Suchergebnisse

В статье анализируется применимость ряда базовых концепций и понятий западной политической науки для анализа советского общества. Речь идет о таких схемах, как «новый класс», «государство-класс», «государство-партия», «партократия» и т. п. Базовые понятия и теории западной науки об обществе в целом и политологии в частности формировались как отражение определенного типа социальной реальности буржуазной западноевропейской. Для нее характерно взаимообособление экономической, социальной и политической сфер, власти и собственности, религии и политики и т. д. Все это определило дисциплинарную структуру и понятийный аппарат современной науки об обществе. Однако возникает проблема применимости дисциплин и понятий, отражающих реальность буржуазного ядра капиталистической системы и самой этой системы в целом, во-первых, за пределами этого ядра, во-вторых, к некапиталистическим системам, будь то докапиталистические или системный антикапитализм (СССР). Интерпретация советской номенклатуры как класса, аналогичного, например, буржуазии в капиталистическом обществе, наталкивается на тот факт, что номенклатура не имела собственности на вещественные факторы производства. «Собственнические» («классовые») качества и функции не были отделены от властных. Попытки выйти из положения с помощью ad hoc термина «государство-класс» приемлемы лишь с описательно-метафорической точки зрения. Аналогичным образом обстоит дело с «этатизацией» исторического коммунизма. То, что называют «советским государством», было не просто первичным собственником, но единственным, что в принципе совершенно не характерно для государства как института у него другие функции. Государство (state) по определению «частичное» явление, существует в качестве элемента оппозиций «государство-класс», «государство гражданское общество». Если государство охватывает общество в целом, растворяет его в себе, то оно исчезает как государство и превращается в иной, негосударственный тип власти. Аналогичным образом обстоит дело с попытками «политизировать» советское общество (схема «господство политики над экономикой») или трактовать его как социум, во главе которого стоит партократия. Адекватный анализ советского общества требует теории и дисциплины, отражающей природу этого общества, а не напяливает на них внеположенные им схемы. В противном случае исследования будут носить контрпродуктивный характер. ; The article deals with the problem of applicability of basic concepts and schemes of Western political science, such as "new class", "state-class", "state-party", "partocracy", to the Soviet society. Basic concepts and theories of Western social science as a whole, and those of political science in particular, have been formed as a reflection of a certain type of reality of the bourgeois Western European one. An immanent feature of this reality is a clear-cut distinction between economic, social, and political spheres, between power and property, between religion and politics etc. This kind of distinction has determined both the disciplinary structure and the conceptual language of modern social science. But can these concepts and disciplines which reflect only the reality of the bourgeois core of capitalist system be applied, firstly, beyond this core; and secondly, to non-capitalist systems, be it pre-capitalist ones or systemically anti-capitalist (the USSR)? Mainstream Western political science insists on its universal character as a discipline, but such a position contradicts the principles of system analysis, historicism, and dialectics. The insistence on the universality of Western-centric and capital-centric social science is, in fact, an intellectual correlation of the expansion ("universalization") of capital and the establishment of its political and economic domination on the world scale. In a paradoxical way, this insistence ignores the fact that practically all attempts to depict and describe noncapitalist systems using the conceptual language of capital-centric scholarship have failed. Such failure is especially evident in the attempts to conceptualize Soviet society in the terms of Western political science. The interpretation of the Soviet dominant, system-forming group the nomenklatura as a "class", a kind of counterpart of the bourgeoisie in capitalist society, is undermined by the fact that the nomenklatura had no ownership of the material factors of production. "Property" ("class") qualities and functions here are not separated from the ones of "power". An ad hoc term "state-class" is acceptable as a partial solution only from a descriptive and metaphorical point of view. The same is also true for the notion of "etatization" of historical communism. First, the phenomenon known as the "Soviet state" was not just a primary "property-holder", but it was the only "property-holder", which is in principle atypical for the state as a specific institution. Secondly, the state is a "partial" phenomenon by definition; it exists as an integral part of such oppositions as "state class", "state civil society" etc. If the state encompasses the whole society and dissolves it in itself, it is being transformed into a different, non-state type of power. Attempts to "politicize" Soviet society (in line with the scheme of "politics dominating over economy") or to interpret it as a system headed by a "partocracy" fail in a similar way. If politics is something more than just a struggle for power, if we analyze it according to the principles of system analysis and historicism, then politics is a very special sphere. Its function is the regulation of extra-economic relations of nonproduction type between agents which are also subjects. There can be no political relations between a slave and a slave owner, between a serf and a feudal lord. The CPSU was the only subject in Soviet society (membership in the party was in fact the right to be a part of this collective subject): hence, the relations of the CPSU with the population and other organizations were not of a political nature. Moreover, other organizations could exist in Soviet society only if they acknowledged the exclusive monopoly of the CPSU on this subject status. The term "party" derives from "pars" ("part"). A party is a partial, political, and legal phenomenon. The CPSU was an all-embracing, nonpolitical, and extralegal phenomenon. That is why the term "partocracy" can only serve as a metaphor. An adequate analysis of the Soviet system demands the construction of a theory and a discipline which would reflect the nature of this society. Conceptual interpretations which reflect other systems, but nevertheless are forcefully applied to the USSR are counterproductive and lead researchers into a deadlock.

The unsaturated zone is the part of the soil between the aquifer and the atmosphere. Unsaturated flow processes are highly dynamic and control e.g. the growth of plants or groundwater recharge. Environmental problems such as the agricultural use of arid regions and groundwater contamination call for sustainable solutions, which can only be achieved with model predictions. To improve the quality of models, a sound understanding of unsaturated flow processes and the used model approaches is necessary. The present work is intended to contribute to the understanding of modeling unsaturated flow with focus on the influence of water extraction by plant roots (root water uptake) and soil structure. The model for root water uptake, in the following called standard or basic approach, is determined by the atmospheric demand, the distribution of roots in the soil and the soil water status. Soil properties are described by autocorrelated random fields with layered structure (1D) and multi-Gaussian or non multi-Gaussian distribution (2D). For steady state flow in layered media, a semi-analytical first-order second-moment solution for mean and variance of pressure head is presented. Flow in 2D heterogeneous media is analyzed using numerical simulations where steady state and dynamic scenarios with one or several drying-rewetting phases are carried out. The results show that only under very wet conditions, the mean pressure head in the differently structured fields is well predicted by the analytical solutions while variances of pressure head are overestimated if the variance of the loghydraulic conductivity is large. Under drier conditions, root water uptake and soil structure have combined effects on unsaturated flow, which are not observed if one of these two factors is neglected, and which cannot be predicted by first-order second-moment effective models. In particular, distinct regions with pressure head values at the wilting point, where root water uptake is zero (local wilting), occur in lenses of coarse material. Furthermore, root water uptake affects the variance of pressure head and saturation during drying and rewetting phases in comparison to an equally dry state where root water uptake is not accounted for. Other effects introduced by root water uptake arise from a decreasing local net infiltration rate with depth, caused by the continuous extraction of water by roots within the root-zone. With decreasing local net infiltration rate, which leads to drier states, the impact of soil structure increases. For water flow, this leads e.g. to a depth dependency of the width of the infiltration front during rewetting. For solute transport, earlier arrival, smaller tailing and less impact of the considered structures of soil properties are observed due to root water uptake, when scenarios with and without root water uptake, which have the same groundwater recharge rate, are compared. To test modeling approaches for root water uptake, alternative uptake strategies that allow for compensation of stressed (uptake-reduced) locations by enhanced uptake at other, more favorable locations are considered. These strategies affect the distribution of pressure head and saturation, leading to smaller variances in the root-zone and attenuated local wilting, but do not prevent local wilting. The difficulty to evaluate the effect of local wilting as realistic physical phenomenon or unrealistic model artifact, the fact that the trend of the impact of root water uptake on the variability of flow depends on the uptake strategy and the lack of knowledge of how roots really extract water in heterogeneous soils emphasize the need for a deeper understanding of root functioning at smaller scales before macroscopic models for root water uptake can be used for reliable predictions of flow in heterogeneous media. ; Die ungesättigte Zone ist der Bereich des Bodens zwischen Grundwasserleiter und Atmosphäre. Strömungsprozesse in der ungesättigten Zone spielen u.a. eine tragende Rolle für das Wachstum von Pflanzen, die Grundwasserneubildung oder den Eintrag von Wasser in die Atmosphäre. Nachhaltige Lösungsstrategien für umweltpolitische Fragestellungen wie z.B. die agrikulturelle Nutzung von ariden Gebieten oder die Verschmutzung von Grundwasserressourcen werden mit Hilfe von Modellvorhersagen entwickelt. Um die Genauigkeit der Vorhersagen zu verbessern, ist ein fundiertes Verständnis von Strömungsprozessen in der ungesättigten Zone und der verwendeten Modelle notwendig. Die vorliegende Arbeit soll zur Verbesserung dieses Verständnisses beitragen. Im folgenden wird die Modellierung von Strömungs- und Transportprozessen in der ungesättigten Zone behandelt. Der Schwerpunkt liegt hierbei auf dem Zusammenwirken des Einflusses der Wasseraufnahme von Wurzeln und der Bodenstruktur. Für die Modellierung der Wasseraufnahme von Wurzeln werden vereinfachte, makroskalige Modelle verwendet. Die Wasseraufnamerate ist, im hier als Standard-Modell' bezeichneten Ansatz, vom atmosphärischen Bedarf, der Verteilung von Wurzeln und dem vorhandenen Wasser im Boden bestimmt. Die Bodenparameter werden durch autokorrelierte Zufallsfelder mit geschichteter Struktur (1D-Felder) und multi-Gaußschen oder nicht-multi-Gaußschen 2D-Feldern beschrieben. Für die Strömung in geschichteten Medien werden semi-analytische (first-order second-moment) Lösungen vorgestellt. Die Strömung in 2D heterogenen Strukturen wird mittels numerischer Simulationen untersucht, wobei sowohl stationäre Randbedingungen als auch zeitlich veränderliche Randbedingungen mit einem oder mehreren Trocknungs-Bewässerungszyklen angelegt werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Mittelwert des Drucks in den unterschiedlichen Strukturen, mit den gewählten Parametern, nur unter sehr nassen Bedingungen gut von den analytischen Lösungen wiedergegeben wird. Die Varianz des Drucks wird hingegen überschätzt, sobald die Varianz der logarithmischen hydraulischen Leitfähigkeit zu groß wird. Unter trockeneren Bedingungen nehmen Wasseraufnahme von Wurzeln und Bodenstruktur gemeinsam Einfluss auf Strömungsprozesse in der ungesättigten Zone, was zu Effekten führt, die unter Vernachlässigung einer der beiden Faktoren nicht beobachtet werden und die von effektiven Modellen, welche auf first-order second-moment Lösungen beruhen, nicht vorhergesagt werden. Ein Beispiel dafür ist das Auftreten von extrem trockenen Stellen in aus grobem Material bestehenden Linsen, an denen der Wasserdruck Werte am Welkpunkt erreicht und die Wasseraufnahme von Wurzeln null ist (lokales Welken). Desweiteren beeinflusst die Wasseraufname von Wurzeln, im Vergleich zu gleich trockenen Zuständen bei denen Wurzelaufnahme nicht berücksichtigt wird, die Varianz von Druck und Sättigung während Trocknungs- und Bewässerungsphasen. Weitere Effekte, die unter Miteinbeziehung der Wasseraufnahme von Wurzeln beobachtet werden, entstehen hauptsächlich aufgrund der kontinuierlichen Entnahme von Bodenwasser durch Wurzeln, was zu einer abnehmenden lokalen Netto-Infiltrationsrate mit steigender Tiefe führt, wodurch die Struktur mit steigender Tiefe an Einfluss gewinnt. Dies bewirkt eine Tiefenabhängigkeit der Breite der Infiltrationsfront während der Bewässerung und beeinflusst den Transport von Schadstoff. Unter Berücksichtigung von Wasserwurzelaufnahme werden, im Vergleich zu Szenarien bei denen die Wasseraufnahme von Wurzeln vernachlässigt wird und die die gleiche Grundwasserneubildungsrate aufweisen, frühere Ankunftszeiten des Schadstoffes, weniger ausgeprägtes Tailing und eine geringere Beeinflussung durch die berücksichtigten Bodenstrukturen beobachtet. Um verschiedene Modellansätze für Wasserwurzelaufnahme zu testen, werden alternative Modelle betrachtet, die eine reduzierte Aufnahme an gestressten Stellen durch erhöhte Aufnahme an günstigeren Stellen kompensieren können. Diese Strategien führen zu einer geringeren Varianz der Druck- und Sättigungsverteilung innerhalb der Wurzelzone. Das Auftreten der trockenen Stellen wird, im Vergleich zum Standard-Modell, mit diesen Strategien abgeschwächt, jedoch nicht grundsätzlich verhindert. Die Schwierigkeit, das Auftreten lokal verwelkter Stellen als realistisch oder unrealistisch einordnen zu können, die Tatsache dass der Einfluss von Wurzeln auf die Variabilität von Druck und Sättigung von der Aufnahmestrategie abhängt und die vorherrschende Wissenslücke, tatsächliche Entwicklungs- und Aufnahmemechanismen von Wurzeln in heterogenen Böden betreffend, verdeutlichen die Notwendigkeit eines tieferen Verständnisses für die Funktionsweise von Wurzeln auf kleinen Skalen bevor makroskalige Modelle für die Wasseraufnahme von Wurzeln für verlässliche Vorhersagen von Strömungsprozessen in heterogenen Böden verwendet werden können.

The trends in Palanga architecture of the second half of the 19th – first half of the 20th century are represented in the National Cultural Heritage List by 10 villas, 14 residential houses, two hotels (Kurhauses of Nemirseta and Palanga), a pharmacy, a spa building, a ship rescue station and a bus station. But such heritage objects reflect the stages in the town development only partially. If the cultural heritage list of Palanga town is treated as a coherent and continuous collection reflecting different stages in architecture and culture of this town (as it should be), it would be relevant to add a few more samples of the mid and second half of the 20th century architecture to the list. Taking into consideration the presence of exclusive Soviet period architectural objects on the list (made according to recommendations of different professional and social communities), and recommendations of the list founders, the following two educational institutions realized less than 50 years ago that these may as well be enrolled as examples of specific historic period and acknowledged artistic style or trend, and as most progressive and/or artistic architectural solutions of the time, to be protected for public information and use purposes: the music school designed by architect I. Likšienė,1981, (Maironio St.8; see Fig. 1) and former Pioneers' Palace designed by I. Likšienė and G. P. Likša,1985, (now the elementary school, at the address Virbališkės Takas 4; see Fig. 2). These buildings are distinctive examples of contemporary architecture development. At present managed by the local municipality, they are in good physical state, with retained initial qualities of space and volume structure, use of materials, environment and purpose. In the category of accommodation buildings the following may be marked out: the early architectural design works by A. Lėckas, namely, the Žilvinas hotel (Kęstučio St. 34; see Fig. 4, a.), designed and implemented in 1968 as a rest house for 45 guests (21 apartment) on commission of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Lithuania and the Žilvinėlis apartment building for 24 guests implemented in 1970 (Birutės al. 44; see Fig. 4, b.). These objects still owned by the state have been prepared for privatization. Before privatization it is suggested to enroll them on the Cultural Heritage List, identify their valuable qualities, character and level of significance and perform any other required procedures. It is also recommended to make agreements for protection of cultural heritage objects with the new owners of such buildings. The initial protection is also needed for the Rąžė book shop and café building (Vytauto St.84; see Fig. 5) designed by R. V. Kraniauskas in 1967 and considered mature in the artistic sense. The building has retained its small scale, which is characteristic for the resort town, and thus enriches the spatial perspective of the street. Considering its physical shape, functional and aesthetical qualities and the use character, it is also highly recommended to grant the heritage protection status to the administration building Komprojektas (Gintaro St.30,30A; see Fig. 6) designed by G. P. and I. Likša in 1988. The collection of Palanga architecture may also be enriched by the conserved pavilions of the summer reading hall of the National Martynas Mažvydas Library (Vytauto St.72, (1968); see Fig. 7) and Kupeta (S.Daukanto/ S.Dariaus and S.Girėno St., (1969); see Fig. 8) designed by architect A. Čepys; an example of the original concrete plastics, the coffee shop Banga (J. Basanavičius St. 2; see Fig. 10) designed by G. J. Telksnys in 1976–77 and realized in 1979. The present shape and use character of these buildings cause serious threat to their preservation. There is little probability that within the context of the on-going reconstructions traditional acts for enrollment on the heritage list could somehow contribute to the conservation of values of the Vanagupė resort center, the laureate (1984) of prestigious prize by the USSR Council of Ministers (architects A. Lėckas, S. Šarkinas and L. Merkinas; see Fig. 3); the resthouse Guboja implemented only partially in 1976 (in Šventoji, Jūros St 65A., architect. R. Buivydas); resthouse Auska (presently, hotel, Vytauto St.11; architect J. Šipalis, 1977); and the resthouse Šiaulių Tauras (Vytauto St.116, architect G. P. Likša,1983). Nevertheless, the identified architectural, urban, landscape and engineering values of objects and analyzed possible forms for their conservation (ex-situ and in-situ) could become a basis for scientific study of contemporary architecture and urban planning in Palanga resort. Based on their design material, the initial concepts of such objects should be identified and their present as well planned for the future transformations should be analyzed. Such study to be presented publicly (for example, on the National Cultural Heritage List database) could ensure conditions for better understanding of past and present values of the objects, for both, specialists and public at large, and be a highly valuable source of information describing the architecture of the time to be used for information, scientific and professional purposes. Such study may also become a stimulus for preparation of complex regeneration design projects of objects and landscapes, which would comprise the conservation and development needs and add new artistic values. Santrauka Dėl pakitusių politinių, ekonominių ir kultūrinių sąlygų XX a. II pusės architektūros ir urbanistikos kūriniai dažnai nebeatitinka šiandienos naudotojų poreikių ir keliamų reikalavimų. Todėl apleidžiami, griaunami ar reikšmingai kinta. Dėl to ryškėja iniciatyvos siūlyti į KVR įtraukti kuo daugiau šio laikmečio kūrinių. Tačiau XX a. IX dešimtmetyje kultūros paminklais tapę naujosios architektūros kūriniai dėl neraiškios saugojimo strategijos, žmogiškųjų ir finansinių išteklių tvarkybai stokos vis tiek nyksta. Todėl kyla abejonių ar registro plėtra bus veiksminga. Straipsnyje Palangos miesto pavyzdžiu nagrinėjamos galimybės sudaryti vėlyvojo modernizmo architektūros kolekciją. Manoma, kad sistemingas kultūriškai vertingų architektūros objektų rinkinys formuojamas apjungiant skirtingus saugojimo metodus gali paskatinti atsakingas institucijas, vietos ir profesines bendruomenes susitelkti atsakingam architektūros paveldo puoselėjimo ir tvaraus naudojimo procesui. Reikšminiai žodžiai:Palanga,architektūros kolekcija,sovietinė modernizmo architektūra,šiuolaikinė Lietuvos architektūra,kultūros paveldo registras,rekreacija,kurortas,turizmas

The study examines both the attitudes towards the role of women in society and the psychological masculinity/femininity manifested by a small group of Cuban-American college women. In Miami, 31 such women completed the Attitudes Towards Women Scale and the Personal Attributes Questionnaire. Overall, the means for this group corresponded with the established American norms. The authors thought that age, number of years in the U.S., mother's educational level, position in family and relative fluency of English would affect oth AWS and PAQ scores. Only the last variable appeared to have an impact, with those women who reported fluency in both English and Spanish obtaining more liberal AWS scores man those who reported being less fluent in English. Social change and acculturation have long been recognized as determinants of attitudinal changes. The Cuban population in the United States has been subject to those processes during the last twenty years, when the overall population of the United States has been experienc ing a widespread change in attitudes towards the role of women in society. It is tempting to resume that these attitudes and roles have been subject to rapid change, due to the combined pressure of acculturation into American society and the comcomitant changes in attitudes owards the role of women taking place in that society. Employment rates can be considered as one indicator of change in women's attitudes owards their roles; in the United States, 54% of all women of Cuban origin are working out side the home (Prohias & Casal, 1974). This fact is particularly striking when one considers that, in spite of a constant effort on the part of the Cuban government to incorporate women to the labour force, only 30% of women in Cuba are presently working outside the home Gramma, 1979). Before the revolution, the majority of those women who worked outside the ome in Cuba were from the lower socio-economic groups (Casal, 1975). Since until recently the lower social classes comprised a proportionately small part of the émigré population, working outside the home is a new experience for most Cuban-born women now in the United States. In a review of the literature on Cubans in the U.S., Casal and Hernandez (1975) mention veral studies related to women's sex-roles and the family. Probably the most comprehensive study about attitudes of Cuban women was conducted by Alvarez and Ehrenkrantz in 1976. sing a semi-structured interview format with 131 subjects in Miami, these researchers found at most Cubans held 'modern' attitudes towards education and work, but these women obscribed to very 'traditional' attitudes towards sexual ideology and behaviour. Attitudes awards the role of wife and mother were described as being in between these two extremes. The apparent changes observed in Cuban women may have occurred only in the domain behaviour, as a reaction to an overall status loss by Cubans in the U.S., and in a sense, could not correspond to any real modification of traditional attitudes. It appears that Cuban women work because of perceived or real financial need; even when they may work for self fillment, they feel a need to justify their activities as a way of 'helping the family'. however, it seems likely that these behavioural changes will eventually tend to produce changes in attitudes towards the role of women, not only among Cuban women themselves, at also in the Cuban community at large. Whatever changes occur in the role or behaviour of Cuban ,women in the United States, these changes are taking place in the midst of two pro cesses: The Cubans' acculturation in the U.S., and the women's movement in that country "The acculturation process takes place within the sociocultural environment of a macro culture" (Olmedo, 1979) and in the specific case of Cuban women, the macroculture undergoing major changes at the same time that acculturation is taking place. Thus, what 'American' in relation to women's behaviour may not be clear for the newcomers, and thos behaviours which are less like those prescribed by traditional role expectations for Cuba women will be perceived by people undergoing an acculturation process as 'more American in that they are 'less Cuban'. The largest concentration of Cubans in the United States is in the city of Miami. According to Rogg (1974), the presence of a large and strong community, such as this, serves to slow the pace of the acculturation process for Cubans, while it also significantly reduces the frequence of adjustment problems. However, since statistics indicate that Cuban women are entering the labour force in unprecedented numbers, it is likely that rapid changes must be occurring in family relations and child rearing practices. Cuban women must experience some intrapsychic conflict as a consequence of these behaviour changes, while the fact that the Cuban community seems to be accepting women changing roles may help to facilitate this process of change. However, each individual woman must find her own way to interpret and integrate new messages from American mainstrean society concerning women and their roles in society, along with new expectations from within the Cuban community regarding her ability to join the labour force. Each woman must also find ways to adapt her family life to her changing roles, as well. To date, no research has focused specifically on Cuban women college students. Women enrolled in large colleges or universities are likely to be those most affected by a feminism perspective, simply because they are more likely to have been exposed to this perspective that other groups of women. Cuban women of all ages who are presently attending college are pro bably no exception. Consequently, if any attitude changes are occurring in the Cuban popula tion concerning the role of women, these college women — who have been exposed to feminit ideas and who are already involved in activities outside of the home — are apt to manifest at titudinal changes earlier and more clearly than any others.

UPDATE 9/30 6a.m. ET: According to the Associated Press, preliminary official results showed the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) finishing first with 29.2% of the vote and Chancellor Karl Nehammer's Austrian People's Party was second with 26.5%. The center-left Social Democrats were in third place with 21%. The outgoing government — a coalition of Nehammer's party and the Greens — lost its majority in the lower house of parliament.VIENNA/MUNICH - "Wars belong in museums" reads an inscription in front of the Museum of Military History in Vienna, Austria. As the crow flies, there are less than 400 miles between Lviv in western Ukraine and Vienna. In the Austrian capital, however, the distance feels much greater. Unlike many German cities, no Ukrainian flags are seen in Vienna's institutional buildings. In Vienna, one of the few reminders of the ongoing war in Ukraine is to be found behind the Soviet War Memorial, where a wall is painted in the colors of the Ukrainian flag.Recent regional elections in Germany have been shaped by growing discontent with the country's Ukraine war policy. Meanwhile, to Germany's south, slight attention is paid to the ongoing war in Ukraine ahead of the Austrian parliamentary elections on September 29. The public debate in Austria is instead dominated by topics such as migration and asylum politics, and future coalition options. The limited weight of foreign policy in the conversation can partly be explained by Austria's specific circumstances as a neutral country. Austria has been a member of the European Union (EU) since 1995 but is not a member of NATO. After Sweden and Finland joined NATO in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, only three other European countries (Cyprus, Ireland, and Malta) share Austria's category.But foreign policy could play a significant role in negotiations to form a government coalition after the elections. The far-right Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), which is polling first at 27%, could put European Ukraine aid under the microscope. In its election program, the FPÖ opposes sanctions against Russia and demands a halt to Austria's contributions to the European Peace Facility (EPF), the mechanism through which the EU has provided $6.8 billion in military support to Ukraine. Hungary, led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, has long used its veto power within the EU to block military aid packages for Ukraine or allow them to be approved in exchange for concessions. Orbán, who has an alliance with the FPÖ in the European Parliament, is seen as a role model by Herbert Kickl, the FPÖ's candidate for chancellor. The FPÖ has never won a national election but it finished first in the elections to the European Parliament in Austria last June. A win for the FPÖ would not guarantee its participation in government, let alone the privilege of appointing the new Austrian chancellor. Still, forming a government coalition while bypassing the far-right party would be complicated. The FPÖ is followed closely in the polls by the center-right Austrian People's Party (ÖVP), led by Chancellor Karl Nehammer. He currently leads a coalition government with the Green Party. Third in the polls comes the center-left Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ). The two traditional center-right and center-left political forces would probably need a third party to reach a parliamentary majority. The ÖVP and the FPÖ, on the contrary, are likely to gain over 50% of the seats in parliament.The conservatives appear ready to reach out to the FPÖ after the elections, although they have announced their opposition to Kickl, the FPÖ leader, serving in a future cabinet. The two parties already shared the government in the early 2000s and again later on, from 2017 to 2019. On both occasions, the ÖVP filled the chancellor position. It could be different this time, especially if the FPÖ wins by a significant margin over the ÖVP.Christoph Schwarz, a Research Fellow at the Austrian Institute for European and Security Policy, said if the FPÖ enters the government, "one can assume that Austrian support for EU initiatives in support of Ukraine will be harder to attain." Even so, he adds, much would depend on "political bargaining and the composition of such a government." The FPÖ and United Russia, Vladimir Putin's party, signed a Friendship treaty in 2016. The FPÖ's Russian connections have led to bizarre moments. Karin Kneissl, appointed Austria's foreign minister on the FPÖ's recommendation in 2017, danced with Putin at her wedding in 2018. Kneissl now lives in Russia, where she was recently appointed goodwill ambassador for Siberian tiger conservation. The FPÖ has since distanced itself from the Friendship treaty, but ties between the far-right party and Moscow have survived. Austria's neutral status is key to understanding its foreign policy. Following its annexation into Nazi Germany in 1938, Austria did not fully recover its sovereignty until 1955 after reaching an agreement with the former Allied powers. An independent Austria was something both the U.S. and the USSR could accept as long as the country renounced union with Germany and remained neutral. On October 26, 1955, the Austrian parliament approved a declaration of neutrality. The date is Austria's national holiday, underscoring the importance of neutrality for Austrian national identity. During the Cold War, Austria's neutrality contributed to the International Atomic Energy Agency, or the IAEA, and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, or OPEC, establishing their headquarters in Vienna. Vienna also hosts the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (or OSCE) and is one of the four major U.N. headquarter sites. Recent polls indicate that neutrality remains popular with some three-quarters of the Austrian population in favor of it. The Ukraine war has not had a major impact on the numbers. Schwarz argues that, in Austria, "foreign policy thinking has been largely outsourced to Brussels and any topic that could lead to a potentially uncomfortable discussion on neutrality is avoided at all costs." The meaning of Austria's neutrality, however, is certainly far more diffuse nowadays than it was during the Cold War. As an EU member, Austria is part of its Common Foreign and Security Policy and Common Security and Defence Policy. The country has also participated in NATO's Partnership for Peace since 1995. Some recent developments have brought Austria closer to NATO. In July 2023, Austria joined the German-led Sky Shield initiative, which seeks to strengthen Europe's air defenses in light of the Ukraine War. The FPÖ opposes this step, whereas the ÖVP promoted it in the government.Broad support for neutrality does not necessarily mean Austrians want to keep their army small. A slim majority supports increasing military expenditures and the government has taken steps in that direction. As of 2022, only three EU countries were spending less than Austria on their armies in proportional terms. Back then, Vienna spent 0.8% of its GDP on defense. This year, it will be close to 1%. Schwarz believes that, regardless of the composition of the next government coalition, the current commitment to a military expenditure of 1.5% of the GDP by 2028 will be maintained. In comparison to other EU countries, Austria retains significant ties with Russia even after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Austria's Raiffeisen Bank International (RBI) is the largest Western bank still operating in Russia. The Austrian government successfully lobbied in December 2023 for RBI to be excluded from the EU's 12th package of Russia sanctions. Since then, the European Central Bank and U.S. authorities have continued to exert pressure on RBI and the government in Vienna. Nevertheless, in 2024, over half of RBl's profits came from its operations in Russia and Belarus. Although the bank's stated objective is to "heavily scale back" from these markets, there is no clear path to repatriate the profits. The situation was further complicated in early September when a Russian court blocked any potential sale of RBI's Russian subsidiary. Aside from banking ties, Austria is heavily dependent on Russian gas. This year, Austria has imported at least 80% of its natural gas from Russia every month. That percentage is higher than in the previous two years. In this sense, Austria represents the reverse image of Germany, which has progressively diversified its energy supply away from Russia since 2022. Although there was no time for parliamentary approval before the elections, the Austrian government recently agreed to review the current national security strategy, which dates back to 2013. Back then, Russia was described as a "partner." The new national strategy, however, would define Moscow as a "threat" and emphasize the need to decrease Austria's energy dependency on it. Schwarz argues that "there is a good chance of this strategy being adopted in more or less its current form" if the next government does not involve the FPÖ. There will be far more uncertainty about the next national security strategy, and Austria's foreign policy overall, if the FPÖ enters the government, especially if it fills the position of chancellor. The elections on September 29 will determine the negotiating strength of the different parties, but talks to create a government are expected to take time. The EU will pay particular attention to the negotiations in hopes of avoiding a new Austrian government that complicates EU sanctions against Russia and military aid for Ukraine.

Abstract UPT Aneka Industri dan Kerajinan Surabaya is the Technical Services Unit are carrying out Development and Small and Medium Industries Development and Human Resources through Technical Training in the field of Management, Technology, Production Process, Standards, Environment and Information. In improving the performance of the employees in that agency with the necessary changes in work procedures to improve leadership. There are so many ways to improve performance by way of leadership, from the nature of good leadership through effective leadership style so that employees can change their way of working. Because this company is a government company is bona fide and generates revenue from all areas of the required procedures for working very well ordered. Improve the ability and quality of work that the company will then be developed. Manage, serve and process are all ways good leadership to improve employee performance. Keyword:Employee,Leader, Introduction Nowadays, many people decide to become a leader. They do competition to find new innovation for their leadership and they want to be different with other leadership that had already started first. In the work of world every leader must be ready to get complain from their employees. Leadership itself is a person who has the skills or strengths, in particular skill or ability in a field that he is able to influence other to jointly undertake specific activities for the achievement of one or more goalsIntensive competition requires that manufacturers to be competitive with other manufacturers worldwide. Each company must be able to be effectively and efficiently to build an effective performance in order to achieve goals and success, then various components contained in a company should be run according with the objectives to be achieved. One component that has role very important is human resources, which is the leader/supervisor and employee/subordinates. Leadership is an organization or business. The leader of the organization must be able to use its authority in changing the attitudes and behavior of employees that want to work hard and wish to achieve optimal results. Leadership style leaders used can effect thoughts, feeling, attitudes and behavior members of the organization/subordinate (Nawawi, 2003). The sense of satisfaction in the work then the individual will display good personal organization, positive performance satisfactory companies and raised a willingness to undertake the level of labor productivity high for the organization and for improving achievement goals. The few things that can be identified from the dissatisfaction is absenteeism at work, lazy, malingering, absent from work, events strike, the use of time is not efficient and an even worse quit his job. Leadership can good or bad influence organizational climate, which in turn will direct impact on the effectiveness of the work of his subordinate. This leads to leaders must be able to create a conducive organizational climate that achieve job satisfaction, which in turn have an impact on the achievement of objectives organizational. Symptoms employee dissatisfaction can be seen from the absence of harmonious relation between the parties led to the employee, which is the leader less attention to the rights of the employees. For that leader has a very important role in improving job satisfaction employees. Based on the above, the study of the relationship style leadership and employee job satisfaction is very important to do. Definition of Leadership Leadership is one of the function of management human resources that make other people resolve work, maintaining morale and motivate subordinates (Dessler, 1997). From time to time the leadership of an attention to human, human being because of the leadership needed the limitation and advantages of certain human. On the one hand, man limited his ability to lead in other hand there are people who have excess capacity to lead. Here is the emergence of the need for leaders and leadership. Leadership the art of influencing other to directing the will, ability and effort in achieving goal leader. Leadership as an art show that activities affect others are individual, it is not the same way people or pattern between the leaders with one other. Therefore, an effective leader must be able to make purpose as the purpose of the organization, or otherwise make organizational goals into objectives and the ability of leaders lead it should result in all members of the organization felt that the purpose of the organization as a common goal. Mc Gregore in Agus Dharma (1992) says that scouting realize organizational goals and effectiveness when purpose of the organization is supported by all parties in the organization. Leadership is the power to move people and yourself toward a goal or vision particular, as well as power to transform the mobile community. Leadership the power to move people toward a goal or certain dreams. Obviously, there is someone who can move people toward a goal without it should be a true leader, but only a provocateur, even manipulator. Therefore, in addition to causing the motion, a leader is also a person who is able to produce a change or transformation in those he leads, he themselves and the system or community to which they belong. Thus, we recognize a true leader or not of the presence of motion and changes factors (A movement and Transformation Leader) as a prerequisite. Leadership is more detailed in Yulk (1998) is a process of influence, that influence the interpretation about events for followers, the choice of targets for group or organization, organization of work activities to achieves these objectives, the motivation of the followers to achieving goals, maintaining cooperation and team work, and obtaining the support and cooperation of the people who are outside the group or organization. According to Chandra (2005) a leader is a can create a situation in which his followers to step by step move towards their agreed upon with voluntary. Under this view, it is clear that a follow the leader because of his vision, mission formulation or target work. They believe in the leadership because what you want to accomplish along with his followers is a good a clear. They chose to follow because of the leaders are able to explore what has been unconsciously their dreams. This is a major factor determining success of a leader. According Arep and Cape (2002) leadership is properties that should be possessed by a leader, who in it is application to the person of consequences leaders are as follows: must take their own decision explicitly and precisely (decision making), must have the courage to accept this risk themselves, should dare to accept it is own responsibility (the principle of absolute of responsibility). Leadership Effectiveness Understanding of the effectiveness by John Ivancevich Nawawi (2003) is an assessment made in relation to achievement of individuals, groups and organization. The closer the achievement achieved with the expected performance, the more effective assessment of individuals, groups and organizations. By Drucker in Nawawi (2003), the effectiveness is to implement the right (doing the right), an achievement, effectiveness often described as "doing something right" means an activity or work that helps an organization reach the target. The effectiveness of leadership based on the theory of leadership situational (Contingency Theory). In practice, this view assume that no one leader is consistently using particular leadership style regardless of the situation it facts. This is, person's leadership effectiveness depend on its ability to "read" the situation faces and adjust his style to the situation such a way that it effectively perform these function leadership (Siagian, 2003). The success of a leader is that if he can adjust your leadership style to the situation at hand. Situational leadership as well as taking into account factors conditions, time and space play role in a determining the choice of appropriate leadership style. So the effectiveness of leadership a person is determined by the ability to recognize to appropriate nature of the conditions it faces, whether the condition contained in organization and conditions that are outside the organization but have an impact on the course of the organization (Siagian, 2003). In other words, situational leadership theory assumes no single behavioral or leadership style that can affect human behavior or members of the organization to act, to do or work in all situations. Effective leaders have the behavior or leadership style that is flexible able to diagnose situation and use behaviors or styles leadership according to the circumstances they face (Nawawi, 2003). Nature and Characteristics of Leadership According to A.Dale Timpe (1991) there are eight (8) properties improve their productivity:The ability to concentrate, The emphasis on the value of a simple, Always hang out with people, Avoid artificial professionalism, Managing change, Select the people, Avoid doing all by yourself, Dialing with failure. According to Kantz in Nawawi (2003) three characteristic effective leaders are: 1) Have the technical skills such as the ability to apply specialized knowledge in the form of skills in the art. 2) Having the human skills that include the ability work together, understand and be able to motivate others, both of individual or groups. 3) Conceptual skills such as the ability of mental or intellectual to analyze and diagnose complex situation, in particular the time to take a decision. Similarly, according to Browers and Seashore (2003) suggest three characteristic of effective leaders, consisting of: a) Support the behavior of leaders who demonstrate to ability to enhance self-esteem and feeling that are considered important by others especially that people they lead. b) Ease of interaction of leader behaviors that stimulate, member organizations to develop relationship intimate and mutually satisfying. c) Ease of work that is a leader in helping behavior members carry out the work achieve the goals, through activity of job scheduling, coordination, planning, provision of resources such as equipment, labor, material or ingredients work and technical knowledge in the work. Terms and Character of the Leader According Arep and Cape (2002), an outline of a leader should ideally have three general categories, namely: 1) The ability to analyze and draw appropriate conclusions. He must be able to analyze something of a problem, situation or particular set of circumstances and draw conclusions appropriate. 2) The ability to develop an organization and can selecting, and placing the right people to fill position in the organization. 3) The ability to create such a way that the organization concerned running smoothly towards goals, ideals and the decision of higher level to the subordinates, that the goals and the decisions that are acceptable properly. Leadership Strategy Efforts to streamline the organization's leadership must performed by using a strategy that guarantees the highest ability to achieve organizational goals. Strategy such leadership requires the ability to implement leadership functions effectively and efficiently in order to get support, without losing the respect, awe and obedience of all the members of the organization. The main strategy will only be realized if leaders in the running of social interaction with members of the group, showing the ability to understand, concerned and involved in the issues, and organization and its members. Leadership functions according to Nawawi (2003) are: Decision making function, functions of instruction, consultative function, delegates participatory function. a) Decision function Organization will only move dynamically if the leader have the power or ability to perform authority as decision-makers who will or should carried out by members of the organization. For that decision require courage because any definite decision at risk, especially if the process or mechanism is not meet the demands of the decision-making strategy implementation leadership, to be more accurate in leadership for streamline the organization, a leader must include members of the organization, according to the position and responsibilities. Inclusion can be done by provides an opportunity to provide input, such as creativity, initiatives, suggestion, opinions and feedback. Function instruction is order from a leader to realize the organization effect must be clear, both on the content terms and language that should be adjusted to the level skills or education of members who receive orders. Effective leaders don't need to be emotionally error in executing command members. Leaders must be willing to look for the causes of errors, both in execution of the order on him as well as possible caused by a lack of clear leadership in providing orders. In giving the order should be followed as well to give an explanation to members of the organization will carry on the impact or consequences that would occurs when in command is done in correctly. Thus, it can be expected to be more careful execution of the command caution and careful, because a warrant maybe quite difficult for the implementing organization members. Consultative function is streamline the organization every leader must be prepared and willing to provide opportunity for member organization to consult in resolving the issues related to work and it is not impossible to consult on issues related to personal directly or indirectly to the job. Consultative function can also mean members of the organization were opportunity convey criticism, advice, information and opinions related to the job and the organization. This function is useful for improvement leadership, especially for new decision making, thus can improve leadership in effecting organization. Participatory function is the ability of leaders to include members of the organization according to position and authority in order to participate actively in relevant activities, can be realized through work in teams to reduce individual. Willingness shoot leaders and leaders below for participate in helping member organization carry work or resolve the problem faced by provide guidance, direction, discuss, resolve urgent work together. Delegatife function is every leaders need and has power or authority and responsibility should be implemented properly, appropriately and correctly, the leader must be able to divide the work and delegation of authority, and responsibilities in timely execution of the work and fair, as well as in decision making in accordance limit the power and responsibility that has been delegated. Control in Leadership Control in leadership do to keep that effect in the activities of members of the organization has always focused on mutually agreed goals. Control also significantly members of the organization to prevent and avoid activities that deviate from the goals of the organization. If to achieve a purpose, leaders have set up a way, but in implementation found a new, more effective and possible goals can be achieved more quickly, as well as risks low, then the leader must make decisions specify the use of the new method. Control activities in leadership must start the clarity of the objectives to be achieved by the organization, either leader and members of the organization. Organizational goals perceived as a common goal can be used intensively activities affect thought, feeling, attitudes and behaviors, through the direction of the members of the organization. Activity organizing the control is carried out by dividing duty or authority and responsibility into practice. The division of task is followed by its implementation by every member of organizations that have been implemented should be decided continue to perform the role of the controlled trough coordination, monitoring and redirection. So leader effective for activities that have been implemented should be decided continue to perform the role of the controllers so that the activities do not deviated from it is original purpose. Research Methodology Data can be a company's working hours for employees. This data then needs to be processed and converted into information. If the hours worked per employee is then multiplied by the value per-hour, it will produce a certain value. If the picture of each employee's earnings and then added together, will result in recapitulation salary to be paid by the company. Payroll is the information for the owner of the company. Information is the result of a process of existing data, or data that can be interpreted as having meaning. Information will unlock everything that is unknown. Basically, this research is categorized as qualitative research, since the data are in the form of words or sentences which are separated according to each category in order to get the conclusion (Arikunto, 1996:243). In this study, entitled "Leadership in Improving Employees' Performance in UPT Aneka Industri dan Kerajinan Surabaya". Based on the question "How does the leader role in improving the employees' performance?" and "How the employees' performance can be improved through the leader role?" Qualitative data is data in the form of words or in the form of verbal statements, not the robin figures. The qualitative data obtained through a variety of data collection techniques such as interviews, document analysis, focus group discussions, or observations that have been set forth in the court record (transcript). Another form of qualitative data was obtained through shooting images or video footage. Qualitative data include: 1. Inductive, which is based on one or a number of specific data to derive a conclusion by way of generalization, or analogy or causal relationship 2. Deductive, which is a process of thinking which is based on an existing propositions to acquire new proposition as the conclusion to the syllogism, the argument consisting of three propositions (the major premise, minor premise and conclusion or conclusions) 3. Comparative namely by outlining the similarities and differences between the two data objects under study. Subjects in this study were all employees. Researchers from the source there are 43 employees working in various industries and Crafts UPT Aneka Industri dan Kerajinan Surabaya. On the subject of this study, researchers led to all employees in order to improve their performance with the leadership role that will be applied. Leadership effectiveness is influenced by many diverse and varied, several factors related to leadership effectiveness, among other: task structure, leadership awareness of employees, skills and leadership skills, leadership traits superior and subordinate relationships, management support and human resources, a position of power, subordinate effort, behavior management and external coordination, of those factors when analyzed can be made a set of factors is smaller than the initial factors, namely: leadership factors, factors boss and subordinates and environmental factors. Based on these factors can be seen how the relationship with the leadership of subordinates in decision making and problem solving. Leadership style reflect the relationship in this study is how the leader relates to subordinates in order to improve the performance of the good and positive in an institution. Effective leadership that is able to run by leaders. Will be able to streamline the organization and increase employee productivity. With the respect to this benchmark in studying leadership in effective institutions can be seen from: achieving the institution itself, employee satisfaction and development of the company itself. So, if the factors of leadership effectiveness can be carried out well and the leadership is able to apply his leadership style according to the situation and condition is going to reach benchmark of effective leadership, it has been demonstrate effective leadership and employee productivity indirectly itself will increase. Data and information collection is a process of obtaining data and preparing useful to describe that result of data collected to be use as information, for example as part of a process improvement or similar project. The purpose of data collection is to obtain information to keep on way, to make decisions about the important issues, and also to give information on the others in specific topic. In general the data collection is to answer the problems that will be discussed as well as provide information about the problem and issues. In this study the data of things that can be applied by employees is the attitude of leadership, responsibility and attitude performance. All that can be applied when the employee aware of the importance of improved performance in an institution. The effect of the attitude of a leader can also affect how the performance of its employees whether they are good or bad. Therefore, a good attitude and decisive leadership is needed in the soul of a leader so that the performance of employees and leaders to get maximum results. By applying the managerial role of the leader in the employee's performance is expected to improve the performance of employees in a company or institution. Employees can apply the leadership that has been adopted by leaders in the office working on a task or attitude in the office everyday. Given such, will appear sustainable attitude among employees and leaders that will create a good performance. The research instrument is any equipment that is used to acquire, manage, and interpretation information from the respondents who performed the same measurement pattern. Research instrument designed for one purpose and cannot be used in another study. Peculiarities of every object of research led to a researcher must design their own instrument used. Arrangement for each research instrument is not always the same as the other studies. This is because the purpose and mechanism of action in any research techniques also vary. Several types of instruments in the study were as follows: 1) Test The test is a series of questions or exercises or other tools used to measure the skills, measurement, intelligence, ability or talent possessed by individuals or groups. 2) Questionnaire or questionnaires Questionnaires are a number of written questions used to obtain information from respondents in terms of their personal statements, or the things that he knew. 3) Interview (interview) Interview is used by researchers to assess the state of a person, for example to find data on student background variables, the elderly, education, attention, attitude towards something. 4) Observation In the sense that observational studies are conducted direct observations, observations can be done with the test, questionnaire, range images, and sound recordings. Observation contains a list of the types of activities that may arise and will be observed. 5) Graduated scale (ratings) Rating or a graduated scale is a measure of the scale, subjective made. Although this produces a graduated scale data rude, but enough to give specific information about the program or person. This instrument can easily provide an overview of performance, especially in the performance of duty, which shows the frequency of appearance of the properties. In preparing the scale, which needs to be considered is how to define a variable scale. What is in question should be what can be observed respondent. 6) Documentation Documentation, from the origin of the document, which means that the written stuff. In exercising methods of documentation, research investigating the written objects such as books, magazines, documents, regulations, minutes of meetings, and so on. Register questionnaire is a series of questions posed to the respondents in order to collect information from respondents about the object being studied, either in the form of opinions, responses, or himself. As a research instrument, then these questions should not deviate from the direction that will be achieved by the proposed project, which is reflected in the formulation of hypotheses. Thus the list of questions that must be filed with the tactical and strategy so as to filter out the information required by the respondent. Questions raised by the respondent should be clear formula, so researchers will receive the right information from the respondents. Because the respondent and the interviewer can interpret the meaning of a sentence different from the intent of researchers, so that the contents of the question cannot be answered precisely. Besides, it should also be noted that where the direction is achieved, given no clear direction may not be able to formulate a list of questions adequately. Compile a draft list of questions is actually a collective work across research team members. Involvement of all members of the research team will contribute research instrument construction completion. Steps in compiling a list of questions are determination of the required information, determination of the data collection process, preparation of the research instrument, testing instrument research. Result and Discussion Basically a company or institution can run smoothly when it has a strong foundation. And foundation here in question is a leader. When a leader has a dominant role in the company or institution, then the employees will follow the rules and will get good results in the form of improved performance. Therefore, there is no doubt that the role of leadership can improve employee performance. The Leader Role in Improving Employees' Performance The role of leadership is crucial in a job. Who first determined is to choose a leader who can truly lead a company or institution. When we get a leader who deserves to lead the leader must have a vision and mission for the welfare of its employees by way of improving the performance of employees. A leader does not have to give orders to his subordinates or employees to do something, but by way of an example, the employee will follow what their leaders are doing as long as it's true. The employees' performance can be improved through leader role Leadership is one of the issues in the management which is still interesting enough to be discussed until today. Mass media, both electronic and print, often featuring opinion and conversation discuss about leadership. Leadership role and strategic importance to the achievement of the mission, vision and goals of an organization, is one of the motives that drive people to always investigate the intricacies associated with leadership. Quality of leadership is often regarded as the most important factor in the success or failure of the organization as well as the success or failure of a business-oriented organizations in both the public and, generally perceived as a success or a failure of leadership. Once the importance of the issue of the role of the leader so that the leader be the focus of interest to researchers in the field of organizational behavior. Organizations that succeed in achieving its objectives and be able to fulfill its social responsibility will depend on the leadership. When the leader is able to perform well, it is possible that the organization will achieve its goal. An organization needs an effective leader, who has the ability to influence the behavior of its members or subordinates. Leadership style is a way used by a leader in influencing the behavior of others. Leadership style is the norm of behavior that is used by a person when the person is trying to influence the behavior of others. Each style has advantages and disadvantages. A leader will use the appropriate leadership style and personality skills. Every leader in providing care to foster, promote and direct all potential employees in the environment have different patterns with each other. The difference is caused by different leadership styles also vary from each leader. Correspondence between leadership styles, norms and organizational culture is seen as a key prerequisite for the successful achievement of organizational goals. Leader etymologically derived from the word "pimpin" (lead) means guided or guided, so in which there are two parties that led (the people) and the lead (priest). Having added the prefix "pe" to "leader" (leader) means those who influence others through the process of communication so that the authority of the act is something other people achieve specific goals. Is a leader who has the ability to influence individuals and groups can work together to achieve the intended purpose. Hendry in Kartini Kartono Pratt Fairchild (2006:38-39) argues that leaders in the broad sense is a person who leads by way of initiating social behavior by regulating, indicating, organize or control efforts / attempts of others or through prestige, power or position. Anagora (1992) in Harbani (2008:5) argues, that leadership is the ability to influence others, through communication either directly or indirectly, with the intention to drive people to the understanding, awareness and happy to follow the will of the leadership of the leadership is defined as the process of influencing and directing a variety of tasks related to the activities of the group members. Leadership is also defined as the ability to affect a variety of strategies and objectives, the ability to influence the commitment and devotion to duty in order to achieve common goals and capabilities affect the group in order to identify, nurture and develop organizational culture (Stogdill in Stoner and Freeman 1989: 459-460). Elements of leadership according to Stogdill is he involvement of members of the organization as a follower, distribution of power among the leaders of member organizations, legitimacy granted to followers, leaders influence followers through a variety of ways. Leadership is an activity to influence the behavior of others so that they would be directed to achieve certain goals. Leadership is defined as the ability to move or motivate some people to simultaneously perform the same activities and focused on achieving the goal. From the above, it is basically a leader who has the ability to move others and be able to influence that person to do something in accordance with the goals to be achieved. Conclusion Leadership is one of the function of management human resources that make other people resolve work, maintaining morale and motivate subordinates (Dessler, 1997). From time to time the leadership of an attention to human, human being because of the leadership needed the limitation and advantages of certain human. On the one hand, man limited his ability to lead in other hand there are people who have excess capacity to lead. Here is the emergence of the need for leaders and leadership. The success of a leader is that if he can adjust your leadership style to the situation at hand. Situational leadership as well as taking into account factors conditions, time and space play role in a determining the choice of appropriate leadership style. So the effectiveness of leadership a person is determined by the ability to recognize to appropriate nature of the conditions it faces, whether the condition contained in organization and conditions that are outside the organization but have an impact on the course of the organization (Siagian, 2003). In other words, situational leadership theory assumes no single behavioral or leadership style that can affect human behavior or members of the organization to act, to do or work in all situations. Effective leaders have the behavior or leadership style that is flexible able to diagnose situation and use behaviors or styles leadership according to the circumstances they face (Nawawi, 2003). In this study the data as the information needed to give an overview of the research. Data is something that does not have any meaning for the recipient and is still in need of a treatment. In this case, the data can be regarded as an object and a subject of the information is useful for the recipient. Information can also be caled as a result of processing or data processing. Quality of leadership is often regarded as the most important factor in the success or failure of the organization as well as the success or failure of a business-oriented organizations in both the public and, generally perceived as a success or a failure of leadership. Once the importance of the issue of the role of the leader so that the leader be the focus of interest to researchers in the field of organizational behavior. Organizations that succeed in achieving its objectives and be able to fulfill its social responsibility will depend on the leadership. When the leader is able to perform well, it is possible that the organization will achieve its goal. An organization needs an effective leader, who has the ability to influence the behavior of its members or subordinates. Thus, a leader or head of an organization will be recognized as a leader if he can have an influence and capable of directing his subordinates towards the achievement of organizational goals. Suggestion Expectations of the employees are in the presence of a wise leader and able to adjust the structure of the company or institution can work to change the existing errors in the body corporate. In the end, that the existence of a leadership role within a company or institution can improve and enhance the performance of employees and can form a good partnership between employees and management. REFERENCE Peraturan Gubernur Jawa Timur, 2008, Organisasi dan Tata Kerja Unit Pelaksanaan Teknis Dinas Perindustrian dan Perdagangan Provinsi Jawa Timur, Surabaya. Prayoga, Sondra, 2011, The Role of Exhibition to Increase Foreign and Domestic Market Activity TIU (Technical Implementation Units) REPTC (Regional Export Training and Promotion Center) of East Java. http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/DEKRANASDA www.google.com www.blogspot.com

The aim of this dissertation was to examine the potential "dark side" of leaders' narcissism, especially with regard to destructive leader behavior and its effects on followers. Leadership is highly relevant for organizational and individual outcomes (e.g., Barrick et al., 1991; Judge & Piccolo, 2004; Harter et al., 2002; Wang et al., 2011) and leader personality traits are meaningful predictors for leaders' behavior and leadership styles (e.g., Dulebohn et al., 2012; Judge et al., 2002). Whereas leaders' narcissism has previously been suggested as a potentially destructive leader personality trait (e.g., Krasikova et al., 2013), empirical evidence regarding the effects of leaders' narcissism in organizations has been inconclusive to date (for overviews, see Braun, 2017 or Schyns et al., 2019). With the empirical studies conducted in the context of this dissertation, I aimed to shed light on the questions whether leaders' narcissistic rivalry is a precursor of abusive supervision, which cognitive processes might underlie this relationship and whether followers can have an influence on their leaders' potentially destructive behavior. Furthermore, I set out to examine the effects of leaders' narcissistic rivalry on their followers and took a closer look on how this maladaptive narcissism dimension affects followers' feelings, behavior and their mutual relationships. This dissertation expands and contributes to the literature at the intersection of personality and leadership research in several ways. For one, I based my research on a two-dimensional conceptualization of subclinical narcissism. Previous studies mainly framed or at least measured leaders' narcissism as a unidimensional construct (see Back & Morf, 2018), thereby potentially intermingling adaptive and maladaptive aspects. In this dissertation, in contrast, I used the narcissistic admiration and rivalry concept (NARC; Back et al., 2013) as a theoretical foundation and focused on the relevance of narcissistic rivalry, the antagonistic narcissism dimension, in a leadership context. Narcissistic rivalry in the framework of the NARC is characterized by self-defensive strategies aimed at protecting the narcissists' inflated ego from potential threats. It is associated with devaluation of others in order to elevate oneself, with aggressive and manipulative behavior and social conflicts (Back et al., 2013). In consequence, I examined whether leaders' narcissistic rivalry predicted abusive supervision or abusive supervision intentions as one instantiation of destructive leadership. Second, I aimed to shed light on the mechanisms connecting leaders' narcissistic rivalry and abusive supervision. The NARC proposes that narcissistic rivalry is associated with derogative cognitions about others (Back et al., 2013). By belittling their followers and evaluating them negatively, leaders high in narcissistic rivalry could bolster their own egos. Furthermore, based on ego threat theory (Baumeister et al., 1996) and the NARC, one could assume that leaders act abusively towards their followers in reaction to perceived ego threats. Individuals high in narcissism react aggressively to negative feedback (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998; Ferriday et al., 2011; Kernis & Sun, 1994) and abusive behavior towards one's followers could be used as a means to regain status and reassert one's authority over others (Grapsas et al., 2019). Thus, I aimed to understand whether leaders' devaluing cognitions about their followers and perceived ego threats could explain the assumed positive relationship between leaders' narcissistic rivalry and destructive leadership. Third, leadership of course does not happen in a vacuum but is a dyadic phenomenon, shaped by both leaders and followers (e.g., Shamir, 2007). It has been shown that how followers behave and are perceived by their leaders can contribute to destructive leadership (e.g., Mawritz et al., 2017; Neves, 2014). However, studies on the interplay between leaders' "dark" personality traits and follower behavior are still scarce, even though the NARC proposes that self-defensive strategies are potentially triggered in social situations where narcissistic individuals do not receive the admiration they feel they are entitled to and their grandiose, but fragile egos are threatened (Back et al., 2013; Geukes et al., 2017). Consequently, I also scrutinized follower behavior as a potential trigger for abusive leader behavior and for underlying mechanisms that might promote such behavior. Fourth, and lastly, I took a closer look at how followers are affected by leaders' narcissistic rivalry as a potentially harmful leader trait. The NARC proposes that individuals high in narcissistic rivalry tend to show destructive behavior in interpersonal situations (Back et al., 2013). Based on social exchange theories (e.g., Cropanzano & Mitchell, 2005; Graen & Uhl-Bien, 1995) one would expect that followers reciprocate with negative attitudes and behavior in the workplace when they perceive their leaders to be unsupportive or even abusive. Thus, I asked whether followers of leaders high in narcissistic rivalry felt supported by their leaders and how they evaluated their mutual relationships. Also, I examined whether leaders' narcissistic rivalry had an influence on followers' job engagement and performance-based self-esteem, both of which are predictors for important organizational and individual outcomes such as motivation, well-being and performance (e.g., Dulebohn et al., 2012; Judge et al., 2007). These research questions were examined in four empirical studies applying different research designs, which are reported in the three manuscripts that compile this dissertation (Chapters 2-4). In the first manuscript (Chapter 2), I hypothesized that leaders' narcissistic rivalry would predict abusive supervision intentions and that this positive relationship would be moderated by follower behavior. Based on theoretical assumptions drawn from ego threat theory (Baumeister et al., 1996) and the dominance complementary model (Grijalva & Harms, 2014), I assumed this relationship to be stronger when followers behaved dominantly compared to constructive or submissive behavior. Furthermore, I examined potential cognitive mechanisms underlying the association between leaders' narcissistic rivalry and abusive supervision intentions. Specifically, I proposed that the assumed positive relationship would be mediated by leaders' evaluations of their followers as unlikeable and incompetent. The assumptions were tested in an experimental vignette study with a real-life leader sample. Leaders' narcissistic rivalry positively predicted abusive supervision intentions in response to submissive, constructive and dominant follower behavior. The relationship was strongest when followers in the experimental vignettes behaved dominantly. Concerning the underlying cognitive mechanisms, I found preliminary evidence that leaders' evaluations of followers as unlikeable, but not as incompetent, mediated the association between narcissistic rivalry and abusive supervision intentions. In the second manuscript (Chapter 3), I again hypothesized that leaders' narcissistic rivalry would predict abusive supervision intentions (Study 1) or abusive supervision (Study 2). Assuming that leaders high in narcissistic rivalry easily perceive their grandiose, but fragile egos to be threatened in social interactions (Back et al., 2013; Geukes et al., 2017), I posited an indirect effect of leaders' narcissistic rivalry on abusive supervision intentions or abusive supervision via perceived ego threat, and a moderation of this indirect effect by followers' supervisor-directed deviance. I predicted that this indirect effect would be stronger, the more supervisor-directed deviance followers showed, as such behavior could be perceived as undermining a leader's status and thus challenge their grandiose self-view. These assumptions were tested in an experimental vignette study with leaders (Study 1) and in a field study with leader-follower dyads (Study 2). Across both studies, leaders' narcissistic rivalry was positively related to abusive supervision intentions and abusive supervision, respectively. I did not find empirical evidence for the assumed moderating effect of follower behavior, implying that leaders high in narcissistic rivalry intended to treat or treated their followers abusively irrespective of their deviant behavior. The indirect effect via perceived ego threats was only evident in the vignette study, but not in the field study. The third manuscript (Chapter 4) focused on negative effects of leaders' narcissistic rivalry on followers. Based on social exchange theories (e.g., Cropanzano & Mitchell, 2005; Graen & Uhl-Bien, 1995), I proposed a model where leaders' narcissistic rivalry negatively predicted perceived supervisor support. Furthermore, I expected negative indirect effects of leaders' narcissistic rivalry on leader-member-exchange, followers' performance-based self-esteem and job engagement via perceived supervisor support. The model was tested in a field study with matched leaders and followers. I found support for the proposed model when using follower-rated, but not when using self-rated leaders' narcissistic rivalry as a predictor. This suggests that the actual perception of leaders' destructive tendencies by their followers is more relevant for follower-related outcomes than leaders' self-assessment. Overall, the findings of the studies reported in this dissertation substantiate the assumption that leaders' narcissistic rivalry predicts abusive supervision and intentions to lead abusively and that it affects followers negatively and thus represents the "dark side" of leader narcissism. The studies further show that this relationship seems to be independent of followers' actual behavior such that followers are treated abusively no matter how they behave; however, dominant follower behavior seems to be an especially strong trigger for abusive leader behavior. Concerning leaders' cognitions as underlying mechanisms explaining the relationship between their narcissistic rivalry and abusive supervision (intentions), it seems that perceived threats to one's grandiose ego in response to deviant follower behavior and the devaluation of followers in certain aspects play a role. However, further research into these complex and interwoven processes is necessary. Real-life implications of these results are drawn regarding leader selection, promotion and development, resources for affected followers and, on a larger scale, structural organizational countermeasures.

Two weeks ago was the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's dramatic resignation. He did so against his own will, in order to avoid the certainty of impeachment as a result of the Watergate case. This event, together with the traumatic defeat and withdrawal from Vietnam that preceded it, resulted in a dramatic loss of trust in the Executive, followed by strong legislative action to limit its powers. It also revealed the growing partisan polarization that has characterized the politics of the following four decades.Today we may be living the climax of this polarization, as Congress is unable to pass badly-needed legislation on immigration, energy and infrastructure funding, to name a few. Indeed, not even the presence of 40,000 unaccompanied Central American children at the border is sufficiently dramatic to bring about some kind of consensual action. At the same time, President Obama is being sued by the House leadership for abuse of power, and the media are irresponsibly talking about possible impeachment, the ultimate use of legislative power against a democratically elected President.The transformative President has fulfilled or at the very least addressed most of the platform under which he was elected in 2008 and re-elected in 2012. Obstruction in Congress, his own bad foreign policy decisions and constant complaints from the left wing of his own party have resulted in low approval ratings (around 40%) by a frustrated public that has, for the most part, tuned out of politics. This will no doubt have consequences for the coming mid-term elections, when the majority of voters will stay home, giving an advantage to the militant extremes on both sides of the ideological spectrum.Gridlock in government is nothing new. In fact, the fathers of the Constitution preferred Congress to "muddle through" rather than being too pro-active. Incremental, slow change was preferable to sweeping reforms. Yet this 113th Congress, now in its long August recess before its return to a full-fledged electoral campaign in September, is probably unique in its paralysis. There are not only deep divisions between the two Houses, each dominated by one party, but also within the House of Representatives itself, where the GOP has a majority of seats but is so internally divided that it has had to withdraw many of its own leadership-introduced bills for lack of votes from its own party.This Do-Nothing-Congress that left town on August 1st for a five-week recess is the least productive in History: Congressional productivity is down from 151 in the previous 112th Congress to 142; the originally "Do-Nothing Congress" of 1947-48 passed 906 laws.Nothing seems to be sufficiently urgent or dramatic enough to bring the GOP legislators to a consensus, not even the unprecedented border crisis, where 40,000 unaccompanied migrant children from Central America are amassed in military bases and other government agencies at the southern border, awaiting due process. The House leadership was ready to pass a bill to provide a small part of the funding the President had requested to help him address the surge of newly arrived immigrants, but it did not have the votes. The Tea Party, on the other hand, opposed the funding and wanted to introduce its own bill to speedily deport the children and to rescind the President's authority to decide whether to deport or not certain undocumented immigrants from earlier waves of immigration.Late in the afternoon of their last day in the Capitol when all bags were packed and representatives were ready to leave, Speaker John Boehner announced he was ready to withdraw his bill since he didn't have the votes, and let the recess begin. But Tea Party favorites Steven King and Michele Bachman demanded a vote on both measures. Finally, at the eleventh hour, Boehner compromised: both bills were introduced and passed by a narrow vote. They are at this point insignificant, and very unlikely to become laws since the Senate will not consider them. But the point was made: the Tea Party's main goals is not solving any problems, but instead keepconstraining presidential powers to the point of total ineffective government. They are succeeding to a large extent, even if Obama has been quite deft at using his executive authority of implementation to break free from the imposed legislative shackles.Dysfunction in government is the new normalcy in the nation's capital. These bills were only a modest attempt to deal with the crisis of the day, but the acrimonious debate brought into relief a bigger systemic failure: the inability of Congress, since 2007, to pass a comprehensive overhaul of Immigration law. Once the Senate passed it last summer, it was expected that the House may come up with its own proposal, which would have been a series of smaller bills to solve the problem piecemeal, thereby satisfying different constituencies with a mixture of more border security, more workers' permits and other special visas, and the granting of legal status to the 11 million undocumented.Unlike the year 2007, when G.W. Bush had expressed support for Comprehensive Immigration Reform legislation but could not muster enough consensus, this time around (2013-2014) it was supposed to be different. For the first time the concept had widespread support from all the very powerful interest groups concerned: corporations, labor unions, the Christian Evangelical right and immigration advocates. But it was halted by the Tea Party in the House and no legislation was passed.It is this vacuum, among others, that the Executive has been trying to fill through administrative measures and executive decrees. The President used his prosecutorial discretion to solve some aspects of the enormously complex issue of dealing with 11 million undocumented immigrants, most of whom have lived and worked in the US for ten, twenty, or even thirty years. One example is the President's policy directive that provided temporary relief from deportation and study/work authorization to young people brought here illegally by their parents between certain dates, and under certain conditions (DACA). Lately, Obama has expressed some interest in extending DACA to the children's families, causing more Tea party outrage and increasing their attempts to stop him.To strike a balance and to give more legitimacy to his unilateral decision to solve that part of the problem, the President has applied to the letter the pre-existing immigration law to deport (other) immigrants through the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency. He has deported more immigrants than any other president before him (360,000 in 2013 alone), earning him the sobriquet of "Deporter-in-chief" and the antipathy of immigrant advocate groups.During the latest crisis of children at the border, Speaker Boehner expressed his "frustration and his concern" with the situation, and quite cynically called on Obama to "take steps to secure the border and return the children to their home countries", adding that the President "didn't need Congressional action to do that". Given that the Speaker is suing the President (just a political gesture, since he has no legal standing to do so) for over-stepping his Constitutional powers, his hectoring makes even less sense. In any case, his frustration was misdirected: Obama had asked Congress to approve funding for this operation and a Republican bill was ready to be introduced, but the Speaker himself was struggling to get the Tea Party votes he needed to pass it. This sort of dysfunction is a weakness the Republican Party will need to address in order to succeed in future elections.The November mid-term election will be critical: according to the latest polls, Republicans have around an eighty per cent chance to win the six seats they would need for a majority in the Senate. With both Houses in Republican hands, the President will not only lose the minimum control he now has to shape the agenda but he will also find it very hard to keep in place the policies that he is already implementing.If we add to that the problematic challenges he is now faced with on several foreign policy fronts, none of which can be solved in the short term, a Republican win becomes almost certain, not only in 2014 but also perhaps in the 2016 presidential election. But in order to seal those wins, Republicans will need two fundamental elements they lack now: party unity and a positive agenda. Professor Maria Fornella-Oehninger, Old Dominion UniversityVirginia, U.S.A.

Acknowledgements -- Chapter 1: Waters and Geology of the Dakotas -- 1.1 The Dakotas -- 1.2 Level III Ecoregions -- Lake Agassiz Plain -- Western Corn Belt Plains -- Northern Glaciated Plains -- Northwestern Glaciated Plains -- Northwestern Great Plains -- Nebraska Sand Hills -- High Plains -- Middle Rockies -- 1.3 Major Rivers of the Dakotas -- 1.3.1 Mississippi River Basin -- Missouri River Drainage (Mississippi River Basin) -- Upper Mississippi River Drainage (Mississippi River Basin) -- 1.3.2 Nelson River Basin -- Red River of the North Drainage (Nelson River Basin) -- Chapter 2: History of Ichthyology in the Dakotas -- 2.1 Prehistoric Fishes -- 2.2 1800s -- 2.3 Early 1900s -- 2.4 Post Reservoir Construction: 1950s to Today -- Chapter 3: Distribution and Status of Fishes in the Dakotas -- 3.1 Distribution -- 3.2 Unsubstantiated Species -- Chapter 4: Collection, Preservation, and Identification -- 4.1 Collection -- 4.2 Preservation -- 4.3 Identification -- 4.4 Equipment -- 4.5 Body Plan -- 4.6 Fins -- 4.7 Scales -- 4.8 Counts and Measurements -- 4.9 Dissection -- Chapter 5: Dichotomous Keys -- 5.1 Key to the Families of Fishes in the Dakotas -- 5.2 Key to Lampreys of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.3 Key to Sturgeons of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.4 Key to Paddlefish of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.5 Key to Gars of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.6 Key to Bowfin of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.7 Key to Eels of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.8 Key to Mooneyes of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.9 Key to Shad of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.10 Key to Thread Herrings of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.11 Key to Suckers of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.13 Key to Sharpbellies of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.14 Key to Minnows of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.15 Key to Catfish of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.16 Key to Pikes and Mudminnows of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.17 Key to Salmonids of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.18 Key to Smelts of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.19 Key to Trout-Perch of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.20 Key to Burbot of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.21 Key to Cichlids of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.22 Key to Topminnows of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.23 Key to Centrarchids of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.24 Key to Temperate Basses of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.25 Key to Percids of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.26 Key to Drums of North Dakota and South Dakota -- 5.27 Key to Sticklebacks of North Dakota and South Dakota -- Chapter 6: Species Accounts -- 6.1 Species Accounts -- 6.2 Petromyzontidae, Lamprey Family -- Chestnut Lamprey Ichthyomyzon castaneus -- Silver Lamprey Ichthyomyzon unicuspis -- 6.3 Acipenseridae, Sturgeon Family -- Lake Sturgeon Acipenser fulvescens -- Pallid Sturgeon Scaphirhynchus albus -- Shovelnose Sturgeon Scaphirhynchus platorynchus -- 6.4 Polyodontidae, Paddlefish Family -- Paddlefish Polyodon spathula -- 6.5 Lepisosteidae, Gar Family -- Longnose Gar Lepisosteus osseus -- Shortnose Gar Lepisosteus platostomus -- 6.6 Amiidae, Bowfin Family -- Emerald Bowfin Amia ocellicauda -- 6.7 Anguillidae, Freshwater Eel Family -- American Eel Anguilla rostrata -- 6.8 Hiodontidae, Mooneye Family -- Goldeye Hiodon alosoides -- Mooneye Hiodon tergisus -- 6.9 Alosidae, Shad Family -- Skipjack Herring Alosa chrysochloris -- Alewife Alosa pseudoharengus -- 6.10 Dorosomatidae, Thread Herring Family -- Gizzard Shad Dorosoma cepedianum -- Threadfin Shad Dorosoma petenense -- 6.11 Catostomidae, Sucker Family -- River Carpsucker Carpiodes carpio -- Quillback Carpiodes cyprinus -- Highfin Carpsucker Carpiodes velifer -- Longnose Sucker Catostomus catostomus -- White Sucker Catostomus commersonii -- Blue Sucker Cycleptus elongatus -- Smallmouth Buffalo Ictiobus bubalus -- Bigmouth Buffalo Ictiobus cyprinellus -- Black Buffalo Ictiobus niger -- Silver Redhorse Moxostoma anisurum -- River Redhorse Moxostoma carinatum -- Golden Redhorse Moxostoma erythrurum -- Shorthead Redhorse Moxostoma macrolepidotum -- Greater Redhorse Moxostoma valenciennesi -- Plains Sucker Pantosteus jordani -- 6.12 Cyprinidae, Barb and Carp Family -- Goldfish Carassius auratus -- Common Carp Cyprinus carpio -- 6.13 Xenocyprididae, Sharpbelly Family -- Grass Carp Ctenopharyngodon idella -- Silver Carp Hypophthalmichthys molitrix -- Bighead Carp Hypophthalmichthys nobilis -- 6.14 Leuciscidae, Minnow Family -- River Shiner Alburnops blennius -- Central Stoneroller Campostoma anomalum -- Largescale Stoneroller Campostoma oligolepis -- Northern Redbelly Dace Chrosomus eos -- Southern Redbelly Dace Chrosomus erythrogaster -- Finescale Dace Chrosomus neogaeus -- Lake Chub Couesius plumbeus -- Red Shiner Cyprinella lutrensis -- Spotfin Shiner Cyprinella spiloptera -- Bigmouth Shiner Ericymba dorsalis -- Spottail Shiner Hudsonius hudsonius -- Western Silvery Minnow Hybognathus argyritis -- Brassy MinnowHybognathus hankinsoni -- Plains Minnow Hybognathus placitus -- Common Shiner Luxilus cornutus -- Sturgeon Chub Macrhybopsis gelida.-Shoal Chub Macrhybopsis hyostoma -- Sicklefin Chub Macrhybopsis meeki -- Silver Chub Macrhybopsis storeriana -- Northern Pearl Dace Margariscus nachtriebi -- Pugnose Shiner Miniellus anogenus -- Sand Shiner Miniellus stramineus -- Topeka Shiner Miniellus topeka -- Hornyhead Chub Nocomis biguttatus -- Golden Shiner Notemigonus crysoleucas -- Emerald Shiner Notropis atherinoides -- Blacknose Shiner Notropis heterolepis -- Carmine Shiner Notropis percobromus -- Silverband Shiner Paranotropis shumardi -- Mimic Shiner Paranotropis volucellus -- Suckermouth Minnow Phenacobius mirabilis -- Bluntnose Minnow Pimephales notatus -- Fathead Minnow Pimephales promelas -- Flathead Chub Platygobio gracilis -- Longnose Dace Rhinichthys cataractae -- Western Blacknose Dace Rhinichthys obtusus -- Rudd Scardinius erythrophthalmus -- Creek Chub Semotilus atromaculatus -- 6.15 Ictaluridae, North American Catfish Family -- Black Bullhead Ameiurus melas -- Yellow Bullhead Ameiurus natalis -- Brown Bullhead Ameiurus nebulosus -- BlueCatfish Ictalurus furcatus -- Channel Catfish Ictalurus punctatus -- Stonecat Noturus flavus -- Tadpole Madtom Noturus gyrinus -- Flathead Catfish Pylodictis olivaris -- 6.16 Esocidae, Pike and Mudminnow Family -- Redfin Pickerel Esox americanus -- Northern Pike Esox lucius -- Muskellunge Esox masquinongy -- Central Mudminnow Umbra limi -- 6.17 Salmonidae, Salmon, Trout, and Char Family -- Cisco Coregonus artedi -- Lake Whitefish Coregonus clupeaformis -- Coastal Cutthroat Trout Oncorhynchus clarkii -- Rainbow Trout Oncorhynchus mykiss -- Kokanee Salmon, Oncorhynchus nerka -- Chinook Salmon Oncorhynchus tshawytscha -- Atlantic Salmon Salmo salar -- Brown Trout Salmo trutta -- Brook Trout Salvelinus fontinalis -- Lake Trout Salvelinus namaycush -- 6.18 Osmeridae, Smelt Family -- Rainbow Smelt Osmerus mordax -- 6.19 Percopsidae, Trout-Perch Family -- Trout-Perch Percopsis omiscomaycus -- 6.20 Gadidae, Cod Family -- Burbot Lota lota -- 6.21 Cichlidae, Cichlid Family -- Jack Dempsey Rocio octofasciata -- 6.22 Fundulidae, Topminnow and Killifish Family -- Banded Killifish Fundulus diaphanous -- Northern Plains Killifish Fundulus kansae -- Plains Topminnow Fundulus sciadicus -- 6.23 Centrarchidae, Sunfish Family -- Rock Bass Ambloplites rupestris -- Green Sunfish Lepomis cyanellus -- Pumpkinseed Lepomis gibbosus -- Orangespotted Sunfish Lepomis humilis -- Bluegill Lepomis macrochirus -- Redear Sunfish Lepomis microlophus -- Smallmouth Bass Micropterus dolomieu -- Largemouth Bass Micropterus nigricans -- White Crappie Pomoxis annularis -- Black Crappie Pomoxis nigromaculatus -- 6.24 Moronidae, Temperate Bass Family -- White Bass Morone chrysops -- Yellow Bass Morone mississippiensis -- Striped Bass Morone saxatilis -- 6.25 Percidae, Perch and Darter Family -- Iowa Darter Etheostoma exile -- Johnny Darter Etheostoma nigrum -- Yellow Perch Perca flavescens -- Logperch Percina caprodes -- Blackside Darter Percina maculata -- Slenderhead Darter Percina phoxocephala -- River Darter Percina shumardi -- Sauger Sander canadensis -- Zander Sander lucioperca -- Walleye Sander vitreus -- 6.26 Sciaenidae, Drum and Croaker Family -- Freshwater Drum Aplodinotus grunniens -- 6.27 Gasterosteidae, Stickleback Family -- Brook Stickleback Culaea inconstans -- 7 Glossary.

A recent Supreme Court ruling clarified why the Court
allowed Louisiana fall congressional elections to continue under a map declared
unconstitutional, and increased the chances this will be the only such
election this decade that will have a two majority-minority district map.

In Alexander v.
South Carolina State Conference, the Court ruled that a congressional
map that otherwise didn't violate traditional principles of reapportionment,
such as compactness and contiguity of districts, did not have to have the proportion
of M/M districts somewhat equivalent to the proportion of minority race (almost
always black, but sometimes others) residents in the state if the legislature wished
to draw districts to maximize partisan advantage even if incidentally related
to racial division in voting. This launched panic among leftist
and far
left commentators because it signaled that in reapportionment disputes the Court
no longer would permit the left's and Democrats' shadow agenda to remain in the
shadows.

That is, those forces try to gain partisan
advantage in reapportionment by equating maps that give them that as necessary
to prevent racial discrimination, made possible because for the past half-century
blacks typically have voted overwhelmingly for candidate of the left, almost
always black candidates. This has been tolerated because courts for decades had
made the presumption that racial prejudice against a minority group had to lay
behind any reapportionment decision that did not draw district majorities roughly
proportional to that group's proportion in the population, and so to do this
required satisfying certain criteria that didn't include partisan advantage as
a mitigating factor.

But with this most recent decision, not only does partisanship
become a mitigating factor, it becomes the base assumption that henceforth
challenges to maps must demonstrate doesn't apply in order to be successful;
so, now it's not a matter of the defense disproving that race influenced the map-making
process, but that the plaintiffs disprove partisanship didn't play a role. Or,
another way of looking at it, it short-circuits reliance on the Voting Rights
Act by sending claims first through the Fourteenth Amendment, which the
judiciary (after decades of dancing around the question) has determined doesn't
address partisan gerrymandering.

That well may have an impact on Callais v.
Landry, which dumped the two M/M map Louisiana had offered up to replace
the one M/M map put on preliminary hold by another district court, because that
other court said the state's population of one-third black-identifying needed
to be reflected as two M/M out of six districts. Even though that case has
declared the two M/M map enacted earlier this year as unconstitutional and
speedily enough to impose a remedy that may have been a one M/M map, citing
previous cases the Court said it was too late to switch to a one M/M map with
fall elections looming.

At the time, the left
seemed somewhat perplexed at why that invocation was done at the behest of
the six Republican-appointed Court justices and opposed by the three appointed
by Democrats; after all, this locked in a two M/M district map when a one M/M
map might have been the product of continued lower court scrutiny on a fast
track. It couldn't see, or perhaps couldn't admit publicly, that this meant the
Court would use this case over the next year to review and circumscribe the
Voting Rights Act insofar as it has been interpreted to give race a privileged
position in evaluating the legality of plans.

Now we know exactly why: the Court majority – the
same one that stayed Callais against the same minority that objected –
was days away from reconfiguring the precedence of partisanship and race in the
scheme of evaluating claims about maps. It didn't want the lower court to make
decisions without the input of Alexander or even have that opportunity,
as it has become clearer now that the Court wants to have a say in this matter.
Indeed, not only could Callais become invoked as part of a case, if not
the case, that invalidates the part of the VRA that is called upon to elevate
race above all criteria, it could (if
Assoc. Justice Clarence Thomas has his way) junk the entire law.

(The whole reliance of race as proxy for partisanship
may have had its run anyway. With Republican former Pres. Donald
Trump for this fall sloughing
off minority voters unprecedented for a Republican candidate in over six
decades, VRA arguments about black but especially Hispanic solidarity in
preferred candidacies become less convincing to elevate race's status in
reapportionment and adds fuel to Assoc. Justice Brett Kavanaugh's hint
to bring a case that results in declaring this impact of the VRA timebound.)

So, the far left has gone ballistic because it
knows it no longer can dress partisanship up as anti-racism to win rulings
favorable to increasing the number of Democrats in elective plenary offices.
Instead, it has to win elections, in order to control the institutions that
could produce partisan gerrymanders that don't lapse into racial
gerrymandering, which it increasingly has come to recognize it can't as it is
disarmed intellectually compared to conservative appeals and must sustain any success
using highly emotive appeals backstopped by institutions that attempt to filter
information so as to support leftist agendas.

Ironically, had Louisiana not ditched the 2022 single
M/M map that never had a trial over its merits it could defend much more easily
that map today and it well may have been the one in effect for this fall's
elections. In response, it at its earliest opportunity the Legislature should respond
to Callais
as it had previously in the similar situation: say the map didn't withstand
judicial scrutiny – in fact, this time as a result of a trial on the merits –
trash it, but this time produce a single M/M map based upon partisan
considerations and then dare challengers to produce a map without five
majority-white districts that doesn't also tip the scales towards electing five
Republicans, as
by Alexander.

Ignore the left's caterwauling over a decision
grounded firmly in stare decisis and logic. Forge ahead with a plan to
make Louisiana's congressional districts commonsensical given its demography –
a single M/M map – that reflects voter preferences.

The tit-for-tat strikes between Iran and Israel wrapped up, for now, on April 19 with Israel hitting Iranian targets around the city of Isfahan, with no casualties — just like the Iranian strike on Israel on April 14, which, in turn, was a response to an earlier Israeli bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus, Syria, with seven Iranian military officers killed.That both Israel and Iran seemed to message their preference for de-escalation at this point is encouraging. However, the conditions for a re-escalation remain in place. Iran's proxies in Syria and Lebanon keep posing a strategic security challenge for Israel. However, simply returning to the status-quo prior to April 1, when Israel bombed hostile targets at will (including the Iranian consulate in Syria) would no longer be tolerable for Tehran as it would violate the "new equation" described by IRGC commander Hossein Salami after the strike on Israel, namely, that henceforth Iran would directly respond to any Israeli attack on Iranian interests or citizens — broad enough a definition to cover the Iranian proxies as well. The dynamics that led to the April cycle of strikes and counterstrikes could thus be re-edited any time, with a far more destructive consequences, if it is not replaced with something else.The time has thus come to entertain a radical idea: Tel-Aviv and Tehran have to move towards direct talks, initially through intermediaries, to agree on some principles of co-existence in the region. Political costs for doing so may look unpalatable for both sides at the moment. However, the alternative — a slide towards a full-scale war — would be even less appealing.The strike on Israel is a continuation of the Iranian tactic to "escalate to de-escalate." It was deployed on the nuclear file where Iran's incremental violations of the JCPOA following the U.S. withdrawal from the agreement were designed to pressure other sides to deliver on their own commitments. Iran's strike on the Saudi oil fields in 2019 was a precursor to a process that eventually led to a relative normalization of ties with Riyadh in 2023.Admittedly, following the same path with Israel is fraught with additional difficulties. It is often alleged that Iran's ideological hostility to Israel would preclude any talking with the "Zionist entity." However, right from its outset, the Islamic Republic catalogued the "Wahhabi Saudi monarchy" as an enemy too, which did not prevent it from occasionally seeking a détente with Riyadh. Iran's leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei may harbor a particular political and personal animus against Israel, but he is also known to display a pragmatic streak in matters of the national interest, as the limited nature of Iran's strike on Israel attests.Moreover, Khamenei is 85, and his successors may well turn out to be less ideological on Israel than he is. On a more strategic level, there is an ongoing debate in the Iranian elite and society about the extent to which hostility to Israel should keep conditioning Iran's national security, foreign policy and economic prospects: as long as the conflict persists in its current form, not only are full normalization of Iran's ties with the United States and Europe unthinkable but they will also be a source of tensions with Iran's neighbors in the Arab world, Turkey, Azerbaijan and even partners like Russia and China. More immediately, for all the IRGC's recent bouts of self-confidence, Israel remains a formidable military adversary, with the strongest army in the Middle East, and nuclear weapons.From Israel's standpoint, its conventional military superiority does not guarantee it invulnerability from the swarms of Iranian drones and precision strikes of its missiles. In fact, as the strike on April 14 has shown, even defenses as sophisticated as Israel's cannot guarantee a 100% immunity given that 9 out of 30 ballistic missiles evaded the Iron Dome and struck several Israeli air force targets on two military bases.Given Israel's small territory, with a high level of concentration of valuable economic, infrastructure and military targets, any penetration of its air defenses could be highly damaging. Even more troublingly, the progress of the Iranian nuclear program after the derailment of the JCPOA (unwisely urged by the Israeli leadership) opens a prospect of those missiles to be armed with nuclear warheads.While Israel can re-establish a short-term escalation dominance by striking back at Iran's proxies or targets in Iran itself, it cannot win a protracted war against a 90 million-strong nation. While Israel retains strong support in both main political parties in the United States, it does not mean that Washington will get directly involved in a war with Iran — Biden's urgings not to escalate testify to that. A possible comeback to the White House of his Republican rival Donald Trump might change that. Trump did after all signal he was willing to initiate a war with Iran by assassinating IRGC commander Qassem Suleimani. But even then, Trump faced considerable pressure from his political allies not to take the matter further.In a longer term, even a bipartisan support for Israel in the U.S. could erode, albeit for different reasons: Democrats are increasingly repelled by Israel's conduct of war in Gaza, while Republicans are growing skeptical of the U.S. entanglements in overseas conflicts on behalf of foreign nations.There is a strong case, then, for both Iran and Israel to abandon the escalatory path and try to iron out some principles of co-existence in the region. Given the current state of hostility, it will require intermediaries trusted by both sides, such as Oman, possibly Qatar, Switzerland or Norway. The U.S. and EU cannot play that role due to their heavy pro-Israeli bias, but they should at least discreetly support such talks. The Middle East has just stepped back from the brink of collapse. There are helpful ideas floating around about a "grand bargain" that would address all the conflicts in the region in a comprehensive manner. However, the long history of the Middle Eastern failures — the Oslo peace process between Israelis and Palestinians, derailment of the JCPOA, and finally the October 7 war — suggest that without achieving a modicum of co-existence between Israel and Iran, such schemes would remain inviable.

Since 2022 an external factor has threatened Ukraine's existence: the full-scale Russian invasion. Now internal factors—namely, the need to renew Ukrainian government's mandate with the help of democratic elections—have added to Ukraine's problems. The essence of the dilemma is as follows. On the one hand, there are legal grounds, popular consent and elites' agreement that trying to hold elections during wartime could hinder internal stability. On another, external and internal elements could use the exhausted legitimacy of Ukrainian government to accuse democratic Ukraine of formal disrespect of democratic principles. This last factor may become damaging, especially in the attrition phase of the war and in view of the West's need to respond to the increasing number of wars around the globe. Constitutional and Administrative ChallengesUkraine's constitution holds that the country may not hold parliamentary elections until martial law, in effect since February 24, 2022, is lifted, and for six months thereafter. Several laws would need to be changed in order for presidential elections to be held, which raises its own problems. Even if a legal solution could be found, security, financial, and organizational obstacles to holding free, fair, and representative elections are far more serious. President Zelensky is not opposed to holding elections but insists they must be held in accordance with the highest standards of democratic elections possible and should not detract from the country's national defense efforts. Many Ukrainian civic organizations promoting free and fair elections agree on the need to held elections only when the right conditions are present to ensure the integrity of the process and results.Security is an overarching concern. Almost 20 percent of Ukraine's territory is occupied. Some settlements are entirely destroyed, while others lack the necessary infrastructure to enable voting. With Russian military forces targeting civilian infrastructure, ensuring the safety of voters, election officials, and observers is simply impossible. President Zelensky has suggested that Western election advocates share in the risks, perhaps by stationing election observers in the trenches to assure the world of the legitimacy of the elections.Funding the elections is another major problem. According to the Central Election Committee's 2023 calculations, the presidential elections are estimated to cost around $196.7 million, while the parliamentary elections may require approximately $135.9 million. At the same time, Ukraine's 2024 budget anticipates $43.7 billion in revenues but almost twice that, $82.3 billion, in expenditures, without including election costs. The difference is projected to be covered by international loans and grants.President Zelensky has stated that he will not hold elections on credit, nor will he "take money from weapons and give it to elections." Instead, he has suggested that Western countries, especially the United States, that are pressing Ukraine to hold elections could help fund them, in this way sharing the financial risk. With funding and security assured, the country could potentially develop a legal framework to hold elections during wartime, he implied.That said, Ukraine has learned the hard way that the essence of elections extends beyond the voting day; it encompasses extended campaigns during which society can have honest debates on a range of divisive issues. To preserve national unity for a people facing existential threat is a life-and-death matter. Even antagonistic political forces are reluctant to gain office at the expense of losing the country.This is why the Ukrainian parliament's opposition leaders signed a joint statement that both parliamentary and presidential elections should take place after the cessation of the war and the conclusion of martial law. The document indicates a consensus among major political parties regarding the need for an appropriate period of time to prepare for elections and favorable conditions for campaigning and voting.What Do Voters Think?For the general population, holding elections under current conditions would be problematic. For example, in a November survey conducted by Kyiv's International Institute of Sociology, over 80 percent of respondents expressed a preference for deferring elections until the war had ended.The voters' views on holding elections can be explained by the fact that they understand the challenges of trying to participate in wartime elections. Voter dispersal across Ukraine and outside the country further complicates any electoral effort. With six million internally displaced citizens alone, updating the list of voters would be a daunting task. The right to vote should also be ensured for over eight million Ukrainian refugees, 60 percent of whom are eligible voters. Currently Poland hosts about 1.6 million refugees and Germany more than a million. In the 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary elections, there were only a small handful of overseas polling places. Moreover, current registration procedures could easily paralyze the work of consulates and embassies. For example, host countries wanting to help Ukraine hold elections by opening polling stations on their own territory might have to change their national laws.This opinion is supported by over 100 leading election and human rights CSOs, which in a joint statement emphasized the impossibility of holding elections during the active war phase. The statement urges international partners to increase support for Ukraine to finally conclude the war, making democratic elections feasible (at least six months after the end of martial law).Why It MattersUkraine's elections spark debates in the United States and Europe. The absence of elections is now being cited as a reason to withhold aid or to question Ukraine's democratic status. Observers believe such a stance is a political ploy on the part of members of the U.S. Congress designed to secure changes to immigration policy governing the U.S. border with Mexico.Ukraine is a democracy at war. It needs to deal with the external threat and then to hold elections. As Olga Ayvazovska, head of the board of the civil network OPORA and an expert in elections, rightly stresses, Ukraine has a record of hewing to a high standard for free and fair elections, but it is impossible to adhere to that standard in wartime. Instead of further entangling in the dilemma, a clear plan is needed. First, Ukraine and West together must resolve the external threat. Second, Ukrainians must elect a new government, continue Ukraine's democratic development, and start the needed postwar socioeconomic recovery. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

Since 2022 an external factor has threatened Ukraine's existence: the full-scale Russian invasion. Now internal factors—namely, the need to renew Ukrainian government's mandate with the help of democratic elections—have added to Ukraine's problems. The essence of the dilemma is as follows. On the one hand, there are legal grounds, popular consent and elites' agreement that trying to hold elections during wartime could hinder internal stability. On another, external and internal elements could use the exhausted legitimacy of Ukrainian government to accuse democratic Ukraine of formal disrespect of democratic principles. This last factor may become damaging, especially in the attrition phase of the war and in view of the West's need to respond to the increasing number of wars around the globe. Constitutional and Administrative ChallengesUkraine's constitution holds that the country may not hold parliamentary elections until martial law, in effect since February 24, 2022, is lifted, and for six months thereafter. Several laws would need to be changed in order for presidential elections to be held, which raises its own problems. Even if a legal solution could be found, security, financial, and organizational obstacles to holding free, fair, and representative elections are far more serious. President Zelensky is not opposed to holding elections but insists they must be held in accordance with the highest standards of democratic elections possible and should not detract from the country's national defense efforts. Many Ukrainian civic organizations promoting free and fair elections agree on the need to held elections only when the right conditions are present to ensure the integrity of the process and results.Security is an overarching concern. Almost 20 percent of Ukraine's territory is occupied. Some settlements are entirely destroyed, while others lack the necessary infrastructure to enable voting. With Russian military forces targeting civilian infrastructure, ensuring the safety of voters, election officials, and observers is simply impossible. President Zelensky has suggested that Western election advocates share in the risks, perhaps by stationing election observers in the trenches to assure the world of the legitimacy of the elections.Funding the elections is another major problem. According to the Central Election Committee's 2023 calculations, the presidential elections are estimated to cost around $196.7 million, while the parliamentary elections may require approximately $135.9 million. At the same time, Ukraine's 2024 budget anticipates $43.7 billion in revenues but almost twice that, $82.3 billion, in expenditures, without including election costs. The difference is projected to be covered by international loans and grants.President Zelensky has stated that he will not hold elections on credit, nor will he "take money from weapons and give it to elections." Instead, he has suggested that Western countries, especially the United States, that are pressing Ukraine to hold elections could help fund them, in this way sharing the financial risk. With funding and security assured, the country could potentially develop a legal framework to hold elections during wartime, he implied.That said, Ukraine has learned the hard way that the essence of elections extends beyond the voting day; it encompasses extended campaigns during which society can have honest debates on a range of divisive issues. To preserve national unity for a people facing existential threat is a life-and-death matter. Even antagonistic political forces are reluctant to gain office at the expense of losing the country.This is why the Ukrainian parliament's opposition leaders signed a joint statement that both parliamentary and presidential elections should take place after the cessation of the war and the conclusion of martial law. The document indicates a consensus among major political parties regarding the need for an appropriate period of time to prepare for elections and favorable conditions for campaigning and voting.What Do Voters Think?For the general population, holding elections under current conditions would be problematic. For example, in a November survey conducted by Kyiv's International Institute of Sociology, over 80 percent of respondents expressed a preference for deferring elections until the war had ended.The voters' views on holding elections can be explained by the fact that they understand the challenges of trying to participate in wartime elections. Voter dispersal across Ukraine and outside the country further complicates any electoral effort. With six million internally displaced citizens alone, updating the list of voters would be a daunting task. The right to vote should also be ensured for over eight million Ukrainian refugees, 60 percent of whom are eligible voters. Currently Poland hosts about 1.6 million refugees and Germany more than a million. In the 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary elections, there were only a small handful of overseas polling places. Moreover, current registration procedures could easily paralyze the work of consulates and embassies. For example, host countries wanting to help Ukraine hold elections by opening polling stations on their own territory might have to change their national laws.This opinion is supported by over 100 leading election and human rights CSOs, which in a joint statement emphasized the impossibility of holding elections during the active war phase. The statement urges international partners to increase support for Ukraine to finally conclude the war, making democratic elections feasible (at least six months after the end of martial law).Why It MattersUkraine's elections spark debates in the United States and Europe. The absence of elections is now being cited as a reason to withhold aid or to question Ukraine's democratic status. Observers believe such a stance is a political ploy on the part of members of the U.S. Congress designed to secure changes to immigration policy governing the U.S. border with Mexico.Ukraine is a democracy at war. It needs to deal with the external threat and then to hold elections. As Olga Ayvazovska, head of the board of the civil network OPORA and an expert in elections, rightly stresses, Ukraine has a record of hewing to a high standard for free and fair elections, but it is impossible to adhere to that standard in wartime. Instead of further entangling in the dilemma, a clear plan is needed. First, Ukraine and West together must resolve the external threat. Second, Ukrainians must elect a new government, continue Ukraine's democratic development, and start the needed postwar socioeconomic recovery. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

This thesis sets out to explore how quilombolas, Afro-Brazilians descending from slaves, have responded to top-down conservation and development projects, and investigates different impediments to the realisation of quilombos'constitutional rights to land. By using a theoretical framework at the interface of political ecology, environmental justice and resilience, the thesis seeks to contribute to new knowledge on quilombolas' struggles for rights and resources. Data analysed in this thesis draw upon extensive fieldwork in the Ribeira Valley in south-eastern Brazil, where encroaching farmers, overlapping protected areas and planned dam projects threaten quilombolas' livelihoods and lands. A mixed-methods approach was used, involving participant observation, attendance in meetings, seminars and public hearings, in-depth interviews with key informants, a focus group discussion and comparison of forest cover and land use of aerial photographs and satellite images. The thesis comprises four separate but interrelated papers that provide novel insights into human-environment relations, social movement formation and ethnic identity construction. The thesis stresses that Afro-Brazilians' construction of an ethnic identity as quilombola and the genesis of the social movement MOAB were intimately woven into political and environmental processes. The creation of representative quilombola associations has enabled negotiations over territorial rights with state actors, where policies of strict environmental protection and discourses legitimating separation of people from nature have been contested. Strategies for ethnic recognition have resulted in many communities being officially recognised as quilombos. This has contributed to re-classification of strictly protected areas – which overlapped quilombola territories – into sustainable use areas, legalising human occupation and lowimpact resource use. Strategies for distributive justice have resulted in quilombola communities getting access to social services and infrastructural development, while strategies for participation have ensured access to government authorities and information, involvement in negotiation processes and public hearings and the promise of prior consultations. The combination of different actions and claims addressing different actors at a range of scales in the Brazilian political system and internationally has contributed to the Tijuco Alto dam project having been put on halt for almost three decades. While the thesis highlights the potential of quilombolas to influence political outcomes, it also points to the limits of local agency and collective action, showing that exclusionary practices and discourses continue to be used against quilombolas. This hinder them in realising their rights to land and in meaningful participation in decisions that affect them. The slow and complex tilting processes and unresolved land ownership status in thousands of quilombola communities have contributed to increase local conflicts between quilombolas and established landowners. It is also common that internal conflicts arise between community inhabitants wanting private land titles and those who opt for collective ownership. Such conflicts are likely to aggravate if the Brazilian agribusiness lobby succeed in its mission to restrict quilombos' rights. Based on the research findings, the thesis challenges the usual polarization between nature conservation and development, showing that both can be equally exclusionary, and advocates for the fulfilment of quilombos' rights to land, access to resources and promotion of their traditional agricultural practices. It is argued that this is not only important for safeguarding quilombolas'livelihoods and cultural practices, but also possibly for biodiversity conservation inside their territories. ; Denne avhandlingen har som formål å undersøke hvordan afrobrasilianske quilombolaer, som stammer fra tidligere slaver, har utfordret store naturvern- og utviklingsprosjekter, samt å analysere ulike hindre for oppfyllelsen av quilombolaers konstitusjonelle rettigheter til land. Gjennom bruk av et teoretisk rammeverk i skjæringsfeltet mellom politisk økologi, miljørettferdighet og 'resilience', tar studien sikte på å bidra til ny kunnskap om quilombolaers kamp om rettigheter og ressurser. De data som analyseres i denne avhandlingen bygger på omfattende feltarbeid i Ribeiradalen i sørøstlige Brasil, hvor nyinnflyttede bønder, overlappende verneområder og planlagte demningsprosjekter truer quilombolaers levesett og land. Studien anvender ulike metoder, som deltakende observasjon, også med deltakelse i møter, seminarer og offentlige høringer. Dessuten er det foretatt dybdeintervjuer med nøkkelinformanter og en fokusgruppe-diskusjon, samt sammenligning av skogdekke og arealbruk fra flyfoto og satellittbilder. Avhandlingen består av fire separate, men relaterte artikler som gir ny innsikt i menneske/miljø-relasjoner, dannelse av sosiale bevegelser og konstruksjon av etnisk identitet. Avhandlingen understreker at afrobrasilianeres etablering av den sosiale bevegelsen MOAB og deres konstruksjon av en etnisk identitet som quilombola har vært nært knyttet til politiske og miljømessige prosesser. Registrering av representative quilombola-foreninger har muliggjort forhandlinger om landrettigheter med statlige aktører der miljøvernpolitikk og diskurser som legitimerer separasjon av mennesker og natur har blitt omstridt. Strategier for etnisk anerkjennelse har bidratt til at mange quilombolasamfunn har fått en offisiell anerkjennelse. Dette har resultert i re-klassifisering av strengt vernede områder som har overlappet quilombola territorier til bærekraftig bruksområder. Disse tillater både bosetting og lav-effektiv ressursbruk. Strategier for rettferdig fordeling har resultert i at quilombolasamfunn har fått tilgang til offentlige velferdstjenester og infrastruktur, mens strategier for deltakelse har sikret tilgang til innflytelsesrike politiske organer, bedre tilgang til informasjon, involvering i forhandlingsprosesser og offentlige høringer samt løfte om forhåndskonsultasjoner. Dessuten har kombinasjonen av ulike aksjoner og krav rettet mot aktører på ulike nivåer i det brasilianske politiske systemet og internasjonalt bidratt til at demningsprosjektet Tijuco Alto har blitt satt på vent i nesten tre tiår. Selv om avhandlingen belyser mulighetene for quilombolaer til å påvirke politiske beslutninger, peker den også på begrensningene for lokal medvirkning og kollektiv handling ved å vise til at ekskluderende praksiser og diskurser fortsatt blir brukt mot quilombolaer. Dette hindrer dem i å realisere sine rettigheter til land og meningsfull deltakelse i beslutninger som påvirker dem. De langtrukne og kompliserte prosessene for tildeling av skjøter og uløste eierforhold i tusenvis av quilombolasamfunn har bidratt til å øke lokale konflikter mellom quilombolaer og etablerte landeiere. Det er også vanlig at interne konflikter oppstår mellom quilombolaer som ønsker privat eiendomsrett og de som ønsker kollektivt eierskap. Disse konfliktene vil trolig forverres dersom den brasilianske "agribusiness"-lobbyen lykkes i sitt forsøk på å begrense quilombolaers rettigheter. Basert på forskningsresultatene utfordrer avhandlingen den vanlige polariseringen av naturvern og utvikling ved å vise at begge kan være like ekskluderende, og argumenterer for at quilombolaers rettigheter til land oppfylles sammen med tilgang til ressurser og videreføring av deres tradisjonelle landbruksmetoder. Dette er ikke bare viktig for å ivareta quilombolaers levesett og kulturelle praksiser, men sannsynligvis også for bevaringen av biologisk mangfold i områdene der de bor.

Tutkimus tarkastelee teatteritaiteen, modernin mannermaisen vastuun etiikan ja pahan käsitteen välisiä suhteita filosofisesta näkökulmasta. Se muodostaa sarjan analyyttisia havaintoja, joiden avulla voidaan pohtia entistä tarkemmin teatterityön, draaman ja modernin eettisen ihmiskuvan välistä ongelmakenttää. Tutkimus ei oleta taustakseen mitään yhtenäistä käsitystä teatterin suhteista eettisiin kysymyksiin, näiden sosio-poliittisiin kytkentöihin tai pahan olemassaoloon, eli kysymys ei ole minkään vakiintuneen filosofisen, tutkimuksellisen tai teatterillisen yhteisön eetoksen tarkentamisesta tai vahvistamisesta. Sen sijaan työ analysoi prosesseja, joilla useat historiallisesti ja ideologisesti erilliset ja eriävät filosofiset sekä taiteelliset lähestymistavat ovat osallistuneet inhimillisen olemassaolon, sen ilmaisullisen/teatterillisen ulottuvuuden ja näissä konteksteissa ilmenevien vastuukysymysten välisten suhteiden käsittelyyn. Samasta syystä tutkimus ei käsittele teatteria yhtenäisenä taiteellisena traditiona, vaan taiteellisena ja luovana toimintana, johon ihmiseläin osallistuu olemisesta kiinnostuneena ja huolestuneena toimijana. Tarkastellut draamat, esitykset ja teatteriteoreettiset näkemykset valaisevat modernin ihmiskuvan eettistä problematiikkaa useista eri lähtökohdista. Itävaltalaisen näytelmäkirjailijan Peter Handken (1942-) varhaiset työt tarjoavat tutkimukselle haastavia kielellisiä ja tietoisuutta koskevia näkökulmia, sillä ne avaavat tutkimusreittejä etiikan, kielen, kommunikaation, ilmaisun ja merkityksen välisiin ristiriitaisiin ja toisinaan radikaalia pahaa ilmentäviin suhteisiin. William Shakespearen (1564-1616) Macbeth (1606) ja Jean Racinen (1639-1699) Phèdre [Faidra] (1677) tuottavat työssä perustavia kysymyksiä koskien ihmissubjektin ja olemisen välisen suhteen eettistä ratkeamattomuutta. Sarah Kanen (1971-1999) 4.48 Psychosis (2000) puolestaan kääntää tulkitsijansa tarkastelemaan tarvetta rakentaa ja ylläpitää inhimillisiä merkityksiä sekä tämän tarpeen suhdetta eettisiin kysymyksiin ja pahan mahdollisuuteen olemisen rakenteessa itsessään. Työ keskittyy myös yhteen Buchenwaldin keskitysleirin vankien valmistelemaan teatteri- ja kabaree-esitykseen, joka heijastaa ihmisilmaisun, kielen, politiikan ja etiikan välisiä monimutkaisia suhteita sekä näiden suhteiden tuottamaa eettistä yhteismitattomuutta. Teatteria, taidetta ja tutkimuskohteita koskevat teoreettiset näkökulmat rakennetaan ensisijaisesti Herbert Blaun (1926-), Roland Barthesin (1915-1980), Denis Guénounin (1946-), Hans-Thies Lehmannin, Martin Heideggerin (1889-1976), Esa Kirkkopellon (1965-), Zeami Motokiyon (1363-1443), Slavoj i ekin (1949-), Janelle Reineltin, Oliver Felthamin, Jacques Rancièren (1940-) ja Alenka Zupancicin (1966-) ajatusten varaan. Vaikka teatterintekijät, sen teoreetikot ja filosofiset tarkkailijat usein pidättäytyvät töidensä eettisten johtopäätösten liiallisesta tarkentamisesta ja kieltäytyvät näin minkään eettis-moraalisen varmuuden propagoinnista, vastuun etiikkaa voidaan lähtökohtaisesti tarkastella näiden töiden elimellisenä osana tai ongelmana. Tutkimuksen eettiset näkökannat perustuvat pääasiassa kolmen vaikutusvaltaisen mannermaisen ajattelijan tuotantoon. Huolimatta näkemyksellisistä eroistaan, Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), Emmanuel Levinas (1906-1995) ja Alain Badiou (1937-) suuntaavat kaikki eettisen pohdintansa ihmistoiminnan ja inhimillisen vastuun alueille. Valitut kolme ajattelijaa rakentavat syvällisen perspektiivin modernin ihmissubjektin eettisten statusten ja ongelmien tarkastelulle, ei vähiten siksi, että moderni ihmissubjekti merkitsee tutkimuksessa toimijaa, joka käsittää itsensä autonomiseksi mutta vastuulliseksi tekijäksi siinä määrin kuin sen luonnolliset ja sosiaaliset ympäristöt toimivat esteinä, huolenaiheina ja mahdollisuuksina sen (jokseenkin) itsenäiselle tahdolle ja ajattelulle. ; From A Darkness to A Blind Spot: Encounters between Theatre, Modern Continental Ethics of Responsibility and the Concept of Evil The dissertation focuses on certain philosophical aspects which address the relations between theatre, modern continental ethics of responsibility and the concepts of evil pertaining to or arising from the socio-political tensions between the former two contexts. The chosen viewpoints do not comprise or represent a comprehensive or uniform conception of theatre s involvement in our views on ethics or their socio-political implications, but they do form a line of questioning which may bring us closer to an unresolved ethical problematic at the heart of theatrical activity. The heterogeneity of the viewpoints results from an analytical strategy, which does not assume that its elements can be synchronised with some stable philosophical, academic or theatrical tradition and community. Instead, it strives to demonstrate how several historically and ideologically detached approaches may participate (and have participated) in the discussions concerning the relations between human existence, its expressive/theatrical scope and the questions of responsibility that emerge from those overlapping contexts. The theatro-ethical themes discussed include various works and phenomena which do not necessarily serve as legitimised examples of modern conception(s) of ethics, or even as historically accurate representatives of the modern era. However, they have been chosen in order to elucidate the ethical problematic of the modern human subject and of the study in a diverse manner. The early works of the Austrian playwright Peter Handke (1942-) offer us challenging linguistic and epistemological (knowledge-related) problematisations of the human individual, and thus informative excursions into the discordant ? and sometimes radically evil ? relations between ethics, language, communication, expression and meaning. Certain features of William Shakespeare s (1564-1616) Macbeth (1606) and Jean Racine s (1639-1699) Phaedra (1677), as well as certain analyses of their identity politics and ontological (being-related) problematic, bring into the discussion some fundamental issues that concern the ethical core of the human animal s relation to being. Sarah Kane s (1971-1999) 4.48 Psychosis (2000), in turn, causes us to examine the need to construct and uphold meanings and themes in human communication and the relation of this need to ethical questions and the possibility of evil within the very structure of being. Lastly, one of the theatre/cabaret performances prepared by the prisoners of the Buchenwald concentration camp during the Holocaust brings us to reflect on the fact that the relations between human expression, language, politics and ethics appear to give rise to a disquieting ? but indelible ? ethical incommensurability. Although these are just few examples of the theatrical cases this study discusses, they illuminate the scale of its ethical questions. Theoretical views on theatre and the arts in general, which link up with the works and performances discussed, are engaged with such thinkers as Herbert Blau (1926-), Roland Barthes (1915-1980), Denis Guénoun (1946-), Hans-Thies Lehmann, Martin Heidegger (1889-1976), Esa Kirkkopelto (1965-), Zeami Motokiyo (1363-1443), Slavoj i ek (1949-), Janelle Reinelt, Oliver Feltham, Jacques Rancière (1940-) and Alenka Zupan?i? (1966-). The ethical views of the study rest mainly on the thought of three influential continental philosophers, Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), Emmanuel Levinas (1906-1995) and Alain Badiou (1937-), all committed to ethical approaches which surpass but embrace the prerequisites of human initiative and responsibility in their own distinctive manners. These thinkers have been chosen with a view to forming an in-depth perspective on the problems that concern the ethical status of modern human subjects; subjects who consider themselves autonomous but responsible in the sense that their natural and social contexts serve as obstacles, concerns and opportunities for their (somewhat independent) will and reason.