation in two steps: first, we apply the close-race RDD setup (Lee 2008) to assess the impact of political alignment on transfers. Results from the close-race RDD show that aligned municipalities receive more grants, with this effect being stronger before elections. At a second empirical stage, we perform a local linear regression of the re-election probability of the local incumbent on transfers, including the first stage error term to have our coefficient of interest measuring only the effect of politically-driven transfers on electoral outcomes, and we conclude that this probability increases as grants increase. The second paper stems from the observation of the most recent phenomena in the domestic and foreign labour market: technological progress has been associated to a crowding-out of cognitive-skill intensive jobs in favour of jobs requiring soft skills, such as social intelligence, flexibility and creativity. Soft skills can be defined as interpersonal, human, people or behavioural skills necessary for applying technical skills and knowledge in the workplace. The nature of the soft skills make them hardly replaceable by machine work, and Among soft skills, creativity is one of the hardest to define and to codify, therefore, creativity-intensive occupations have been shielded from automation. In our work, we focus on creativity, starting from its definition in order to get significant insights on which occupational profiles in Italy can be considered creative and to explore their dynamics in the labour market. A possible analytical definition of creativity comes from the seminal work of Edward De Bono. According to his pioneering research in the field, lateral thinking is strictly related to creativity and it can be described along four dimensions: 1) fluidity, as the ability of a subject to give the highest possible number of answers to a certain question; 2) flexibility, as the number of categories to which we can bring back these questions; 3) originality: ability of expressing new and innovative ideas; 4) processing: ability of realizing concretely one's ideas. We apply this definition to a uniquely detailed occupational dataset on tasks, skills, work attitudes, and working conditions regarding all Italian occupations: the Inapp-Istat Survey on Occupations (Indagine Campionaria sulle Professioni, ICP hereafter), an O*NET-type dataset developed by the Italian National Institute for Public Policy Analysis. The Survey on Occupations, in fact, presents a list of skills and competences and workers are asked to identify those they make use of in performing their job. Inside this list, we identify 25 skills associated to creativity and we formulate a Matrix Completion (MC) optimization problem, as discussed theoretically in Mazumder (2010). Matrix Completion is the task of filling in the missing entries of a partially observed matrix, which we generate by obscuring randomly 10%, 25% and 50% of the entries in the columns associated with the creative skills, given a fixed row (occupation). In our analysis, we use a formulation of the problem known as Nuclear Norm Minimization and we solve it with the Soft Impute Algorithm. We conclude our analysis on social skills in our third paper where we analyse the effects of Covid-19 pandemic on soft skills in the context of Italian occupations, operating in about 100 economic sectors. We leverage detailed information from ICP, the Italian O*Net, and we simulate the impact of Covid-19 on those workplace characteristics and working style that were more seriously hit by the lockdown measures and the new sanitary dispositions (physical proximity, face-to-face discussions, working remotely, ecc.). We simulate three possible scenarios based on the intensity of the effects of COVID-19 on some working conditions, such as working from home, keeping physical distance and so on. We then apply matrix completion, a machine learning technique used in recommendation systems, in order to predict the levels of soft skills required for each occupation when working conditions change, as these changes might be persistent in the near future. Professions showing a lower intensity in the use of soft skills, with respect to the predicted one, are exposed to a deficit in their soft-skill endowment, which might ultimately lead to lower productivity or higher unemployment, thus enhancing the negative effects of the pandemic.

This paper discusses the political studies of the judicial decision as a field of empirical studies of law that, framed in socio-legal studies, has recently entered the Latin American legal academy. These studies consider female judges as political actors and use theoretical and methodological tools from political sciences to analyze their behaviour. These studies attempt to analyze judicial decisions, not in a descriptive and/or normative way, but seek to explain why judges decide what they decide. In that way, explanatory models that understand the judicial decision as a function of certain variables are critically discussed. These variables can be judges' ideology, judges' political preferences, the political context in which they operate, their legal ideology, the practices of the bureaucracies where they carry out their position or were trained as lawyer. Furthermore, the dominant theoretical frameworks in Latin America are analized, which especially studied the judges of the Supreme Court of Argentina Finally, this paper discusses the historical, theoretical and methodological reasons that initially hindered their entry into socio-legal studies. It concludes by bringing attention to crucial issues that need to be addressed to consolidate the status of the political studies of the judicial decision into the Latin American legal academy. ; Este trabajo discute los Estudios Políticos de la Decisión Judicial (EPDJ), un campo de estudios empíricos del derecho que, enmarcado en los estudios socio-jurídicos, ha ingresado recientemente a la academia jurídica latinoamericana. Estos estudios consideran a las juezas como actoras políticas y utilizan herramientas teóricas y metodológicas de las ciencias políticas para analizar su comportamiento. Se esfuerzan en analizar las decisiones judiciales no en forma descriptiva y/o normativa, sino que buscan explicar por qué los jueces deciden lo que deciden. Así, se discuten críticamente los modelos explicativos que entienden la decisión judicial como función de ciertas ...

This is the corrected version of the retracted article under the same title, which was published with the following DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.1517A Triumphant Gate of the Polish Narrative: The Symbolic Reconstruction of the Bridge over Chłodna Street in Warsaw vis-à-vis the Crisis of the Dominant Polish Holocaust NarrativeThe article is a study of the symbolic topography of Warsaw's Chłodna Street. In 1940–1942, Chłodna Street was an "Aryan" border strip, dividing the small and large ghettos. For the past quarter-century, the symbolic dominance of this space has been made manifest by the subsequent commemorations of the ghetto's wooden footbridge that existed here between January and August 1942. These commemorative artefacts evolved from a counter commemoration (1996), into a commemoration through the use of painting (2007) and photography (2008), into a symbolic reconstruction of the bridge (2011). The analysis of this dynamic, from representation of an object to its materialization, is complemented by a reconstruction of the patterns and stakes of narratives that make up the subsequent layers of the Chłodna Street narrative palimpsest. An important context for the analysis, apart from the history of the site, is the fact that today, the means of control over the space of the former ghetto are in the exclusive possession of the non-Jewish majority.A turning point in the commemoration process was Roman Polański's film The Pianist (2002). The bridge over Chłodna was reconstructed "one to one" – in Warsaw but outside the space of the former Warsaw ghetto. The film was shot in the midst of a nationwide debate taking place in Poland about Jan Tomasz Gross' book Neighbors (2000). The debate concerned the Poles' participation in the Holocaust and the socio-cultural determinants of their attitudes and behavior. Within Polish dominant culture, the narrative shock was so immense that a return to the old Polish tale of heroism and martyrdom seemed impossible. Meanwhile, the mainstream journalistic discourse cast Gross and Polański on two sides of a narrative opposition. The former supposedly represented subjectivism and rash generalizations, while the latter was supposed to embody objectivism and fair judgment. The silhouette of the bridge over Chłodna Street merged at that point with a counterfactual vision of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The international success of The Pianist (Palme d'Or and Oscar) sealed the evolution of the bridge as a figure: from an abject to an object of desire, a tourist attraction, and an export commodity. (A separate issue, also addressed in the article, is how the events depicted in the film relate to the story of Władysław Szpilman, mediated originally by Szpilman's ghostwriter Jerzy Waldorff and then by the scriptwriters, Ronald Harwood and Roman Polański. In both cases, the most serious discrepancies concern depictions of the Poles' attitudes toward the Jews during, but also before, the Holocaust).The success of the film was the determining factor in a decision made to invest public funds in another, and up to now the last, commemoration of the bridge over Chłodna: its symbolic reconstruction in situ. What was reconstructed was not so much the bridge as it was in 1942 but the bridge as depicted in the film, and with it the film's idealized portrayal of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The figure of the bridge suggests tight isolation of Jews and Poles – an isolation instituted by the Germans. By so doing, it feeds into the image of Poles as helpless bystanders (onlookers/gawkers, at times even witnesses) in the face of the Holocaust. The figure of the Polish bystander/witness to the Holocaust is in turn a key figure of Polish innocence. In addition, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge draws the attention of the users of this space away from another site on Chłodna Street, where Jews and Poles came into direct contact with each other throughout the entire existence of the Warsaw ghetto. In obscuring the factual state of affairs uncovered as a result of the Jedwabne debate, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge over Chłodna Street functions as a discourse-reproducing machine of sorts, alowing the dominant majority to "indulge inretrospective hallucination" (Baudrillard).The article uncovers the workings of a roly-poly narrative mechanism that renders impossible any successful reassessment and rejection of the Polish dominant culture and prevents common knowledge about facts from bearing in any way on the collective consciousness. To jest poprawiona wersja wycofanego artykułu o tym samym tytule, który był opublikowany pod następującym numerem DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.1517Brama triumfalna polskiej opowieści. Symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu nad Chłodną wobec kryzysu dominującej polskiej narracji o ZagładzieTekst zawiera studium topografii symbolicznej ulicy Chłodnej w Warszawie. W latach 1940–1942 Chłodna była "aryjskim" pasem granicznym dzielącym małe i duże getto. Dominantę symboliczną w analizowanej przestrzeni stanowią dzisiaj upamiętnienia gettowego drewnianego mostu dla pieszych, który istniał w tym miejscu od stycznia do sierpnia 1942 roku. Owe komemoracyjne artefakty ewoluowały od przeciwupamiętnienia (1996), przez upamiętnienia wykorzystujące malarstwo (2007) i fotografię (2008), do symbolicznej rekonstrukcji mostu nad Chłodną (2011). Analizie dynamiki wiodącej od reprezentacji przedmiotu ku jego materializacji towarzyszy rekonstrukcja wzorów i stawek narracji składających się na kolejne warstwy narracyjnego palimpsestu. Prócz historii miejsca istotnym kontekstem analizy jest fakt, że środki kontroli przestrzeni dawnego getta stanowią dzisiaj wyłączną własność nieżydowskiej większości.Przełomem w procesie komemoracji był film Romana Polańskiego Pianista (2002). Wówczas to most nad Chłodną został zrekonstruowany w skali 1:1 – w Warszawie, lecz poza obszarem dawnego getta. Zdjęcia do filmu miały miejsce w trakcie ogólnokrajowej debaty o książce Jana Tomasza Grossa Sąsiedzi (2000). Debata dotyczyła współudziału Polaków w Zagładzie oraz społeczno-kulturowych uwarunkowań ich postaw i zachowań. Dla polskiej kultury dominującej był to wstrząs narracyjny tak potężny, że zdawał się wykluczać powrót do dawnej polskiej opowieści heroiczno-martyrologicznej. Tymczasem dyskurs prasowy głównego nurtu ustawił Grossa i Polańskiego w narracyjnej opozycji. O ile pierwszy miał reprezentować subiektywizm i pochopne uogólnienia, o tyle drugi miał wnosić obiektywizm i sprawiedliwy osąd. Sylwetka mostu nad Chłodną zespoliła się wówczas z kontrfaktyczną wizją polskiego kontekstu Zagłady. Międzynarodowa kariera Pianisty (Złota Palma i Oscar) przypieczętowała ewolucję figury mostu: od abiektu do obiektu pożądania, atrakcji turystycznej i towaru eksportowego. (Osobno rozważaną kwestią jest relacja filmowej opowieści do opowieści Władysława Szpilmana już wyjściowo spisanej przez ghostwritera Jerzego Waldorffa, dodatkowo zaś zapośredniczonej przez scenarzystów Ronalda Harwooda i Romana Polańskiego. W obu wypadkach najpoważniejsze rozbieżności dotyczą obrazu stosunku Polaków do Żydów w okresie Zagłady, a także przed Zagładą).Sukces Pianisty przesądził o inwestycji funduszy publicznych w kolejne i ostatnie upamiętnienie mostu nad Chłodną: rekonstrukcję symboliczną in situ. Przedmiotem rekonstrukcji stał się nie tyle most z 1942 roku, ile most filmowy, a wraz z nim wyidealizowany filmowy wizerunek polskiego kontekstu Zagłady. Figura mostu sugeruje szczelną izolację Żydów i Polaków – przez Niemców. Podsyca tym samym wyobrażenie o Polakach jako bezsilnych świadkach Zagłady (bystander/onlooker w porywach do witness). Figura polskiego świadka Zagłady natomiast jest kluczową figurą polskiej niewinności. Dodatkowo symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu odwraca uwagę użytkowników przestrzeni od miejsca zlokalizowanego przy tej samej ulicy, w którym Polacy i Żydzi mieli styczność bezpośrednią przez cały okres istnienia getta warszawskiego. Zasłaniając stan faktyczny odsłonięty w wyniku debaty jedwabieńskiej, symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu nad Chłodną stanowi rodzaj maszyny do reprodukcji dyskursu, który zapewnia większości dominującej "rozkosz retrospektywnych halucynacji".Tekst przynosi rozpoznanie narracyjnego mechanizmu typu wańka-wstańka, który sprawia, że rewizja polskiej kultury dominującej nie dochodzi do skutku, a powszechna wiedza o rzeczywistości nie znajduje odzwierciedlenia w świadomości zbiorowej.

Against a historical background of institutional development planning, strategic (yet pragmatic) flexibility is a crucial component of small state governance. A "strategy of flexible adaptation" is deemed to be the best management and leadership style capable of securing the best achievable outcomes in the evolving or abruptly changing scenarios that characterise small states. The smaller the state or territory, the greater the likelihood that its domestic, internal affairs will be dominated, responsive to and driven by exogenous factors (including terms of trade, tourism trends, migration flows, remittances, aid and other 'rents'). Governments and institutions in small states need to suggest leadership and foresight in the trajectory of development while being agile and nimble at grasping opportunities, if and when they may arise. This paper first traces the manner in which 'flexible specialisation' dictates and drives a considerable amount of actions and decisions in small jurisdictions. It then explores how these structural obligations nevertheless transform themselves into the nurturing and maintenance of competitive niches, each of which comes along with specific skill set and infrastructural requests. ; peer-reviewed

This is a retracted article, whose corrected version, bearing the same title, is avalaible under the DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.2417. The correction was introduced at the request of the Author.A Triumphant Gate of the Polish Narrative: The Symbolic Reconstruction of the Bridge over Chłodna Street in Warsaw vis-à-vis the Crisis of the Dominant Polish Holocaust NarrativeThe article is a study of the symbolic topography of Warsaw's Chłodna Street. In 1940–1942 Chłodna Street was an "Aryan" border strip, dividing the Small and Large Ghettos. For the past quarter of century, the symbolic landmark dominating within this space have been the subsequent commemorations of the Ghetto's wooden footbridge that existed here between January and August 1942. These commemorative artefacts evolved from a counter-commemoration (1996), through a commemoration with the use of painting (2007) and photography (2008), to a symbolic reconstruction of the bridge (2011). The analysis of this dynamics, from representation of an object to its materialization, is complemented by a reconstruction of the patterns and stakes of narratives that make up the subsequent layers of the Chłodna Street narrative palimpsest. An important context of the analysis, apart from the history of the site, is the fact that today, the means of control over the space of the former Ghetto are in exclusive possession of the non-Jewish majority.A breaking point in the commemoration process was Roman Polański's film The Pianist (2002). The bridge over Chłodna was reconstructed "one to one" – in Warsaw but outside the space of the former Warsaw Ghetto. The film was shot in the midst of a nationwide debate taking place in Poland over Jan Tomasz Gross's book Neighbors (2000). The debate concerned the Poles' participation in the Holocaust and the socio-cultural determinants of their attitudes and behaviors. Within the Polish dominant culture, the narrative shock was so immense that a return to the old Polish tale of heroism and martyrdom seemed impossible. Meanwhile the mainstream journalistic discourse cast Gross and Polański on the two sides of a narrative opposition. The former supposedly represented subjectivism and rash generalizations, while the latter was supposed to embody objectivism and fair judgment. The silhouette of the bridge over Chłodna Street merged at that point with a counterfactual vision of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The international success of The Pianist (Palme d'Or and Oscar) sealed the evolution of the bridge as a figure: from an abject to an object of desire, a tourist attraction, and an export. (A separate issue, also tackled in the article, is how the story told in the film relates to the story of Władysław Szpilman, mediated originally by Szpilman's ghostwriter Jerzy Walfdorff and then by the scriptwriters, Ronald Harwood and Roman Polański. In both cases the most serious discrepancies concern depictions of the Poles' attitudes toward the Jews during, but also before, the Holocaust).The success of the film was the determining factor in a decision made to invest public funds in another, and thus far last, commemoration of the bridge over Chłodna: its symbolic reconstruction in situ. What was reconstructed was not so much the bridge as it was in 1942 but the bridge from the film, and with it – the film's idealized portrayal of the Polish context of the Holocaust. The figure of the bridge suggests tight isolation of Jews and Poles – an isolation instituted by the Germans. By so doing, it feeds into the image of Poles as helpless bystanders (onlookers/gawkers, at times even witnesses) in the face of the Holocaust. The figure of the Polish bystander/witness to the Holocaust, in its turn, is a key figure of Polish innocence. In addition, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge draws the attention of the users of this space away from another site on Chłodna Street, where Jews and Poles came in direct contact throughout the entire existence of the Warsaw Ghetto. By obscuring the factual state of affairs uncovered as a result of the Jedwabne debate, the symbolic reconstruction of the bridge over Chłodna Street functions as a discourse-reproducing machine of sorts, allowing the dominant majority to "indulge in retrospective hallucination."The article uncovers the workings of a roly-poly narrative mechanism that renders impossible any successful reassessment and rejection of the Polish dominant culture and prevents common knowledge about facts from bearing in any way on the collective consciousness. To jest wycofany artykuł, którego poprawiona wersja o tym samym tytule jest dostępna pod następującym numerem DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/slh.2417. Korekty artykułu dokonano na prośbę Autorki. Brama triumfalna polskiej opowieści. Symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu nad Chłodną wobec kryzysu dominującej polskiej narracji o ZagładzieTekst zawiera studium topografii symbolicznej ulicy Chłodnej w Warszawie. W latach 1940–1942 Chłodna była "aryjskim" pasem granicznym dzielącym małe i duże getto. Dominantę symboliczną w analizowanej przestrzeni stanowią dzisiaj upamiętnienia gettowego drewnianego mostu dla pieszych, który istniał w tym miejscu od stycznia do sierpnia 1942 roku. Owe komemoracyjne artefakty ewoluowały od przeciwupamiętnienia (1996), przez upamiętnienia wykorzystujące malarstwo (2007) i fotografię (2008), do symbolicznej rekonstrukcji mostu nad Chłodną (2011). Analizie dynamiki wiodącej od reprezentacji przedmiotu ku jego materializacji towarzyszy rekonstrukcja wzorów i stawek narracji składających się na kolejne warstwy narracyjnego palimpsestu. Prócz historii miejsca istotnym kontekstem analizy jest fakt, że środki kontroli przestrzeni dawnego getta stanowią dzisiaj wyłączną własność nieżydowskiej większości.Przełomem w procesie komemoracji był film Romana Polańskiego Pianista (2002). Wówczas to most nad Chłodną został zrekonstruowany w skali 1:1 – w Warszawie, lecz poza obszarem dawnego getta. Zdjęcia do filmu miały miejsce w trakcie ogólnokrajowej debaty o książce Jana Tomasza Grossa Sąsiedzi (2000). Debata dotyczyła współudziału Polaków w Zagładzie oraz społeczno-kulturowych uwarunkowań ich postaw i zachowań. Dla polskiej kultury dominującej był to wstrząs narracyjny tak potężny, że zdawał się wykluczać powrót do dawnej polskiej opowieści heroiczno-martyrologicznej. Tymczasem dyskurs prasowy głównego nurtu ustawił Grossa i Polańskiego w narracyjnej opozycji. O ile pierwszy miał reprezentować subiektywizm i pochopne uogólnienia, o tyle drugi miał wnosić obiektywizm i sprawiedliwy osąd. Sylwetka mostu nad Chłodną zespoliła się wówczas z kontrfaktyczną wizją polskiego kontekstu Zagłady. Międzynarodowa kariera Pianisty (Złota Palma i Oscar) przypieczętowała ewolucję figury mostu: od abiektu do obiektu pożądania, atrakcji turystycznej i towaru eksportowego. (Osobno rozważaną kwestią jest relacja filmowej opowieści do opowieści Władysława Szpilmana już wyjściowo spisanej przez ghostwritera Jerzego Waldorffa, dodatkowo zaś zapośredniczonej przez scenarzystów Ronalda Harwooda i Romana Polańskiego. W obu wypadkach najpoważniejsze rozbieżności dotyczą obrazu stosunku Polaków do Żydów w okresie Zagłady, a także przed Zagładą).Sukces Pianisty przesądził o inwestycji funduszy publicznych w kolejne i ostatnie upamiętnienie mostu nad Chłodną: rekonstrukcję symboliczną in situ. Przedmiotem rekonstrukcji stał się nie tyle most z 1942 roku, ile most filmowy, a wraz z nim wyidealizowany filmowy wizerunek polskiego kontekstu Zagłady. Figura mostu sugeruje szczelną izolację Żydów i Polaków – przez Niemców. Podsyca tym samym wyobrażenie o Polakach jako bezsilnych świadkach Zagłady (bystander/onlooker w porywach do witness). Figura polskiego świadka Zagłady natomiast jest kluczową figurą polskiej niewinności. Dodatkowo symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu odwraca uwagę użytkowników przestrzeni od miejsca zlokalizowanego przy tej samej ulicy, w którym Polacy i Żydzi mieli styczność bezpośrednią przez cały okres istnienia getta warszawskiego. Zasłaniając stan faktyczny odsłonięty w wyniku debaty jedwabieńskiej, symboliczna rekonstrukcja mostu nad Chłodną stanowi rodzaj maszyny do reprodukcji dyskursu, który zapewnia większości dominującej "rozkosz retrospektywnych halucynacji".Tekst przynosi rozpoznanie narracyjnego mechanizmu typu wańka-wstańka, który sprawia, że rewizja polskiej kultury dominującej nie dochodzi do skutku, a powszechna wiedza o rzeczywistości nie znajduje odzwierciedlenia w świadomości zbiorowej.

Imprecise measurement tools impede the study of protest mobilization. Mobilization proxies, such as counting protesters and protest events, result in significant outliers and variance while ignoring sociocultural, cybernetic, economic, legal, and other features that relevant academic literature considers essential to understanding mobilization dynamics. Without accurate empirical models, researchers' and policymakers' investigations of autocratic repression have little explanatory power. This thesis proposes a methodological addition to the mobilization literature: Two three-level scales distinguish an event's potential to attract an audience from the protest's actual output relative to similar episodes. I employ the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) project to demonstrate the measurement's utility. Afterwards, I apply these models to conduct an impact assessment of recent Egyptian cyberregulatory laws. Controlling for the grievances of protesters and performing other robustness checks, the time series demonstrates a strong, statistically significant relationship between the policies and the reduction of low-level potential mobilizational capacity of Egyptian dissidents, but fails to identify an expected relationship between police pressure and the decline of mobilizational capacity. These findings contribute to the theoretical frameworks of mobilization scholars and policymaker discussions regarding the value of internet censorship tools for curtailing oppositional political action.

The Kingdom of Hawai'i was annexed by the United States of America in 1898 and was given statehood in 1959. Prior to its annexation, the Kingdom of Hawai'i had a legitimate functioning government with sovereign recognition from many in the international arena, including the United States, as early as 1840. This article analyzes current and past definitions of the state and sovereignty, as well as precedence from international law, to determine if the United States violated the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Hawai'i before and during the annexation process. A preponderance of evidence, including explanations of the preexisting Hawaiian political structure, has indicated that the United States and the Provisional Government violated the sovereign rights and privileges of the Kingdom of Hawai'i. The case study that the Hawaiian experience presents is one that is applicable to the question of other US territories and possible violations of their sovereignties. Additionally, the imperialistic policies of the United States becomes much more contemptible when examined through Christian moral principles.

Bu çalışmada siyasal mesajların tasarımında dilsel öğelerin kullanımının önemli bir etkiye sahip olduğu varsayımından hareketle 16 Nisan 2018 Referandumunda üretilen siyasal iletiler üzerine karşılaştırmalı bir analiz gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bu bağlamda ilk bölümde siyasal iletişim olgu ve süreci üzerinde durulmuş; ikinci bölümde ikna ve ikna edici iletişim süreci detaylıca ele alınarak iknaya giden yolda dilsel öğelerin ve retorik unsurların nasıl bir rol oynadığı açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünde ise ilk iki bölümde ele alınan kavram ve kuramlar ışığında 16 Nisan 2018 Referandumu kampanya sürecinde üretilen siyasal mesajlar üzerine karşılaştırmalı bir analiz yapılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda analize konu olan Binali Yıldırım ve Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu'nun konuşmalarında dilin ve dilsel öğelerin kullanımı açısından anlamlı farklılıklar tespit edilmiştir. --- Based on the assumption that the use of linguistic elements has an important influence on the design of political messages in this study, a comparative analysis of the political messages produced in the Referendum of April 16, 2018 was carried out. In this context, the first part focuses on the phenomenon and process of political communication; In the second part, the persuasion and persuasive communication process has been studied in detail and tried to be explained how the linguistic and rhetoric elements play a role on the way to persuaion. In the third part of the study, a comparative analysis was made on the political messages produced during the April 16 Referendum campaign process in the light of the concepts and theories covered in the first two chapters. In the end of the study, significant differences were found in the use of language and linguistic items in the stump speeches of Binali Yıldırım and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu

Zusammenfassung: Der Autor zeigt, wie die Bemühungen nach hoher Reliabilität in diagnostischen Interviews Gefahr laufen, ihre Qualität des freien Erzählenlassens zugunsten einer standardisierten Exploration der Patient/innen zu opfern und dadurch dem Zeitgeist des Zählens zu folgen. Als Beispiel dient ihm die Erfahrung als Schulungsverantwortlicher der Ratergemeinschaft in einer Forschungsstudie. Im Fokus steht dabei das Verfahren der Operationalisierten Psychodynamischen Diagnostik (OPD-2), in welchem eine hohe Einschätzungsübereinstimmung zwischen den unterschiedlichen Diagnostiker/innen zu erreichen versucht wurde. ; The author demonstrates how the efforts towards greater reliability in diagnostic interviews run the risk of sacrificing their characteristically unstructured narrative in favour of a standardized exploration of the patient, thus, following the zeitgeist of enumerating. An example of this is the experience as a training coordinator of the evaluater community in a research study. The focus here is on the method of Operationalized Psychodynamic Diagnosis (OPD-2), that aimed to achieve a high degree of estimation consistency between the different diagnosticians. ; Sommario: L'autore mostra come gli sforzi verso una maggiore affidabilità nelle interviste diagnostiche corre il pericolo di sacrificare la loro qualità di racconto libero a favore di un'esplorazione standardizzata del/della paziente e quindi di seguire lo spirito del tempo riguardo il numero. Ad esempio, si serve della sua esperienza come responsabile della formazione di una società di valutazione in uno studio di ricerca. In merito, egli si concentra sulla procedura di diagnostica psicodinamica operazionalizzata (OPD-2), in cui si è cercato di raggiungere un'elevata uniformità di valutazione tra i diversi diagnostici.

In Syria's Reconciliation Agreements, Raymond Hinnebusch and Omar Imady explore how the regime and the opposition interacted with the evolving idea of musalahat or 'reconciliations'. At first, when neither side could unseat the other, these reconciliations were in essence, truces which reflected the war of attrition. As the regime grew stronger, largely after the Russian intervention, the musalahat evolved into several more advanced types, all designed to break the rebels, yet significantly different in the extent to which the regime was willing to agree to a more balanced arrangement. Hinnebusch and Imady proceed to examine the more recent, and internationally sanctioned, 'deconfliction zones' and show how they are similar, and different, from previous arrangements. The critical trademark of all of this, from a governance perspective, is the fact that all these arrangements entail, in various degrees, the decentralisation of government authority. The paper ends with the ironic conclusion that the Syria that may emerge from all this extensive decentralisation may resemble in certain ways the very Syria the protesters back in 2011 were advocating. ; Publisher PDF

The ways that systemic challenges like neoliberalism, capitalism, and colonialism are being grappled with in the context of the fossil fuel divestment movement, alongside the more immediate challenge of culturally marginalizing one of the most powerful industries in the world, makes it a crucial site for engagement and learning as we teeter on the edge of the Holocene.