Suchergebnisse

Si bien el talento directivo no es, o no debería ser, una cuestión vinculada al género, es notoria la menor representación que tienen las mujeres en los máximos órganos de gobierno de las compañías. Lograr una adecuada diversidad de género en los Consejos de Administración no constituye sólo un desafío en el plano de la ética, de la política y de la responsabilidad social corporativa; puede ser también un objetivo de eficiencia cuya veracidad conviene analizar. Partiendo de esta premisa, este trabajo analiza si un incremento de la presencia femenina en los Consejos de Administración de las cooperativas de crédito españolas conduce a una mejora de su rentabilidad económica (RoA). Las entidades analizadas forman parte del sector bancario, pero se caracterizan por tratarse de entidades financieras sin cotización en bolsa y muy homogéneas en su modelo de negocio, tanto por su carácter territorial como por el modelo de banca minorista. La metodología aplicada se fundamenta en el Método Generalizado de los Momentos (MGM), empleado para la estimación de una ecuación lineal dinámica con un panel compuesto de 78 entidades durante el 2000-2014. Los resultados obtenidos muestran la importancia del género para explicar la rentabilidad de estas entidades, influencia que estaría condicionada al ciclo económico, la cual puede producirse tanto de manera directa como indirecta, dándose en esta última evidencias positivas y negativas, indicando que el papel de la mujer varía según el canal de acción de que se trate. ; Although managerial talent is not, or should not be, a matter linked to gender, the lesser representation that women have in the highest governing bodies of companies is notorious. Achieving adequate gender diversity in the Boards of Directors is not only a challenge in terms of ethics, politics and corporate social responsibility; it can also be an efficiency objective whose veracity should be analyzed. Based on this premise, this paper analyzes whether an increase in female presence in the Boards of Directors of Spanish credit cooperatives leads to an improvement in their economic profitability (RoA). The entities analyzed are part of the banking sector, but they are characterized by financial entities that are unlisted on the stock market and very homogeneous in their business model, both because of their territorial nature and because of the retail banking model. The methodology applied is based on the Generalized Method of Moments (MGM), used to estimate a dynamic linear equation with a panel composed of 78 entities during 2000-2014. The results show the importance of gender to explain the profitability of these entities, an influence that would be conditioned to the economic cycle, which can occur both directly and indirectly, giving the latter positive and negative evidence, indicating that the role of the woman varies according to the channel of action in question. ; peerReviewed

Our research project is a sociological investigation into the careers of physical education (PE) teachers in Ireland.Our enquiry focuses firstly on an enhanced analysis of the literature within the context of the newly established Republic of Ireland. Secondly, it draws on extensive qualitative interviews of female PE teachers which reveal women teachers lacking legitimization within their own profession. It does this by setting standards rooted in the notion of the perfect athlete, supported by input from the military and medical worlds. This in turn is subject to the interdependence of the Catholic Church and the state. H.S Becker's approach to the concept of career allows for a diachronic and synchronic interpretation of the data collected. Here, the choices made by the female PE teacher and the rationale behind them are clarified. This enquiry also aims to understand the development of womanhood in its varied forms when both the educational environment and the body are subject to religious tradition. We therefore developed a typology (Max Weber) of our respondents' careers and identified a 'stable' type of career, a 'breaking' type and a 'progressive' one. Our findings here suggest an ambivalence in the careers of PE teachers in Ireland – characterised first by a transgression of gender norms when practising sports. However, through their commitment, female PE teachers have achieved a tenacious spirit in the face of gender stereotypes and their influence on education. ; Notre recherche, inscrite dans un cadre socio-anthropologique, consiste à étudier les carrières des enseignantes d'Éducation Physique (EP) en Irlande. Notre démarche s'appuie sur l'analyse d'un corpus documentaire permettant de situer la mise en place de l'EP dans le contexte de la fondation de la République d'Irlande. De plus, elle utilise une méthodologie d'enquête qualitative qui consiste à recueillir la parole des femmes enseignantes sous forme d'entretiens compréhensifs. La première partie de la thèse montre comment l'EP, discipline en quête de reconnaissance, se construit à partir d'un modèle sportif, d'influences diverses et dans le cadre d'une interdépendance de l'Eglise catholique et de l'Etat. Dans la deuxième partie, l'interprétation des données recueillies réalisée à l'aide du concept de carrière (H.S. Becker) permet de rendre visibles les choix opérés par ces enseignantes et les processus les justifiant. Cette recherche vise également à comprendre comment se construisent des féminités plurielles dans un espace d'enseignement particulier où le corps est en jeu et dans un contexte issu de la tradition religieuse. Pour cela, nous avons construit une typologie (Max Weber) des carrières de nos enquêtées et repéré un type « stable », un type « en rupture » et un type « progressif ». Nous montrons ainsi l'ambivalence de ces carrières : à travers leurs pratiques sportives, elles transgressent les normes genrées. Mais, en s'engageant dans leur métier, elles pérennisent en partie des stéréotypes de genre par leur discours et leurs modalités d'enseignement en contexte mixte ou non.

La investigación que se presenta en este texto es un esfuerzo por comprender las variaciones en las políticas públicas sobre derechos sexuales y derechos reproductivos ocurridas en Ecuador durante el gobierno de la "Revolución Ciudadana". Analizamos dos procesos emblemáticos: los cambios en las políticas sobre educación para la sexualidad desde la ENIPLA al Plan Familia, y la no inclusión de artículos en el COIP para despenalizar el aborto en caso de violación sexual. Es un análisis cualitativo y descriptivo de fenómenos, situaciones, contextos y sucesos sobre políticas públicas, desde los derechos humanos y el feminismo como enfoques teóricos. La investigación es de tipo documental-narrativo e incluye percepciones desde los actores de la sociedad civil. Se inserta en el paradigma constructivista- interpretivista. El análisis de la realidad, propuesto en este estudio, se convierte en una estrategia que interroga el ejercicio del poder al diseccionar: una izquierda contradictoria, un movimiento social fragmentado, políticas públicas que no colocan límites entre religión y Estado y se contradicen con los marcos normativos, tanto nacionales como internacionales, referidos a éstos derechos. Los principales hallazgos son: como nunca antes se irrespeta la laicidad del Estado. Judicializa y encarcela a mujeres pobres por abortos presuntamente provocados. En la actualidad el país no cuenta con un programa de educación sexual integral con un enfoque de derechos. La moral, principios católicos y posición patriarcal del presidente de la república se han impuesto como política de Estado. ; The research presented in this text is an effort to understand the variations in public policies regarding sexual and reproductive rights that occurred in Ecuador during the government of the "Revolución Ciudadana" (Citizen Revolution) (January 2007 to May 2017). We analyzed two representative processes: the changes in policies on sexual education from the ENIPLA to the Family Plan, and the exclusion of stipulations from the Integral Organic Penal Code (COIP) that existed previously in order to decriminalize abortion regarding rape cases. It is a qualitative and descriptive analysis of phenomena, situations, contexts and events on public policies. The methodology for the interpretation of reality proposed in this study becomes a strategy that questions the exercise of power by analyzing: a self-contradictory leftist regime, a divided social movement, public policies that fail to establish boundaries between religion and state opposing both national and international regulatory frameworks related to these rights. The analysis shows that there has been a setback in public policies on sexual rights and reproductive rights. Unprecedentedly, the secular state is not respected. The state legally penalizes and imprisons poor women for allegedly provoked abortions. At this time, the country does not have a comprehensive sexual education program with a human rights based approach. The moral, Catholic principles and patriarchal c of the President of the republic have been imposed as state policy. ; Magíster en Educación Sexual ; Cuenca

[Full article is in Spanish]English:
Femicide has become a serious problem in Mexico. The recorded number
of murders of girls and women increased by 68% in 2007 alone; between
2008 and 2015, more than 1,000 such murders took place in Ciudad Juárez. This article examines femicide in Mexico through a discussion of
the protest groups that have organized around this problem. The article
is divided into four sections. Following the introduction, part two conceptually
discusses femicide and examines its different characteristics.
Part three then presents the situation in Ciudad Juárez. This is followed
in part four by a description of three important protest groups against femicide
in Ciudad Juárez and a discussion of how they have affected public
debates on this subject, particularly by bringing the debate on femicide
in Ciudad Juárez to the attention of the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal.Spanish:
El feminicidio se ha convertido en un problema grave en México.
Sólo en el 2007 los asesinatos de niñas y mujeres aumentaron en un
68% de los registros anteriores; y entre 2008 y 2015, más de un millar de
tales asesinatos tuvieron lugar en Ciudad Juárez. Este artículo examina
el feminicidio en México a través de un análisis de los grupos de protesta
que se han organizado en torno a este problema. El artículo se divide en
cuatro secciones. Después de la introducción, la segunda parte se analiza
conceptualmente el feminicidio y examina sus diferentes características.
La tercera parte presenta la situación en Ciudad Juárez, seguida de una
cuarta parte donde se describen tres importantes grupos de protesta contra
el feminicidio en Ciudad Juárez, así como una discusión de cómo dichos
movimientos han afectado los debates públicos sobre este tema. En
particular el debate sobre el feminicidio en Ciudad Juárez para la atención
del Tribunal Permanente de los Pueblos.French:
Au Mexique, le féminicide s'est converti en un problème de plus en plus
grave si on considère uniquement qu'en 2007 les assassinats de filles et
de femmes ont augmenté de 68% et qu'entre 2008 et 2015 à Ciudad Juárez
ont été commis plus de mille assassinats. Cett e extrême violence vis-à-vis
des femmes n'a pas pu être éradiquée dans aucune région du Mexique
et au contraire, elle a augmenté de manière exponentielle malgré l'organisation
depuis 1993 de groupes de la société civile et de mères des
femmes et filles assassinées pour exiger justice et sécurité, ce qui a donné
lieu à un débat public qui a cherché à transformer la conscience collective
sur le féminicide et a fait l'objet d'une audience au Tribunal Permanent
des Peuples comme un de ses évènements notables. Ce travail prétend
décrire et analyser ces actions protestataires, en se centrant sur la participation
des mères et des jeunes dans cett e lutt e.

Koech, RK orcid:0000-0002-0563-6687 ; Landcare is a unique community-based approach to managing and restoring Australia's natural environment and improving the sustainability of agricultural activities. Established in the late 1980s, Landcare and its associated networks of community-based action have constantly evolved, responding to the opportunities and challenges posed by successive Governments' approaches to managing Australia's challenging natural environment. Consistent throughout these past three decades has been the critical role that Landcare has played in leading Australia's approach to agricultural practices, natural resource management, environmental protection and biodiversity conservation. While these positive environmental and agricultural impacts of Landcare have been well recognised, the multiple benefits derived from the economic, social and cultural contributions of this volunteer and not-for-profit movement have not been as widely appreciated. This Landcare NSW Position Statement outlines the extent of these economic, social and cultural benefits, highlighting the enormous role Landcare has played in building and maintaining the capacity and social cohesion of many communities, particularly in rural and regional Australia. As this statement demonstrates, Landcare has provided a framework for land owners and managers to formally and informally recognise existing expertise and knowledge, to share information and experiences and to support further learning and communities of practice. Landcare groups and networks have also provided a foundation for intergenerational learning, particularly through its school-based activities. Founded on the understanding that community action is required to collectively address environmental and sustainability challenges, Landcare has brought together people of different ages, cultures and socioeconomic groups, positively impacting on the health and wellbeing of both communities and individuals. The volunteering aspect of Landcare has further supported individual wellbeing and mental health by helping people feel valued and part of their community. Individuals and communities involved in Landcare have developed extensive experience and skills in working with governments, non-government organisations and businesses, in grant management, project management, financial, communication and governance systems – all transferrable experience, skills and systems which are utilised in a broad range of other social, economic and community activities. Landcare groups, networks and programs have also provided a forum for engagement between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and other Australians, and a platform for increasing the recognition of women in regional and rural communities. On the economic front, the Landcare model has matched vast volunteer time and effort with major in- kind and financial investment in communities, resulting in significant multiplier effects for Government investment. For a relatively small investment there have been significant returns for Government and the community at large. The benefits of investment in Landcare – for instance clean water, improved health and community relations – extend well beyond the (private) individual landholder or a Landcare group, to the community at large. In summary, Landcare has brought enormous value to Australia over the past three decades, extending well beyond its positive environmental and agricultural impacts.

Brazilian labor markets have performed very strongly for most of the last 15 years, with dramatic increases in the employment rate of unskilled workers and significant declines in the overall unemployment rate. However, the economic and political developments and fiscal crisis of the last sixteen months in Brazil have resulted in a substantial decline in the rate of economic activity , a dramatic slowdown in the rate of new job creation a devaluation of the domestic currency and increasing concerns about the sustainability of the gains in poverty reduction and inequality accomplished during the years of the commodity boom. The decline in economic activity has raised concerns again about increasing unemployment rates, and the extent to which these developments will have an adverse impact on specific age and gender groups. Efforts to maintain or increase the proportion of the population employed in the aggregate or within any specific demographic group must take into consideration how the unemployment rate and the labor force participation rate of the group vary with changes in the level of economic activity. The sensitivity of the proportion of the population employed to changes in the level of aggregate demand is a key parameter informing the design of an appropriate and effective labor market policy. Specifically, teenagers and young women between 20-34 years of age comprise only 25 percent of the adult population, but they account for more than 50 percent of the cyclical variation in employment. In contrast, adult men between 26 and 64 years of age, who comprise 32.6 per cent of the population in the US account for only 23.6 percent of the change in the cyclical variation in employment. Estimates of the sensitivity of the proportion of the population employed to changes in the level of aggregate demand based on data from recent years that reflect the prevailing structural relationships between labor demand and employment and labor supply, labor force participation and unemployment are more useful for predicting how labor force participation is likely to react to the downturn in economic activity since the end of the commodity boom and the onset of the economic crisis in Brazil. The purpose of this paper is to examine two inter-related questions about the behavior of the labor market in Brazil. The first question is about the direction and sensitivity of the labor force participation rate, and the employment rate to changes in the level of aggregate demand. The second question relates to the differences in the cyclical sensitivity of these key variables across age and gender groups.The next section of the paper discusses the recent macroeconomic context, and some of the limitations associated with using Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios (PNAD) data to predict changes in the on the labor force participation rate of different age gender and skill groups during the crisis. Section 3 discusses the data and the model used

The Polish community is an organic and inalienable part of Ukrainiansociety, citizens of Ukraine, is involved in the development of Ukrainianstatehood, in all areas of life, significant impacts on domestic andinternational policy. Understanding of the ethnic and political aspectsconnected with Polish national minority is impossible without consideringthem in the context of the Bolshevik experiment in economic and socialspheres, without analyzing their consequences for the Polish population.This article analyses tragical result of repressions and violentassimilation of polish population in the 1930s using the works of theukrainian scientists and own researches of the author.To make the Polishpopulation «Soviet» and the socialist in socio-economic aspect, thegovernment attracted it to participate in the declared plan of buildingsocialism. One of the points of the plan was collectivized of village.Ukrainian party leadership planned to complete the campaign by theend of 1930. But ethnic minorities were not prepared for such socioeconomic strategy of the Government of the USSR. Spontaneous rallies ofPolish peasants began in Shepetivka, Tulchin, Kamenetz-Podilsk, Mogilev-Podilsk and other districts. Most of the rallies were suppressed by force.Since 1934 the policy of displacement and deportation to Siberia andKazakhstan acquires the planning character. In general, about 45 thousandpeople had to move toKazakhstan. First of all, all Poles who lived in the 800-kilometer strip along the border with Poland were moved. In two stages(June and September 1936) from the border of the USSR 14,048 families(63,976 persons) were evicted, of which Poles amounted to – 75.7%. Cuttingoff from national and family values, schools, places of worship, cemeteriesPoles scattered in exile among small groups of other nationalities and theywere doomed to ethnic, physical extermination, forcible assimilation.Under pressure of Moscow the USSR party organs have adopted anumber of decisions on which the survey was carried out and «cleansing» of«anti-Soviet elements, Poles .» in schools, colleges, institutes. Teacherswork was under constant supervision of party organizations, and publicsafety, they first subjected to political filtering check on loyalty to theregime. For involvement in the «Polish Military Organization» and otherPolish counterrevolutionary organizations in Zhytomyr region 2 370 people(including 32 women) were shot, 19 people were imprisoned in labor camps(ITL), one person was sent to the North. From all these repressed – 1821people were of Polish nationality.In Zhytomyr region in «Polish Line» according to protocols «two» in1937-1938 8027 people were convicted, 7140 people of them were shot,«special troika» – 2830 people, 2785 people of them were shot. ; Polityka społeczno-gospodarcza wobec mniejszości narodowych, wtym polskiej społeczności była skierowana na zniszczenie tradycyjnychdziałań gospodarczych, masowe represje, deportacji, przymusowe «fuzjinarodów» w 30-tych. rr. XX w. ; Наприкінці 1920 – початку 1930-х рр. національна програмабільшовиків вступила в пряму суперечність із встановленнямтоталітарної політичної системи, яка спиралася на карально-репресивніоргани. Соціально-економічна політика влади щодо національнихменшин, в тому числі й польської спільноти, була цілеспрямована наруйнування їхньої традиційної господарської діяльності, масові репресії,депортації, насильницьке «злиття націй». Цим аспектам і присвяченозапропоновану статтю.

RESUME: A la fin des années 1920, lorsque le Comintern lance la "troisième période" et promeut la littérature prolétarienne comme arme dans le combat contre la bourgeoisie, le Parti communiste américain s'aligne sur ses directives. Néanmoins, la définition de la littérature prolétarienne donne lieu à de nombreux débats et controverses dans les revues de gauche (New Masses, Partisan Review,…) et les romans produits sous sa bannière sont souvent accusés de n'être pas assez vrais, de ne pas donner à voir le sort véritable des travailleurs. La littérature prolétarienne est ainsi en partie un produit de la critique et, après les années 1930, elle en fut souvent la victime. Les New Critics considéraient que les romans prolétariens – ou même simplement radicaux – n'étaient guère plus que des documents historiques, et ne leur accordèrent jamais de véritable valeur littéraire. Les bouleversements politiques des années 1960 et 1970, l'émergence de nouvelles disciplines universitaires (autour du genre, de la race et de la classe) permirent aux romans prolétariens de sortir de l'oubli. Ils furent analysés, parfois réédités, car ils semblaient offrir un modèle alternatif au récit politique américai majoritaire. Mais une fois encore, les analyses se concentraient principalement sur ce que ces oeuvres disaient d'une période ou d'un groupe particulier (les femmes, les Noirs, les communistes,…). Depuis le début des années 2000, cependant, de plus en plus de chercheurs ont cherché à saisir les romans prolétariens dans leur dimension narrative, pour tenter de cerner ces objets littéraires non identifiés. ABSTRACT: At the end of the 1920s, when the Comintern launched its "third period" by promoting the rise of proletarian literature everywhere, the American Communist Party followed suit. Many debates and controversies on the definition of proletarian literature took place in radical journals (New Masses, Partisan Review,…); the novels themselves were often accused of not being "authentic" enough, of not revealing the true plight of the working class. The proletarian novel was therefore, in part, the product of theory, and after the 1930s, it was often its victim. The New Critics considered proletarian, or even radical novels to be little more than historical documents, and never deemed them worthy of literary consideration; with the political upheavals of the 1960s and 1970s and the rise of new academic trends (feminist studies, African-American studies, radical studies…), proletarian novels were exhumed from the drawers of history, sometimes republished, and analyzed, since they seemed to offer a counter-model to the American political narrative. But once again, the focus was, more often than not, on what these works said about a given period or a given group (women, Blacks, communists…) rather than on what they were as literary productions. Over the past fifteen years, however, more and more scholars have reclaimed proletarian novels as novels, trying to come to terms with these unidentified literary objects.

Disponible en El presente trabajo constituye un preámbulo al estudio de la difusión, la recepción y las traducciones del ensayo de Simone de Beauvoir, El segundo sexo (1949), en España. Tras una revisión de las enseñanzas que proporcionan los estudios sobre su traducción anglo-americana, evocaremos el lugar que supone este ensayo en los Estudios de género en España, refrendado por la traducción de carácter universitario realizada en 1999. Proponemos a continuación una reflexión en torno a una serie de fuentes – entre las cuales la traducción argentina del libro – que nos permiten relativizar la idea, algo extendida, según la cual El segundo sexo es una incorporación de la cultura de la resistencia feminista al franquismo de los Setenta. Nos proponemos poner en evidencia una serie de jalones que acreditan la presencia del Segundo sexo en una genealogía del pensamiento feminista anterior frente a la involución que significa la política franquista para las conquistas de las mujeres durante la Segunda república española. ; This work is the preamble to a study on the dissemination, the reception and the translations of Simone de Beauvoir's The Second Sex (1949) in Spain. After reviewing the teachings afforded by studies on its Anglo-American translation, we discuss the place this essay occupies in the field of Gender Studies in Spain, as shown by the translation done in 1999 in the university setting. We then reflect on a series of sources – among them the Argentine translation of the book – that relativize the rather widely-accepted idea that The Second Sex began to be read in Spain primarily in the 1970s, when it was incorporated into the culture of feminist resistance to the Franco regime. We put forward evidence that confirms the presence of The second sex in a genealogy of earlier feminist thought in contrast with the retrogression that Francoism brought to the achievements of women during the Second Spanish Republic. ; Ce travail constitue un préambule à une étude de la diffusion, de la réception et des traductions de l'essai de Simone de Beauvoir (1949), Le deuxième sexe, en Espagne. Après une brève révision des enseignements qu'offrent les travaux consacrés à sa traduction anglo-américaine, nous évoquons la place que suppose aujourd'hui cet essai dans les Etudes de genre en Espagne et dont témoigne la traduction de caractère universitaire réalisée en 1999. Nous proposons ensuite une réflexion autour d'un certain nombre de sources - dont la publication argentine du livre - qui nous permettent d'infléchir l'idée, relativement répandue, selon laquelle Le Deuxième sexe est une incorporation de la culture de la résistance féministe au franquisme des années soixante-dix. Nous visons à mettre en évidence une série de jalons attestant de la présence du Deuxième sexe dans une généalogie de la pensée féministe contre l'involution que signifie la politique franquiste pour les conquêtes des femmes de la II République espagnole.

After the global financial crisis in 2008, youths across the world are among the hardest hit social groups, suffering from unemployment and social vulnerability. Riots or protests flared across countries such as the U.K., the U.S., Spain, et cetera. In Hong Kong, the "post-80s" and "post-80s generation" have become buzzwords used to designate the new generation since the anti high-speed rail movement and Choi Yuen Village protests in 2010. Leaving political agendas or positions aside, the generational labels have gained currency in public discourse since the protests. In connection to the debates, sociologist Lui Tai-lok and writer Chan Koon-chung argue that there is an outstanding generational hegemony in post-1997 Hong Kong, through which baby-boomers dominate their successive generations in different ways. How is this hegemony manifested in Hong Kong cinema from the Hong Kong New Wave to the present? This thesis aims to demonstrate how generational hegemony operates together with the so-called masculinity crises represented on Hong Kong screens, through which men with subordinate masculinity, women, youngsters, children, sexual and other minorities are otherized and marginalized in post-1997 Hong Kong cinema. In addition, it explores how the younger generations of Hong Kong filmmakers, especially the post-baby boomers, post-70s and post-80s generations, agree with or differ from their predecessors in renewing or rejecting the generational hegemony in imaging Hong Kong around and after the 10th anniversary of the handover through their precarious emergence. The introductory chapter first discusses the predominance of generational hegemony in post-1997 Hong Kong, tracing it back to the historical formation of Hong Kong society, identity and cinema. Having reinterpreted Hong Kong New Wave classics from a non-baby-boomer perspective, it then stresses the gender and generational specificity of most previous discourses on Hong Kong society, its culture and most importantly its cinema, using The Longest Summer as a representative crystallization of generational and masculine hegemony. Chapter 1 moves on to the post-handover and post-SARS era, using Breaking News and PTU directed by the auteur Johnnie To and his team Milkyway Image to explicate the synergic relation between auteurism, localism, masculinism and generational exceptionalism. Chapter 2 then locates the local and transnational presence of the post-70s and post-80s generations in Hong Kong cinema, illustrating the filmic rapport between them and the baby-boomers with the aid of industrial information and textual analyses of Exodus and Nightfall. Chapter 3 finally makes a case for generational difference by comparing After this Our Exile with High Noon and Glamorous Youth, which all deal with father-son relations in the context of the 10th anniversary of the handover. The three films would be analyzed through the lens of the modern/postmodern divide, the mainland connections, the politics of mundaneness and the representations of queerness. ; published_or_final_version ; Comparative Literature ; Master ; Master of Philosophy

Alle im Bundestag vertretenen Parteien treten inzwischen für Mindestlohnregulierungen ein, deutlich unterschiedliche Positionen gibt es jedoch hinsichtlich der Gestaltung und der Höhe. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung wird gezeigt, dass bei einem allgemeinen gesetzlichen Mindestlohn vor allem die Löhne von geringfügig Beschäftigten, Frauen, Personen ohne Berufsausbildung und Arbeitnehmern, die nicht im gelernten Beruf tätig sind, sowie von Beschäftigten in Ostdeutschland angehoben werden müssten. Betroffen wären insbesondere Kleinstbetriebe sowie Anbieter konsumnaher Dienstleistungen, kaum indes Wirtschaftszweige, die unmittelbar dem internationalen Wettbewerb ausgesetzt sind. Generell müsste ein Mindestlohn nach den Ergebnissen der ökonomischen Forschung nicht mit Arbeitsplatzverlusten einhergehen. Es gibt aber Hinweise darauf, dass die Wirkungen stark von der Höhe der festgesetzten Lohnuntergrenze abhängen. Durch einen Mindestlohn könnte zwar die Lohnspreizung verringert werden, und Gerechtigkeitsvorstellungen, wie sie von einer großen Mehrheit der Bevölkerung in Deutschland geteilt werden, würden so weniger verletzt als gegenwärtig. Zu einer Einebnung der Ungleichheit bei den verfügbaren Einkommen der privaten Haushalte und zu einer wesentlichen Verringerung von Armut käme es aber nicht. Ebenfalls wäre nicht zu erwarten, dass die Zahl derjenigen Arbeitnehmer, die Leistungen nach Hartz IV beziehen (Aufstocker), stark zurückginge. Ein kräftiger gesamtwirtschaftlicher Kaufkraftschub ist ebenfalls nicht anzunehmen. Die Einführung eines allgemeinen Mindestlohns in Deutschland wäre ein Feldexperiment, das mit Bedacht angegangen werden sollte. Aus wissenschaftlicher Sicht sollte beim Einstieg das Niveau nicht zu hoch angesetzt werden, und die Wirkung des Mindestlohns müsste sorgfältig beobachtet werden. Erweist sich ein allgemeiner Mindestlohn als unschädlich für die Beschäftigung, sollte sein Niveau zügig angehoben werden. Bei der Einführung ist darauf zu achten, dass die Regulierung nicht unterlaufen wird - etwa durch unbezahlte Mehrarbeit oder durch die vermehrte Beschäftigung in Form von Minijobs oder Werkverträgen. ; All parties represented in the Bundestag now support minimum-wage regulations, yet their positions on its structure and amount differ significantly. The present study shows that a general statutory minimum wage would mainly have to increase the wages of workers in marginal employment, women, persons with no vocational training, workers employed in fields other than those in which they were trained, and workers in eastern Germany. Very small businesses and consumer service providers would be impacted most of all, but those sectors of the economy directly exposed to international competition hardly at all. According to the results of economic research, a minimum wage would not generally lead to job losses. However, there are indications that the effects depend strongly on the amount of the minimum wage. A minimum wage could reduce the wage differential and would be more in line with what a large majority of the German population currently considers fair. However, it would not even out inequalities in the disposable incomes of private households or significantly reduce poverty. Nor could the number of workers receiving Hartz IV benefits (means tested minimum income support), i. e., income supplements, be expected to fall significantly. A powerful boost in overall purchasing power would not be expected, either. Introducing a general minimum wage in Germany would be a field experiment to be approached with caution. From a scientific point of view, the level should not be too high at first, and the impact of the minimum wage should be observed closely. If it proves not to have negative effects on employment, the general minimum wage should be increased rapidly. When it is introduced, care should be taken that regulation is not circumvented - for example through unpaid additional work or increasing the number of people in employed in mini-jobs or through contract work.

Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit dem § 104a StGB (Menschenhandel). Insbesondere geht es darum, herauszufinden, ob die Bestimmung ein reiner Beitragstätertatbestand ist. Im Zuge dessen wird anfangs die Entstehungsgeschichte sowie die diversen internationalen Vorgaben in diesem Bereich, insbesondere das Palermo Protokoll und die Europäische Menschenrechtskonvention, beschrieben. Danach wird auf die praktische Bedeutung des Gesetzes eingegangen. In einem eigenen Abschnitt werden Frauen-, Heirats- und Kinderhandel sowie Sex- beziehungsweise Prostitutionstourismus und die Ausbeutung im Bereich der Arbeitsleistungen als Erscheinungs-formen des Menschenhandels behandelt. Des Weiteren beinhaltet die Arbeit eine genaue Be-schreibung des Tatbestandes Menschenhandel inklusive einer Darstellung der verschiedenen Beitragshandlungen. Ein anderer Abschnitt beschäftigt sich ausschließlich mit den einzelnen Arten der ?unlauteren Mittel?. Vorsatzform sowie die unterschiedlichen Inhalte des Vorsatzes, speziell der Ausbeutungsvorsatz, bilden den Inhalt des nächsten Abschnitts. Im Zuge dessen werden die sexuelle Ausbeutung, die Ausbeutung der Arbeitskraft sowie die Ausbeutung durch Organentnahme sowohl juristisch als auch im praktischen Rahmen dargestellt. Danach wird abstrakt auf die Besonderheiten der Beteiligung im rechtlichen Bereich eingegangen und erörtert weshalb der § 104a StGB als Beitragstätertatbestand zu qualifizieren sein könnte. In einem weiteren Abschnitt wird dann eine Abgrenzung zu diversen anderen Bestimmungen des Strafgesetzbuches und des Fremdenpolizeigesetzes gezogen. Hierbei wird auch auf Konkurrenzen eingegangen. Schließlich wurden noch Stellungnahmen vom Verein LEFÖ, von Herrn Oberst Tatzgern vom Bundeskriminalamt sowie vom Bundesministerium für Justiz eingeholt. Die abschließende Schlussfolgerung gibt die Meinung der Autorin zur Beantwortung der Frage der Arbeit wieder. ; This thesis assesses section (§) 104a of the Austrian Criminal Code (ACC), human trafficking. The main emphasis is on finding out if § 104a of the ACC only is an offence that can be committed by way of collaboration. The first chapter deals with the historical origin of the legal provision and the various international statutory provisions concerning this matter, in particular with the Palermo protocol and the European Convention on Human Rights. In addition, the practical importance of the provision is described. In a separate chapter women-, marriage- and child-trafficking, as well as sex tourism and exploitation in the area of the performance of work in the form of human trafficking are discussed. Additionally, the diploma project contains a detailed description of the elements of offence of human trafficking including an analysis of the various forms of offences committed by way of collaboration. The next chapter exclusively deals with different types of ?unfair business practices?. The various contents of malice, especially the malice of exploitation, are the issue of the next chapter. This also includes sexual exploitation, exploitation of labour as well as exploitation in the form of a removal of organs, both in a legal way and from a practical point of view. Furthermore, the thesis deals with the characteristics of criminal offences committed by accessories in the legal framework in the abstract and questions why § 104a of the ACC could be qualified as an offence that only can be committed by accessories. In the next chapter human trafficking is distinguished from diverse other provisions of the ACC as well as the ?immigration authorities?-law. In this context the paper also analyses competing terms. Finally statements of the association LEFÖ, of colonel Tatzgern (Federal Criminal Police Office) and also of the Department of Justice were obtained. The conclusion provides a summary of the author`s point of view on the subject matter of the thesis. ; eingereicht von Michaela Kundegraber ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2012 ; (VLID)226566

We can distinguish two general causes of internal displacement worldwide: 1. the impact of threats to and ensuing decline in the level of human security below that needed for normal existence in the homeland territory, 2. administrative compulsion to leave the current place of residence. Every year, at least tens of millions of people on all continents are forced to leave their places of residence. The predominant cause is the occurrence of natural disasters, creating the most dynamic category of internal displacement. According to IDMC estimates, natural disasters expelled 42 million people from their homes in 2010 and 14 million people in 2011. Many cases of internal displacement are associated with the accelerating dynamics of climate change, which is a much more long-term phenomenon. The causes of this kind of displacement are the desertification of soils and potential rise in sea level. The aim of this paper will be to determine the impact on several areas of human security of long-term environmental change and the displacement it causes.

The objective of this work is to draw attention to the impact of climate change on internal displacement as an important factor affecting the security of millions of inhabitants of our planet. Relevant considerations have been preceded by an analysis of the most important causes of internal displacement. Among them we can mention: 1. internal armed conflicts and escalation of violence, 2. discrimination, persecution, and repression by state authorities or other political actors, 3. natural or man-made disasters, 4. long-term environmental changes, 5. economic development, 6. conservation of nature, and 7. specific combinations of political, economic or environmental factors (such as famine). In the next section I draw attention to the historical examples of long-term displacement caused by climate change. Environmental factors and declining resources have been the root cause of migration over most of human history. Only the consequences of the Neolithic (r)evolution and the gradual emancipation from the forces of nature resulted in a greater diversity of contemporary migrations.

The most important section of the work draws attention to the decline in the level of human security associated with long-term environmental processes and the displacement they cause. The consequences can be both violent conflicts for space and resources as well as more peaceful migrations in search of better living conditions. A useful research tool in analyzing such processes has been the classification of seven areas of human security included in the UNDP Human Development Report published in 1994. I have expanded this classification by adding two areas: cultural security, and risks affecting the groups most vulnerable to the negative consequences of environmental change. Among those I have mentioned are: women, children, the elderly, indigenous people, illegal settlers, those with no formal rights to land or resources, and other categories of minorities.

In the period after the political changes in the year 2000, GDP growth in Serbia was rather rapid and compares favourably with other transition countries in Southeastern Europe. It was driven mainly by the expansion of services, with industrial production and agriculture basically stagnating over the whole period. The labour market effects were similar to those in other countries going through transition employment declined in the public sector and increased in the private sector, with the overall number of employed declining and those unemployed increasing, and also with strong increases in the number of pensioners. The Serbian labour market is characterized by low employment and activity rates, particularly for women and young people. This indicates the weaknesses of the secondary educational system in adapting to the needs of the labour market, but also the obsolete skills of the high percentage of long-term unemployed. In general, the educational attainments of the workforce have changed only marginally over recent years. Labour mobility, as everywhere in Europe, is very low in Serbia. By contrast, Serbia's (outward) migration is very high and remittances constitute an important share of income. Brain drain has become an important issue in recent years though it is hardly a new phenomenon. However, for highly educated people, the relevant labour market is the world labour market. Informal sector employment, which has been traditionally high in Serbia, even increased during the past decade, with a rising share of older workers, better educated persons with secondary education or more, self-employed persons and unpaid family workers. During the current crisis there has been a marked decline in the number of self-employed persons, which is where most informally employed people are to be found. Serbia has not relied on consistent labour market policies to address the low level of employment and high level of unemployment. Some changes are being introduced in the crisis and post-crisis periods, but the effects are uncertain and are yet to be determined in any case. Although spending on passive and active labour market policy measures in Serbia has been growing in the past couple of years, it is still low compared to the EU average but higher than in most other Western Balkan countries. The lion's share of the available budget is spent on passive measures. An important step in order to improve the efficiency of labour market policy measures was made in 2007, when the administration of health insurance was separated from the NES which absorbed much time and efforts in the past. Transition and the current crisis have led to the development of significant structural problems in the labour markets in Serbia. The policies so far have been inadequate as they have been targeting cyclical rather than structural problems. This needs to be changed in the future with significant improvements in the policy design and the institutional support for implementation.

Статья посвящена актуальной проблеме формирования правовых основ устранения торговли людьми в зарубежных странах. Возникновение процесса принятия законов, направленных на борьбу с торговлей людьми, объясняется необходимостью устранения причин этого явления, игнорирование которых может привести к дестабилизации социального мира и экономическому дисбалансу. Следует учитывать системность и сложность данной проблемы, необходим и комплексный подход к ней, который носил бы всеобъемлющий международный характер и осуществлялся в странах происхождения, транзита и назначения, включающий меры, направленные на предупреждение этого преступления. ; The article is devoted to the actual problem of forming of the legal basis of elimination of human trafficking in foreign countries. The emergence of the process of enacting legislation to combat human trafficking is accounted for the need to address the causes of this phenomenon, ignoring of which could lead to destabilization of social peace and economic imbalances. One should take into consideration that problem is systematic in nature. That's why a comprehensive approach is required to it valid in countries of origin, transit and destination. It should cover measures to prevent such trafficking, to punish the traffickers and protect victims of trafficking, including protecting their internationally recognized human rights. Special attention should be paid to women and children and encouragement of intergovernmental cooperation to achieve this goals. This system includes: 1) recognition of human trafficking as a criminal offense, 2) protection of trafficking victims, and 3) assisting victims of trafficking. The problem of distinguishing of the two concepts describing mutual interconnection but different in nature phenomenon in the use of forced labor, trafficking in human beings and people smuggling. In case of smuggling illegal immigrants hire a smuggler. Typically, this process involves the illegal transportation from one country to another. For this an illegal agreement is concluded without the use of deception and coercion. On entering into the country and arriving to final destination illegal migrant usually freely uses his ability to work. Human trafficking on the contrary involves the transportiration of people to use them fraudulently to forced labor or commercial sex. Besides victims of trafficking are not allowed to leave the place of destination on arrival. They are held against their will under threat of violence and forced to work or provide services to merchants or third parties. Currently, there are several forms of human trafficking bonded labor and forced labour, which are directly interconnected. Bonded labor or debt bondage is the least known form of trafficking, but it is the most widely used method of enslaving people. Victims become bonded laborers when the payment of transportation and their placement in the country of destination is included in their future earnings. And until they pay the carrier, they are forcibly held in bondage. Thus we resolve the right to state that there is a trend in foreign labour law aimed at forming of laws combating human trafficking.