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In this article I discuss a number of ethical issues surrounding the USA-commissioned Belmont report (NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN SUBJECTS OF BIOMEDICAL AND BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH, 1979), using as one of the spurs for my discussion a case of post qualitative research with ten (Black) children aged 14-15 in a school in South Africa. I asked the children to form groups to reflect together on the possible relevance for South Africa of certain scenarios in relation to climate change that had been constructed during research in Australia. The "scenario exercise" was intended to stimulate the participants' active learning together in relation to their engagement with the scenarios. It was also intended to be consciously "performative" in that the words used in the presented scenarios would admittedly have some impact on the children's (joint) considerations, for which I took some responsibility. With reference to this research, and at the same time engaging with ongoing ethical debates related to the purpose of social scientific inquiry, I offer ethical deliberations which entail a radical revision of the ethical guidelines of the Belmont report (which inform many institutional ethical review boards across the globe) to incorporate a performative understanding of social research. While I concentrate on addressing ethical issues concerning research interaction with children/young people, I suggest that my deliberations have implications for participatory research with adults too.

"Der Beitrag verknüpft die wirtschaftsethischen Überlegungen der Freiburger Schule um Walter Eucken mit dem gegenwärtigen Stand des konstitutionen-ökonomischen Forschungsparadigmas von James Buchanan und dem Inklusionskonzept von Amartya Sen. Der Capability-Ansatz von Sen ist geeignet, das klassisch ordnungsökonomische Anliegen einer privilegienfreien Ordnung mit der Idee einer diskriminierungsfreien Gesellschaftsordnung, in der kein Mitglied dauerhaft und systematisch von gesellschaftlicher Teilhabe ausgeschlossen wird, zu verknüpfen." (Autorenreferat)

Gerechtigkeit gehört zu den zentralen Wertfragen in allen gegenwärtigen europäischen Gesellschaften. Das Gerechtigkeitskonzept wird jedoch oft inhaltlich zu eindimensional gefasst und räumlich zu sehr auf die Einzelstaaten begrenzt. Die europäische Integration hat heute ein Niveau erreicht, das die Debatte über Gerechtigkeit nur über Ländergrenzen hinweg sinnvoll macht. Die interdisziplinären Beiträge in diesem Buch diskutieren einen neuen europäischen Gerechtigkeitsbegriff, der sich an gegenwärtige politische Diskurse anschließen lässt.

It has been a little over twenty years since the attacks of September 11, 2001, and thus we are also going to be coming up on twentieth anniversaries of some of the most heinous restrictions on civil liberties in US history (though there is a lot of competition) and the twentieth anniversaries of instance after instance of unjustifiable atrocities committed in the name of the Stars and Stripes. Through autoethnographic reflection in conversation with Netflix's Turning Point: 9/11 and the War on Terror (2021) and Spencer Ackerman's Reign of Terror: How the 9/11 Era Destabilized America and Produced Trump (2021), this critical review essay explores the legacies of the Sept. 11, 2001 attack on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, including policies of mass killing, mass propaganda, mass torture, and mass surveillance. The essay concludes with a reflection on where this leaves the US and world today: namely, in a place where it is increasingly "acceptable" to criticize the US war machine, though it has always been necessary.

This study aims to spell out the underlying principles of Amal Donguls rejectionist and explicate its active role in the process of creativity . Despite the difficulty, if not the impossibility, of separating ideology from art, which are dialectally related in criticism, this study will gave priority to the artistic aspect of rejectionist over the ideological aspect by inquiring into the essence of creativity in rejectionist, because the poeticalness of Amal's rejectionist was not overridden by ideology or politics; rather it remained throughout his advanced artistic vision a manifestation of creativity.

Dieser Beitrag gibt einen sozialpsychologischen Überblick über die Forschung zur "Gerechte-Welt-Motivation" und zieht Schlussfolgerungen für die Erwachsenenbildung.

The theoretical model of the open society was and remains a fruitful way of reflecting the essential links within a democratic society. Analyzing this concept from its rationality, the author tries to highlight its fundamental principles and determine their impact on the form and content of the functioning of education. The article offers a view of K. Popper's "open society" as a way to implement the principles of criticism (critical methodology), of (potential) fallibility, egalitarianism (pluralism) as principles of social rationality. The connection between these principles, moral obligations, and the humanistic theory of justice is emphasized. Their socio-philosophical and epistemological realization in the context of educational issues is covered. The paper considers problems of state intervention in educational processes, the definition of educational goals, the methodology of social reforms (including educational reforms). The article also outlines the problem of defining the boundaries of regulation of the educational process in the value system of open society. This discussion is interpreted in terms of the theory of rationality as an attempt to avoid the extremes of absolutism (dogmatism) and relativism. Emphasis is placed on the prospects of using the critical-rationalist methodology, in the context of education and development of skills necessary for participation in democratic processes. Particular attention is paid to the problematic aspects of the implementation of the rational principles and values of the open society in the educational environment and in the process of reforming the education system in the absence of a constant critical and rationalist tradition. The paper emphasizes the importance of critical thinking in the prospect of implementing these transformations. The importance of scientific, logical and methodological, psychological and pedagogical aspects of critical thinking is emphasized; the author tries to comprehend the problematic aspects of the implementation of these principles in the process of implementing reforms in the field of education. ; Теоретична модель відкритого суспільства була та залишається плідним способом відображення сутнісних зв'язків демократичного суспільства. Аналізуючи цю концепцію з точки зору її раціональності автор намагається висвітлити її фундаментальні засади та визначити їх вплив на форму та зміст функціонування освіти. У статті пропонується погляд на «відкрите суспільство» К. Поппера, як на спосіб реалізації принципів критики (критичності), потенційної помилковості, плюралізму (егалітаризму) як принципів соціальної раціональності. Підкреслюється зв'язок цих принципів з моральними зобов'язаннями та гуманістичною теорією справедливості. Висвітлюється їх соціально-філософська та епістемологічна реалізація в контексті освітньої проблематики. Розглядаються проблеми втручання держави в освітні процеси, визначення цілей освіти, методології проведення соціальних реформ (у тому числі реформи освіти). Розглядається також проблема визначення меж регулювання освітнього процесу в системі цінностей «відкритого суспільства». Ця дискусія інтерпретується у термінах теорії раціональності, як спроба уникнення крайнощів абсолютизму (догматизму) та релятивізму. Акцентується увага на перспективі використання критико-раціоналістичної методології, у контексті виховання та розвитку навичок, необхідних для участі у демократичних процесах. Особлива увага приділяється проблемним аспектам реалізації раціональних принципів та ціннісних передумов «відкритого суспільства» в освітньому середовищі та у процесі реформування системи освіти в умовах відсутності стійкої критико-раціоналістичної традиції. Акцентується увага на значенні критичного мислення в перспективі реалізації цих перетворень. Підкреслюється значення наукового, логіко-методологічного та психолого-педагогічного аспектів критичного мислення; автор намагається осмислити проблемні аспекти реалізації цих принципів у процесі здійснення реформ у сфері освіти.

International audience 18 th century Ireland under the Penal Laws produced many poems deploring the country's fate under British rule. Brian Merriman, a hedge schoolmaster from Clare, published in 1780 a long, satirical poem called Cúirt an Mheain Oíche satirizing men's subjection of women within marriage. This contribution will examine what marriage law said about the situation of women and how the poem criticizes its negative consequences on the women of Ireland as judged by a bawdy fairy court of law. ; Au XVIIIème siècle, l'Irlande des Lois Pénales a produit de nombreux poèmes déplorant la servitude du pays sous la férule anglaise. Brian Merriman, maître d'école itinérant, originaire du comté de Clare, a composé en 1780 un long poème satirique, Cúirt an Mheáin Oíche, critiquant la domination des femmes au sein du mariage. Le présent article met en regard les lois matrimoniales et leurs conséquences négatives sur les femmes d'Irlande selon une cour de justice grivoise présidée par la reine des fées.

The article is devoted to the research of scientific approaches to defining the essence of fairness and its normative fixing as a category of criminal procedural law. It is found that in philosophical studies distinguish formal, substantive and procedural justice. In philosophy of law distinguishes: fairness as equality of opportunity, fairness distributive and revengeful fairness. In criminal proceedings fairness is used in such contextual meanings: as the purpose (task) of criminal proceedings, as the principle of criminal proceedings, as a subjective right to a fair trial, as a requirement to a judicial decision, as an accordance of punishment, as a requirement to the characteristic of a jury. It is substantiated that the fairness of criminal proceedings is both its purpose and its task. Fairness is that reference point, to achieve which criminal proceeding is initiated, and the task of criminal proceedings is to follow a fair procedure. It is determined that the general law principle of fairness extends to criminal procedural law, taking on its own specificity, due to the peculiarities of criminal procedural relations. Fairness is a separate and self-sufficient principle of criminal proceedings. It is established that the subject of criminal procedural regulation is the fairness of the criminal procedural form, not punishment. It is substantiated that in the criminal procedural legislation fairness is applied in the following meanings: as a moral and ethical requirement for the characteristics of a person, as a requirement of substantive law (justice of punishment appointed by a court), as a requirement to the procedural form (compliance with the fair procedure of processual actions and making procedural decisions). Fairness as a requirement to a procedural form is also multidimensional: it is the purpose (task) of criminal proceedings, the principle of criminal proceedings, and the procedural right of a person (right to a fair trial). ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню наукових підходів до визначення сутності справедливості та її нормативного закріплення як категорії кримінального процесуального права. З'ясовано, що у філософських дослідженнях виділяють формальну, змістову й процедурну справедливість. У філософії права розрізняють справедливість як рівність можливостей, справедливість розподільчу та справедливість відплатну. У кримінальному процесі справедливість уживається в таких контекстних значення: як мета (завдання) кримінального провадження, як засада кримінального провадження, як суб'єктивне право на справедливий судовий розгляд, як вимога до судового рішення, як відповідність покарання, як вимога до характеристики присяжного. Обґрунтовано, що справедливість кримінального провадження є як його метою, так і завданням. Справедливість є тим орієнтиром, задля досягнення якого розпочинається кримінальне провадження, а завданням кримінального провадження є дотримання справедливої процедури. Визначено, що загальноправовий принцип справедливості поширюється на кримінальне процесуальне право, набуваючи своєї специфіки, зумовленої особливостями кримінальних процесуальних правовідносин. Справедливість є окремою та самодостатньою засадою кримінального провадження. Установлено, що предметом кримінального процесуального регулювання є справедливість кримінальної процесуальної форми, а не покарання. Обґрунтовано, що в кримінальному процесуальному законодавстві справедливість уживається в таких значеннях: як морально-етична вимога до характеристики особи, як вимога матеріального права (справедливість покарання, що призначається судом), як вимога до процесуальної форми (дотримання справедливої процедури проведення процесуальних дій і прийняття процесуальних рішень). Справедливість як вимога до процесуальної форми також є багатоаспектною: є метою (завданням) кримінального провадження, засадою кримінального провадження та процесуальним правом особи (право на справедливий судовий розгляд).

The THESys Discussion Paper "An Analysis of the Sustainability of the Increasing Consumption of Bolivian and Peruvian Quinoa at University Canteens in Berlin" represents the first report in this series compiled solely by bachelor's and master's students. It therefore adds an important new category to the series, one that provides a platform for innovative interdisciplinary research conducted by students. The authors are students at Humboldt-Universität's Departments of European Ethnology, Geography, Philosophy and Physics, the Thaer-Institute of Agricultural and Horticultural Sciences as well as the School of Economics. They all are or have been members of the so-called Themenklasse Nachhaltigkeit & Globale Gerechtigkeit, (Themenklasse Sustainability & Global Justice), a year-long interdisciplinary study project at IRI THESys for fifteen students who receive a monthly scholarship from the German federal government's Deutschlandstipendium programme. The scholarships, which reward academic excellence and social engagement, are provided by the Stiftung Humboldt-Universität, with co-funding from the Federal Ministry for Education and Research. The Themenklasse Nachhaltigkeit & Globale Gerechtigkeit has existed since 2013. Since its inception, the students of the Themenklasse have used their one year scholarship period to carry out interdisciplinary group work on questions of sustainability and global justice, under the supervision of IRI THESys scientists. In this work, which has always fallen under the larger topic of "Humboldt's Footprint", the students have addressed questions of great societal relevance while using the "cosmos" of their university as an area or object of study. Their work has included projects on subjects such as the sustainability of the Humboldt- Universität's supply chains, student mobility, and official travel at the university's geography department. The 2016/2017 cohort also decided to focus on Humboldt's Footprint, this time addressing the question of sustainable food production and consumption. The students began by exploring and comparing different disciplinary approaches to the question of sustainability in a resource context. After determining the major differences in disciplinary approaches and perspectives, they then narrowed down the often broader, more general questions to the specific question of Quinoa consumption in university canteens. During many long meetings and discussions, and with only brief inputs from their supervisors, the students explored the multi-faceted problem of how to assess Quinoa as a product, including its production, transport and consumption. They took approaches to this question of sustainable quinoa consumption that ranged from empirical quantitative work to a normative approach. This report presents an initial summary and synthesis of the outcomes of this work. It is not a final report, as the work of the 2017/2018 cohort will continue to examine this topic. In a June 2017 workshop, the group presented their work to fellow students and explored how this topic could be further refined and developed, e.g. to regionally differentiate the economic and social impacts of the diffusion of quinoa production. As the supervisors of this work, we are excited to learn about the next group of new ideas and to see the outcomes of the next steps in this analysis. We therefore want to express our gratitude to Stiftung Humboldt-Universität for their constant support, which has been essential to ensuring the continuity of the work of this group of talented and enthusiastic young researchers.

Анализируется один из аспектов дискуссии, развернувшейся в Великобритании 1930-х гг. по вопросу спасения демократии поиск идеала гражданина, способного противостоять угрозе фашизма. Рассматриваются модели гражданина-демократа, предложенные эллинистом Ричардом Уинном Ливингстоном, известным европейским социологом Карлом Мангеймом (Манхеймом), а также членами Ассоциации гражданского образования и Содружества в пользу нового образования, создавшими в 1940 г. общественный Совет по реформе учебного плана. ; After the Great War it seemed that the democratic idea would have triumphed in Europe forever. But by 1939 the liberal-democratic regimes had survived only in 13 out of 29 countries. Britain was one of those countries. In spite of this, not without the influence of the experience of totalitarian states, in the 1930s, for the first time in British history, the issue of the need for social and political propaganda among the population (especially among youth) was raised. It was the issue of the conveyance of a well-defined "political philosophy". But due to the fact that "propaganda" and "indoctrination" presented a frightening sense, the British preferred to talk about civic or liberal education. The search for the ideal of the citizen-democrat, corresponding with the terms of the twentieth century, became part of the discussion that took place at different levels of the public and state structures. An understanding of "citizenship", formulated by Professor Richard Winn Livingston, came into widespread acceptance: a "good citizen" is like a "good soldier"; he serves as part of the body, and, if necessary, sacrifices his life and carries out his duties to the state on his own free will. Truly, in the "era of totalitarianism" most people preferred to talk about person's duties not to the state but to the fellow citizens, to society. Another image of the citizen-democrat's ideal was introduced by the Council for the Curriculum Reform which treated the democratic way of life as a combination of the Roman feeling for law, the Christian love and brotherhood, the medieval respect for reason, the seventeenth-century pursuit of empiricism and science, and, not the least, the passion for the social justice and social equality which inspired the reformers of the 18th and 19th centuries. In the time of crisis there was a desire to convince people that they were to blame themselves, and therefore they should engage in self-improvement. A well-known European thinker Karl Mannheim, who emigrated from Germany to England in 1933, opposed the reanimation of the liberal theory and its postulates, according to which the purpose of education is a free development of internal qualities of a free person. The sociologist believed that it is impossible to be a good Christian in a society in which the basic laws contradict the spirit of Christianity. Therefore he defended the process of social changes and those virtues and values that can provide it: brotherly love, mutual assistance, honesty, social justice, freedom and respect for the individual. At the same time, in order to survive, democracy must become "militant", and therefore it must produce individuals who are advanced and militant, but not fanatical. The search for the ideal of the citizen and ways for his training, widely spread in British society on the eve of war, eased the preservation of social stability that was so needed in the UK during its more than five-year fight against the Nazi Germany.

SUMMARYAre modern democracies capable of preserving the constitution of liberty and capable of preserving the natural basis of human existence in the long‐run? The achievement of these aims requires political actions toward fundamental changes in the life of modern societies. The respective political actors have to develop and to sustain long‐term constitutional and ecological interests. Can these actors be conceived as homines oeconomici? Within public choice there have been important attempts to derive long‐term interests on the basis of homo oeconomicus. These attempts have led, however, to theoretical difficulties. To develop a solution we introduce the notion of homo politicus. Homo politicus is concerned with the common search for the general interest of a political community which in traditional philosophy is called 'justice'. The concepts of homo oeconomicus and homo politicus are not mutually exclusive alternatives, but dimensions of human behaviour. Neither of them can be empirically observed in its pure form. We argue that we need a combination of both concepts to understand political phenomena. Thereby we seek to contribute to a theoretical basis which allows the derivation of the constitutional interest and the ecological interest.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGKönnen moderne demokratische Rechtsstaaten langfristig eine freiheitliche Verfassung bewahrcn und den Fortbestand der natürlichen Lebensgrundlagen sichern? Die Verwirklichung dieser beiden Ziele macht politische Handlungen erforderlich, die zu fundamentalen Änderungen in der Lebensweise moderner Gesellschaften führen. Die politisch Handelnden müssen hierzu von langfristigen Interessen an einer freiheitlichen Verfassung (konstitutionelles Interesse) und am Fortbestand der natürlichen Lebensgrundlagen (ökologisches Interesse) geleitet wcrden. Können diese politisch Handelnden angemessen als homines oeconomici aufgefasst werden? In der Public Choice sind bedeutsame Versuche unternommen worden, Langzeitintcressen auf der Basis des homo oeconomicus abzuleiten. Dabei ergaben sich indes beträchtliche konzeptionelle Probleme. Um eine Lösung denkbar zu machen, führen wir den Begriff des homo politicus ein. Der homo politicus ist der Mensch, insofern er sich gemeinsam mil andern in einem Handlungsfeld betätigt, in dem es um das allgemeine Interesse einer Gesellschaft, in der philosophischen Tradition: um die 'Gerechtig‐keit', geht. Die Konzepte des homo oeconomicus und des homo politicus schliessen sich nicht gegenseitig aus, sondern verweisen auf verschiedene Dimensionen menschlichen Verhaltens, die in ihrer Reinform empirisch nicht beobachtet werden. Wir sind der Ansicht, dass die Untersuchung politischer Phänomene vielfach eine Kombination beider Konzepte erforderlich macht. Unser Ansatz versteht sich als Beitrag zu einer theoretischen Grundlegung, die die Ableitung des konstitutionellen und des ökologischen Interesses ermöglichen soll.RÉSUMÉEst‐ce que les démocraties modernes sont capables de préserver la constitution de la liberté et en měme temps la base naturelle de l'existence humaine? Pour attcindre ces buts, il faut des actions politiques pour des changements fundamentals dans les societés modernes. II faut que les acteurs politiques développent et soutiennent un interět constitutionel et un interět ěcologique à long terme. Est‐ce qu'il est possible que ces acteurs soient dénotés comme homines oeconomici? Dans la théorie de public choice il y avait des essais importants de dériver des interets à long terme en base de l'homo oeconomicus. Mais ces essais ont menés à de graves difficultés théoretiques. En adressant ces problèmes nous introduisons la notion homo politicus. Homo politicus est concernéà l'action politique. Cette action consiste en la recherche de 1 interět général d'une communité politique que l'on appelle 'justice'. Les conceptes de homo oeconomkus et homo politicus ne s'exclusent pas mais sont des dimensions differents de la manière d'agir humaine. Aucune ne peut ětre observéc dans sa forme pure. Nous argumentons que souvent l'on a besoin d'une combinaison des ces deux concepts pour bien comprendre des phénomènes politiques. Avec cet article nous essayons de contribuer à la base théorique qui permet la derivation de l'interět constitutionel et de l'interět écologique.

At the outset, it seems necessary to make clear that our attempt at finding a formula of development cooperation has to be in accord with the existing democratic (political and economic) texture of the two composite entities. Our task is facilitated by the fact that there already exists a certain level of appreciative consciousness of the need to promote mutually beneficial cooperation. It was only in 1981 that India and the EEC had concluded a new five-year Commercial and Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA), which bears considerable improvement on the 1973 Commercial Cooperation Agreement (CCA). It called for "closer cooperation across the whole range of commercial and economic endeavour" such as, in the fields of trade, industry, science, energy and finance. It is felt that in case this agreement was honoured in the spirit in which it was concluded, it may perhaps bear satisfactory results. However, the basic problem is that the agreement has to be honoured not by the EEC Executive (Commission) itself, but by the Member States (with varying political complexions and economic competence) and the industrialists on both the sides. As is well known, industrialists would cease to be themselves if they were not motivated by profit, which enables them to ensure development of their own industries. The concept of social justice hardly enters into their work design even if the economic philosophy of the state (such as the "Social Market Economy" in the case of the ERG) makes a specific provision in this regard. None the less, it is generally believed in the Indian official and business circles that our increased inter-action with the European Community in the industrial field may promote the rate of economic growth, which, without doubt further strengthens the economic competence of the state. But, even then, so it is surmised that the fruits of economic growth may remain confined for the most part only to the rich. In the industrial West, however, the fringe benefits of industrial growth have been so immense that the basic needs of their poor could somehow be met. This phenomenon has little to do with the much publicized theories of social or economic equity. In India, as in other developing societies, the problem (in the given framework) has two equally important dimensions, economic growth and meeting the basic needs of the poor, which have to be programmed simultaneously. How, realization of these two-fold objectives could be facilitated through cooperation with the EEC and its Member States calls for debate. Perhaps, a limited optimistic stance is permissible only if India succeeds in ensuring continuous dedicated industrial vigilance and social commitment in its endeavours at industrial modernization. A caveat may, however, be added here that generally speaking the bureaucrats and industrialists (if the experiments at industrialization in Western Europe or in the NICs are any guide) attach no more than lip-sympathy to social (distributive) justice. However, political leadership in a given country has considerable scope to influence the functional modes of both the bureaucrats and the industrialists, as it bears out from the historic constructive role played by General de Gaulle in drawing France in the-early and mid-1960s out of the colonial impasse and setting it on the road to economic modernization. In other words, given the political will and economic wherewithal, a good deal is within the realm of the possible.

"Love thy neighbor" is an impossible exhortation. Good neighbors greet us on the street and do small favors, but neighbors also startle us with sounds at night and unleash their demons on us, they monitor and reproach us, and betray us to authorities. The moral principles prescribed for friendship, civil society, and democratic public life apply imperfectly to life around home, where we interact day to day without the formal institutions, rules of conduct, and means of enforcement that guide us in other settings.In Good Neighbors, Nancy Rosenblum explores how encounters among neighbors create a democracy of everyday life, which has been with us since the beginning of American history and is expressed in settler, immigrant, and suburban narratives and in novels, poetry, and popular culture. During disasters, like Hurricane Katrina, the democracy of everyday life is a resource for neighbors who improvise rescue and care. Degraded, this framework can give way to betrayal by neighbors, as faced by the Japanese Americans interned during World War II, or to terrible violence such as the lynching of African Americans. Under extreme conditions the barest act of neighborliness is a bulwark against total ethical breakdown. The elements of the democracy of everyday life-reciprocity, speaking out, and "live and let live"-comprise a democratic ideal not reducible to public principles of justice or civic virtue, but it is no less important. The democracy of everyday life, Rosenblum argues, is the deep substrate of democracy in America and can be its saving remnant