Suchergebnisse

On 19 April 2009, the Turkish Cypriots voted for a new legislature. The election outcome is important in understanding political trends in northern Cyprus before the April 2010 Presidential election, which will be significant for the current peace negotiations. The latter are considered by many observers as the last roll of the dice in terms of attempts to resolve the Cyprus conflict. The comeback of the old guard UBP is considered as the normalisation of politics in northern Cyprus. Although the UBP claims that it supports the ongoing peace negotiations, its historical baggage reveals just the opposite. Adapted from the source document.

Franççois Mitterrand, the longest-serving French president in history, never ceased to be a passionate advocate of Israel, in contrast to his Gaullist predecessors. But he was also the most committed to Palestinian statehood, and among the earliest to insist on the PLO's full engagement in the peace process, often at considerable cost to his ties with Israel. By the time Mitterrand left office in 1995, France's Middle Eastern role had greatly declined, with the United States having assumed full control of the peace process; during the 1980s, however, its contributions had been significant. This article examines Mitterrand's fourteen-year presidency and the paradoxes of his Middle East policy.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has dealt primarily with cases relating to African countries, this is significant because several countries in Africa feel the ICCs manner of operation & jurisdiction is inapplicable & in several cases the ICC has aggravated conflict as opposed to resolving it. This article cites the ICC imposed setbacks in peace negotiations between the Ugandan government & the Lords Resistance Army & questions raised about the ICCs ability to mediate peace in Dafur. These examples challenge the founding principle of the ICC, that all countries can agree upon certain standards of justice & cooperation in order put an end to humanity's greatest calamities. C. Goger

Civil society, to the extent that it exists today in Bosnia, has developed alongside the recasting of women's roles in public life. Researchers equate civil society in Bosnia today almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The early post-war NGOs grew out of the peace movement that took shape before and during the open conflict of 1992–1995. Peace organizations evolved to a large extent from feminist organizing and organizations in the Yugoslav republics of Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia. Thus, to study the origins of Bosnian civil society, we must begin with the struggle for equal rights for women in modern Yugoslavia.

This article originally appeared in "World Affairs" in March 1938, volume 101, Number 1. Describes the impacts of Hitler's German Reichstag speech that called for a return of the colonies taken from Germany by the Treaty of Versailles. The withdrawal of Japan, Germany, & Italy from the League of Nations & the Spanish Civil War already presented threats to the international cooperation established by the Versailles Treaty. The British response to the destabilization sought to reestablish European peace directly through Germany, Italy, & France. Prime Minister Chamberlain bypassed the complicated machinery of the League of Nations in order to maintain European peace for at least one generation. J. Harwell

This piece originally appeared in "World Affairs" in September 1941, volume 104, Number 3. This official statement by the "World Affairs" Journal approves the US efforts to protect national security & reinforce those countries resisting German aggression. Recognizes the relevance of President Wilson's 1917 call to Congress to "bring the German governments to terms" to President Roosevelt's national policy in 1941. The American Peace Society denounces Hitler's policy of brutal oppression & peace through injustice to formally approve the declaration of principles to govern postwar organization framed by President Roosevelt & Prime Minister Churchill. 1941, Volume 104, Number 3. Adapted from the source document.

Empirical evidence shows that while both women's near absence at the formal level as peace negotiators and political decision-makers and their informal peacebuilding contributions at the grassroots level have been routinely recognised, it remains difficult to translate gender awareness into workable plans for implementation. The paper argues for a hybrid position between cultural relativism and 'one size fits all' solutions. Four areas of attention are highlighted, namely women's ambivalent roles in peace and conflict, the challenges of a truly inclusive post-conflict transformation process, the need for an organised women's movement, and connecting the international legislative framework with the national context.

The 'democratic peace theory' argues that democratic states do not initiate war against one another and that democratic institutions discourage that initiation of international conflict. In general, this theory has mostly been applied to existing liberal democracies. However, the peaceful nature of the process of democratisation is far less evident. Some scholars argue that the instability of democratic transitions increases the likelihood that democratising states will initiate international conflict, making the democratic peace theory less valuable in its explanatory power. This article, however, argues that democratising states, as opposed to authoritarian states exhibiting a brief period of liberalisation, are inherently less prone to periods of international conflict.

This article reviews recent developments in social dialogue demonstrating that consultation between government and key stakeholders contributes to labour peace, social stability and national development. After defining the stages through which social dialoguehas developed, the author explains the various ways in which it contributes to economic and social development. He considers four developing countries (Barbados,Indonesia, Kenya and Panama), and one transition economy (Czech Republic), examining how they have used tripartite institutions to achieve social peace, labour market adjustment and socio-economic development. Finally, he offers a model to integrate "new" actors into the tripartite framework for social dialogue. (International Labour Review / FUB)

Experience shows that there is a close interrelationship between the successful disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants and the sustainability of peace-building processes. While drawing on lessons learned from recent DDR experiences elsewhere, this paper takes into account the contextual differences of Afghanistan. It explores the context of a future Afghan DDR process under three main subheadings: the need for reviewing the sequencing of the DDR process, the dilemma of whether former combatants should be given preferential treatment, and planning and co-ordination challenges for linking DDR with the overall peace-building process. (DSE/DÜI)

Experience shows that there is a close interrelationship between the successful disarmament, demobilization, & reintegration (DDR) of former combatants & the sustainability of peace-building processes. While drawing on lessons learned from recent DDR experiences elsewhere, this paper takes into account the contextual differences of Afghanistan. It explores the context of a future Afghan DDR process under three main subheadings: the need for reviewing the sequencing of the DDR process, the dilemma of whether former combatants should be given preferential treatment, & planning & co-ordination challenges for linking DDR with the overall peace-building process. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.