Suchergebnisse

Introduction. In world history there are many personalities whose activities are directly or indirectly integrated into the events of different countries or nations, their national history or culture. Figure of Ukrainian Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky is undoubtedly among them. Many literary texts in Ukrainian, Russian and Polish literatures are devoted him. Literary (and folk) interpretation of the image of Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky started since his «baroque» epoch. Other stylistic periods presented their versions of the image of the famous Ukrainian figure. Of course, the creation of a literary image of Bohdan Khmelnytsky influenced largely ideological and political factors. So we have to consider them during the reflection planes literary works. The main attention is concentrated to the problem of image creation the hero (Bohdan Khmelnytsky) in the artistic work, written in the early Romanticism. It's an unfinished novel «Zinovyi Bohdan Khmelnytsky, or Liberated Little Russia» by Russian writer Fyodor Glinka. Glinka's novel didn't often become the object of scientific study for various reasons. Some aspects of novel analyzed by V. Troitsky, A. Arkhypova, Y. Nahlik, M. Nayenko and others. The researchers pay attention to the style of artistic work (preromantic and romantic). The artistic interpretation of the events and Bohdan Khmelnytsky in detail presents in the works by N. Zharkevych and T. Marchenko. Purpose. The image analysis of hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky in the novel «Zinovyi Bohdan Khmelnytsky, or Liberated Little Russia» by F. N. Glinka of the light style, and motivational and ideological factors is the purpose of this article. Results. Originality. Russian writer Fyodor Glinka wrote the novel «Zinovyi Bohdan Khmelnytsky, or Liberated Little Russia» in 1817. The author's work on the text of the novel lasted for ten years, but for unknown reasons the work was not finished. The novel consists of two chapters («two books»). Ukrainian theme was very popular in Russian and Polish literatures in XIX century. Ukraine's theme, theme of the liberation war against Poland, figure of Bohdan Khmelnytsky particularly had influence on creation of the texts in 1820s. F. Glinka tried to promote ideas of the Decembrist movement in his artistic works. The writer searched an image in the historical past, which must embody the main idea of Decembrist's ideology – political upheaval and change in the state system for the liberation of the people. The writer chooses Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Glinka wrote his novel in a romantic style. Romantic Hero is unusual personality, beautiful externally and internally, rebel, he wants to serve the common cause and his people. He patriot able to detect its own initiative, take responsibility, has a rich emotional world, noble in own maximalism and uncompromising. This hero serves to national idea. The image of Bohdan Khmelnytsky created in romantic style. This hero-patriot, the main purpose of life is to release the fatherland, defend their faith and fight for it. The birth of B. Khmelnytsky in an army in the «dark» night and extremely bright morning is romantically symbolic. The divination, secret signs, the symbols in the novel demonstrated the unusual figure of Bohdan Khmelnytsky. The prophetic dream about his future, in which its main life mission is to serve to their own people and native land, is presented in the book. The inner world of the hero is showed across the symbolic paintings of nature. The problem of the unification of Ukraine (Little Russia) with Russia is logically motivated (of course, in the spirit of imperial discourse). F. Glinka focuses not so much on the physical strength Bohdan Khmelnytsky as on the inner nobility, valor and honor, shows the hero who inspires others by example. The author presents the desire for revenge of young Khmelnytsky to his enemy in Romantic style. The beautiful woman prevented the implementation of this revenge. Bohdan was struck by her beauty and feelings. Portraits of all the characters of the novel clearly designed in romantic style. The author makes the special accent on eyes and stare of the hero, describing across them character Khmelnytsky. Throughout the novel the author disclose not only the image of Khmelnytsky, but he analyses it in a romantic style and context of the time (Decembrist movement) and own views. Several other situations with the projection on the protagonist are written in a romantic style. This is the stay of B. Khmelnytsky in Tatar army, his conflict with Chaplynsky etc. Conclusion. The typical romantic image of the hero is in the novel «Zinovyi Bohdan Khmelnytsky, or Liberated Little Russia» by F. N. Glinka. The meaning of his life is especially in the liberation of the motherland, faithful work for her. F. Glinka created the ideal of the hero, leader with the aim of promoting ideology of Decembrist. The author used the romantic symbolic pictures, signs, portrait and landscape in the novel. The fantasy / surmise are predominant in artistic work; the real events fade into the background. The image of Ukrainian Hetman created under the Russian imperial historiosophical influence. It can be assumed, that the literary image of Bohdan Khmelnytsky by F. Glinka could in some way influence the creation of the romantic image of Ukrainian Hetman in later historical texts of Russian literature (works by P. Golota, A. Kuzmich, etc.).

This dissertation develops a set of analytical tools and conceptual frameworks to explore the socio-technical implications of transitioning to a low carbon energy future. The chapters here investigate the energy challenges in Sub-Saharan Africa and analyze power expansion pathways in Nigeria and Kenya, outline the development of a novel electricity modeling tool, and conceptualize an energy sovereignty framework to enable people-centered energy planning approaches. Chapter 2 presents an overview of Africa's energy systems and the role renewable energy can play in supporting sustainable development in Africa, with a main focus on the challenges in Sub-Saharan Africa. I synthesize the most prominent papers in the past five years. I review the literature concerning the scale of generation expansion needed to achieve universal access in the region, the challenges of power sector finance, and the need for people-centered planning paradigms. Through an extensive literature review, I assess the capacity expansion needs of the region and highlight the policy lessons that enable private power sector investment such as transparent regulatory and procurement policies. I also present a critique of the socio-political implications of increased foreign investment in the region's power sector. Finally, I present several studies that explore the need for people-centered planning approaches in order to achieve more equitable energy systems for all. I argue that renewable energy presents opportunities to achieve power systems expansion in an economically, environmentally and socially sustainable manner. To do this, Sub-Saharan Africa must adapt its planning strategies to holistically address the technical, economic and socio-political challenges it faces. Chapter 3 takes a deep-dive from an overview of Sub-Saharan Africa to a focus on Nigeria. I develop a first-order capacity expansion model to analyze power expansion scenarios in Nigeria. Nigeria serves as a case of countries with significant electricity demand growth that is constrained by under-developed grid infrastructure. I illustrate how the dependence on natural gas for generation has stifled the nation's power supply, assess the role of renewable energy in meeting the nation's electricity demand growth, and compare the cost of its current power generation expansion pathways to cost-optimized pathways. Using the capacity expansion model, I find that Nigeria's current energy policy, known as Vision 30:30:30, perpetuates this heavy reliance on natural gas and significantly underestimates the role of solar energy in the future electricity mix. I also identify and assess lower cost alternative pathways which do not require any coal and nuclear generation expansion unlike the Vision 30:30:30 pathway. The results show that Nigeria will have to install at least an additional 38 GW by 2030 to keep up with grid-based demand growth alone - about eight times the current operational capacity. This chapter reveals Nigeria's need for an energy policy reform that reduces its dependency on natural gas, eschews coal and nuclear expansion, and harnesses its abundant solar potential using centralized and distributed renewable energy technologies.Chapter 4 outlines my development of a novel open-access electricity modeling tool known as PROGRESS (Programmable Resource Optimization for Growth in Renewable Energy and Sustainable Systems). PROGRESS enables generation expansion modeling for countries with low availability and access to power systems data. The design of sustainable electricity systems needed to fuel development in regions with low electrification rates (such as Sub-Saharan Africa) requires context-specific power system modeling. Modeling data requirements for these regions, however, can be challenging for researchers and other stakeholders to access. This chapter presents a proof-of-concept description to show how PROGRESS works and then presents preliminary results for generation capacity expansion using the case of Kenya.Chapter 5 presents what is, for me, the most critical aspect of this dissertation. I explore how transitioning to low carbon energy systems and achieving universal electricity access will require not only an extensive redesign of the existing energy infrastructure but also a rethinking of energy planning approaches. I argue that innovation in decentralized and distributed energy technology transforms people from mere consumers to prosumers by empowering them to plan for their energy autonomously. I aim to connect the rise of prosumers with long-standing social movements that call for just, fair and sustainable energy systems. I draw from a rich literature of socio-energy concepts that aim to incorporate social and human dimensions into energy planning. I focus on energy justice, energy democracy, and I introduce energy sovereignty. I synthesize how these concepts together emphasize critical considerations for energy planning: "energy for whom, for what, and at whose costs?" I also introduce an additional consideration: "energy by whom?" and I conceptualize its framework in relation to electricity provision. I propose that "energy by whom?" is an essential question for re-envisioning a new energy paradigm and designing a low-carbon energy future.Overall, this dissertation contributes analytical and conceptual tools for low carbon energy systems, which together provide novel socio-technical approaches for planning towards a low carbon energy future, and urge on the paradigm shift to just and sustainable energy for all.

It is noted that aggression from the Russian Federation has become a significant surprise for Ukrainian society. The current Russian-Ukrainian conflict has the official status of the ATO, but unfortunately, this is the only opportunity to characterize the modernized armed confrontation «hybrid war» at the legal level. Analyzing the degree of scientific development of research problems, the author states that in general in political science there is not enough understanding of the concept of «hybrid war». Applying systemic and historical approaches to the analysis of the concept of «hybrid war», the author emphasizes the need for an integrated approach to the study of this phenomenon. The author notes that to resolve conflict issues or to meet geopolitical interests, to speak openly to the state (especially the aggressor) has become quite economically unprofitable and politically dangerous. Therefore, it is not surprising that at the end of the XX century humanity faced with a new way of conducting armed conflicts, which was unofficially called «hybrid». This term explains a new military strategy that combines «ordinary war», «small war» and «cyber war», and serves to combine actions with the involvement of nuclear, biological, chemical weapons of improvised explosive devices and means of information war. Unfortunately, the lack of secure and a clear definition of this concept at the international level complicates the problem of counteracting such a phenomenon as a «hybrid war». Using modern approaches to the study of the phenomenon of «hybrid war», the author interprets this phenomenon as a set of actions prepared in advance and operatively implementing the state's military, diplomatic and information activities aimed at achieving strategic goals. At the same time, the absence of the need to develop new systems of weapons and military equipment is very important. Hybrid war includes the implementation of a complex of hybrid threats of various types, namely: traditional, non-standard, large-scale terrorism, and subversive actions during which innovative technologies are used to counter the enemy's military strength, such as massive cyber-attacks, subversive actions in the energy and economic spheres and so far. The author notes that the difference between classical wars and hybrid ones is not only in the way it is conducted, but also in the means and purposes pursued by the aggressor, since the purpose of the «hybrid war» is not so much the control of the territory, as the economic and political destabilization of the state in general, living outside the immediate conflict. The destabilization of the country in all the above-mentioned aspects is possible due to terrorist and sabotage acts, active propaganda among the local population, full-scale military operations in a certain territory of the country, and the final goal is to induce the legal government of the country in favor of the aggressor, or at all to change it. All the above-mentioned stages of preparation and implementation of military operations are impossible without the participation of mass media, it is directly a technological tool for organizing and conducting «hybrid wars». ; Відзначається, що агресія з боку Російської Федерації стала суттєвою несподіванкою для українського суспільства, а сучасний російсько-український конфлікт має офіційний статус АТО, але, на жаль, це єдина можливість охарактеризувати «гібридну війну» на правовому рівні. Аналізуючи ступінь наукової розробки дослідження проблеми, констатуємо, що загалом у політичній науці обмаль наукових розвідок щодо поняття «гібридна війна». Застосовуючи системний та історичний підходи до аналізу поняття «гібридна війна», наголошено на необхідності комплексного підходу до вивчення зазначеного явища. Указано, що для вирішення конфліктних питань або задоволення геополітичних інтересів виступати відкрито для держави-агресора стало досить невигідним в економічному та небезпечним у політичному плані, тому наприкінці XX ст. людство зіткнулося з новим способом ведення збройних конфліктів, що отримало неофіційну назву «гібридною». Цей термін пояснює нову військову стратегію, яка поєднує в собі «звичайну війну», «малу війну» та «кібервійну» і служить для поєднання дій із залученням ядерної, біологічної, хімічної зброї та засобів інформаційної війни. Застосовуючи сучасні підходи до вивчення феномену «гібридної війни», інтерпретуємо це явище як сукупність заздалегідь підготовлених та оперативно реалізованих державою дій військового, дипломатичного та інформаційного характеру, спрямованих на досягнення стратегічних цілей. При цьому важливе значення має відсутність необхідності в розробці нових систем зброї й військової техніки. Гібридна війна включає реалізацію комплексу гібридних загроз різного виду, а саме: традиційні, нестандартні, масштабний тероризм, а також підривні дії, у ході яких використовують інноваційні технології для протидії військовій силі супротивника, такі як масовані кібератаки, підривні дії в енергетичній, економічній сферах тощо. Зазначено, що відмінність між класичними війнами та гібридними полягає не лише в способі їх ведення, а й у засобах та цілях, які переслідує агресор, оскільки метою «гібридної війни» є не контроль території, а економічна та політична дестабілізація держави, тримання в страху населення в цілому, яке проживає за межами безпосереднього конфлікту. Дестабілізація країни в усіх цих аспектах удається завдяки терористичним і диверсійним актам, активній пропаганді серед місцевого населення, ведення повномасштабних бойових дій на певній території країни, а кінцевою метою є схилення легального уряду країни до вигідних для агресора дій або його зміни. Усі вищевказані етапи підготовки та реалізації військових дій неможливі без участі засобів масової комунікації, які безпосередньо є технологічним інструментом організації та проведення «гібридних війн».

This doctoral dissertation offers a rational explanation of cooperation flaws in regional security mechanisms in the Global South. My main argument is that, when it comes to regional cooperation for security, Global South regions may be susceptible to tensions between the search for regional autonomy and that of national autonomy. The result of these tensions is low multilateral cooperation. This outcome could be mitigated through the manipulation of institutional design, although the operability of these regional security mechanisms can be permanently affected. I call this effect the "paradox of autonomy", and its most conspicuous case is the South American one. The chosen case was the Defence Council of the Union of South American Nations (CDS for its acronym in Spanish and Portuguese). This study covers the almost decade of the existence of the CDS, considering structural aspects of the international system, as well as regional geopolitical factors, and domestic political dynamics. The research revealed an incongruence that accompanied the CDS from its beginning: the structural conditions, as well as the regional and national dynamics that favoured an unprecedented exercise of South American regional autonomy, also opened opportunities for the search for greater margins of freedom of action in the international political arena. This incongruence between regional autonomy and national autonomy became a tension is explained by the paradox of autonomy, an analytical model developed for this work. The project went through three distinct phases reflected in three manuscripts that make up the central chapters of the dissertation. The first one is entitled "Missing Geopolitical Links in Explaining the South American Defence Council." In this Chapter Two, I start with a structural explanation of the origins and subsequent deficiencies that the CDS has presented in terms of multilateral cooperation. Based on a quantitative analysis of the concentration of capabilities in the international system, as well as a geopolitical analysis, the chapter explains how the incentives for the creation of the Council also serve as inducements for a low multilateral regional security commitment. The second manuscript corresponds to Chapter Three, entitled "The South American Defence Council Performance under Autonomy Pressures". It explores the shortcomings of the performance of the CDS with greater emphasis on the regional and national levels of analysis. The chapter presents a purely qualitative methodology based on the method of descriptive inference, a subsidiary of process tracing. Use of historical analysis, and interviews with elites and experts, supported the method and neoclassical realism works as the referential theoretical framework. The results of this phase confirmed those of Chapter Two, but also provided empirical elements that allowed me to infer the regional (collective) / national (individual) tensions derived from a generalized quest for autonomy in South America. Finally, Chapter Four, entitled "Explaining Flaws of Security Regionalism in the Global South: Lessons from the South American Paradox of Autonomy," corresponds to a theoretical formulation based on the results of the previous two chapters. In it, I address the major contribution of the dissertation: the analytical framework of the paradox of autonomy in security regionalism, offering clues to its application for the rest of the Global South. ; Diese Doktorarbeit bietet eine Erklärung für Schwachstellen in der Kooperation in regionalen Sicherheitsmechanismen des Globalen Südens. Mein zentrales Argument ist, dass Regionen des Globalen Südens im Bereich der regionalen Sicherheitskooperation anfällig für Spannungen sein können, die sich aus dem Streben nach regionaler Autonomie auf der einen und nationaler Autonomie auf der anderen Seite ergeben. Die Folge dieser Spannungen ist ein niedriges Niveau multilateraler Kooperation. Dieses Resultat könnte durch die Veränderung des institutionellen Designs entschärft werden, obwohl dadurch die Funktionsfähigkeit der regionalen Sicherheitsmechanismen dauerhaft beeinträchtigt werden kann. Südamerika ist die Region, in der dieser Effekt, den ich als das "Paradox der Autonomie" bezeichne, am augenscheinlichsten zu beobachten ist. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht als Fallstudie den Verteidigungsrat der Union Südamerikanischer Nationen (CDS nach seiner spanischen und portugiesischen Abkürzung) und behandelt den gesamten Zeitraum – mittlerweile fast ein ganzes Jahrzehnt – des Bestehens dieser Institution. Dabei werden strukturelle Aspekte des internationalen Systems, regionale geopolitische Faktoren und innenpolitische Dynamiken berücksichtigt. Die Untersuchung offenbart einen Zielkonflikt, der den CDS von seiner Gründung an begleitet: die strukturellen Bedingungen des internationalen Systems sowie die regionalen und nationalen Dynamiken, die eine beispiellose Stärkung der regionalen Autonomie in Südamerika begünstigten, eröffneten zugleich Möglichkeiten für ein Streben nach größerer Handlungsfreiheit der einzelnen Staaten in der internationalen politischen Arena. Die Arbeit erklärt diesen Zielkonflikt zwischen regionaler und nationaler Autonomie mit dem oben erwähnten analytischen Modell des Paradoxes der Autonomie, das für diese Arbeit entwickelt wurde. Das Forschungsprojekt durchlief drei unterschiedliche Phasen, deren Ergebnisse in den drei zentralen Kapiteln (Kapitel zwei, drei und vier) der Dissertation dargestellt sind. Das erste davon, Kapitel zwei der Arbeit, trägt den Titel "Missing Geopolitical Links in Explaining the South American Defence Council". Es beginnt mit einer strukturellen Erklärung der Ursprünge der multilateralen Kooperation im Rahmen des CDS und der daraus folgenden Unzulänglichkeiten. Aufbauend auf einer quantitativen Analyse der Konzentration von Ressourcen im internationalen System sowie einer geopolitischen Untersuchung erklärt das Kapitel, wie die Motivation für die Einrichtung des Rates zugleich einen Anreiz für ein niedriges Bekenntnis zu multilateraler regionaler Sicherheit darstellt. Kapitel drei, "The South American Defence Council Performance under Autonomy Pressures", untersucht die mangelnde Leistungsfähigkeit des CDS mit Schwerpunkt auf der regionalen sowie der nationalen Ebene der Analyse. Diese rein qualitative Studie basiert auf deskriptiver Inferenz, einer speziellen Methode des Process Tracing. Diese Methode wird unterstützt durch historische Analyse sowie Interviews mit Vertretern der Elite und Experten. Neoklassischer Realismus bildet den referentiellen theoretischen Bezugsrahmen. Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie bestätigen die Resultate des vorangegangenen Kapitels und bringen gleichzeitig neue empirische Erkenntnisse zu den Spannungen zwischen der regionalen (kollektiven) und nationalen (individuellen) Ebene, die sich aus dem allgemeinen Streben nach Autonomie in Südamerika ergeben. Aufbauend auf den empirischen Ergebnissen der zwei vorherigen Kapitel entwickelt Kapitel vier mit dem Titel "Explaining Flaws of Security Regionalism in the Global South: Lessons from the South American Paradox of Autonomy" ein theoretisches Erklärungsmodell. Hier befasse ich mich mit dem zentralen Beitrag der Dissertation: dem analytischen Rahmen für das Paradox der Autonomie im Regionalismus der Sicherheitskooperation und Möglichkeiten für dessen Anwendung für den Rest des Globalen Südens.

Koziner, N. S. (2018). La prensa económica y el debate sobre los medios. Análisis de la cobertura informativa del proceso de discusión de la Ley de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual en Ámbito Financiero y El Cronista Comercial (marzo‐octubre de 2009). (Tesis de posgrado). Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. ; En octubre de 2009 el Congreso argentino sancionó la Ley N° 26.522 de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual (LSCA) que reemplazó a la centralista, autoritaria y discriminatoria Ley de Radiodifusión N° 22.285, creada durante la última dictadura cívico-militar (1976-1983). La nueva norma implicó un cambio de paradigma en la política comunicacional argentina, pues puso en cuestión la relación entre los objetivos políticos, socioculturales y económicos que las políticas de comunicación había venido forjando durante los últimos treinta años. Propuso, así, una nueva concepción de 'interés público' en la regulación en la materia. El proceso de discusión y aprobación de la Ley ocupó un lugar relevante en las agendas política, mediática y pública, aunque fue interpretado desde encuadres particulares que emitieron diagnósticos, hicieron evaluaciones y establecieron prescripciones respecto del caso. Atender a los modos en que el asunto fue definido y debatido en los medios de comunicación cobra importancia por dos motivos: en primer lugar, involucró los intereses del campo que los propios medios integran. Segundo, estos son considerados co-productores públicamente relevantes de la realidad social, por lo cual contribuyeron en la construcción de los relatos del debate alrededor de la Ley y de los objetivos que persiguió. En ese contexto, el objetivo general del presente trabajo es analizar el tratamiento noticioso que los diarios Ámbito Financiero y El Cronista Comercial, especializados en economía y finanzas, hicieron de proceso de discusión y sanción de la Ley N° 26.522 de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual entre marzo y octubre de 2009. En términos específicos, la Tesis se propone: 1) Examinar la relevancia informativa que cobró el debate sobre la LSCA en la prensa económica; 2) Identificar las dimensiones de standing o crédito asignadas a las fuentes de la cobertura noticiosa; 3) Crear los encuadres específicos de la LSCA; 4) Analizar la evolución de dichos encuadres; 5) Indagar en los modos de presentar a los actores que protagonizan la acción relatada; y 6) Comparar las maneras en que los matutinos estudiados presentan y definen los aspectos puestos en discusión durante el proceso de debate y aprobación de la LSCA. La base conceptual de la Tesis es el Framing, entendido como programa multiparadigmático de investigación de las comunicaciones mediáticas. En este sentido, se trazan líneas de diálogo con los estudios del campo de las políticas públicas de comunicación y se atiende a aspectos de la instancia productiva de los mensajes noticiosos como complemento imprescindible del análisis de los textos. ; On October 2009, the Argentinean Congress passed the Audiovisual Communication Services Law No. 26,522 (LSCA), which replaced the centralist, authoritarian and discriminatory Broadcasting Law No. 22,285, created during the last civil-military dictatorship (1976-1983). The new Law implied a paradigm shift in Argentina's communications policy because it called into question the relationship between the political, socio-cultural and economic objectives that communications policies had been shaping over the last thirty years. It proposed, therefore, a new conception of 'public interest' in the regulation of the sector. The process of discussion and passing of the Law settled on the political agenda, the media and the public, although it was interpreted from specific frames that issued diagnoses, made evaluations and established prescriptions regarding the case. Addressing the ways in which the issue was defined and debated in the media becomes relevant for two reasons: first, it affected actors' interests which belong to the field that the media themselves integrate. Second, media are considered to be publicly relevant co-producers of social reality, so they contributed in building the stories about the debate around the Law and about the objectives it pursued. In this context, the overall objective of this work is to analyze the news coverage that two newspapers specialized in economic and financial issues, Ámbito Financiero and El Cronista Comercial, performed on the LSCA, from March to October 2009. Specifically, this Thesis attempts to: 1) Examine the prominence of the debate on the LSCA in the economic press; 2) Identify the standing given to the sources of the news coverage; 3) Create the specific LSCA news frames; 4) Analyze the evolution of such frames; 5) Inquire into the ways of presenting the main actors of the reported action; and 6) Compare the ways in which the newspapers present and define the aspects under discussion during the debate and passing of the LSCA. The conceptual basis of the Thesis is Framing, as a multiparadigmatic research program of the mass communications. In this sense, lines of dialogue are drawn up with studies from the field of public communication policies and attention is paid to news production as an essential complement to the content analysis.

A crise do capitalismo, bem como seus desdobramentos, tem provocado profundas mudanças no mundo do trabalho. O período neoliberal no Brasil, marcado pelo aumento do desemprego estrutural e das subcontratações, gerou impactos sobre as políticas sociais, sobretudo, na política educacional e na organização dos trabalhadores. Compreendeu-se a categoria analisada como um exemplo legítimo do processo de flexibilização do trabalho, imposta pela crise estrutural do capital. O objeto desta pesquisa é plural e compreendeu uma abordagem que perpassa de forma interdisciplinar, os campos da Educação, Trabalho e Movimento Estudantil. De forma ampla, a pesquisa se propôs a estudar os caminhos percorridos pela juventude, no que se refere a trabalho, estudo, participação e representação política, no âmbito da universidade pública. Mais especificamente, a pesquisa aprofundou no caso dos bolsistas da UFES, que com o apoio do movimento estudantil, protagonizaram as manifestações grevistas do ano de 2010. O objetivo deste estudo foi verificar e compreender como se dão as condições de trabalho dos estudantesbolsistas na UFES. O método utilizado foi o estudo de caso e o instrumento de pesquisa escolhido foi o de entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Os sujeitos de pesquisa foram os estudantes-bolsistas da universidade. Foram entrevistados também dirigentes estudantis, um dirigente sindical e um servidor técnico administrativo. A análise dos depoimentos coletados foi realizada por meio da Análise de Conteúdo. Observou-se que os estudantesbolsistas, devido à dificuldade financeira e à falta de experiência, se tornam vulneráveis aos processos de precarização do trabalho porque estão dispostos a se submeter a qualquer tipo de trabalho que lhes permita a preservação da sua condição de estudante. Estes jovens vivenciam situações que envolvem assédio moral e sexual, desgaste físico e emocional, sobrecarga de trabalho (transferências de responsabilidades, acúmulo de tarefas), falta de reconhecimento, baixa remuneração, falta de amparo, instabilidade, controle psicológico e exposição a agentes insalubres. Sentem-se prejudicados pela falta de amparo em caso acidente ou doença e pela ausência do direito a férias. Além disso, estes sujeitos não se reconhecem como produto de seu trabalho. Além desses aspectos, acerca da participação política dos estudantes, compreendeu-se que se vive hoje uma mudança no perfil da universidade e um refluxo da perspectiva crítica dos agentes que a compõem. O papel do movimento estudantil se concentra na tentativa de direcionar a universidade para a crítica aos fundamentos estruturais da sociedade e para a transformação social. Ao fim da pesquisa, é esperado que este trabalho se constitua um disparador para que surjam outras pesquisas com um enfoque crítico, fundamentadas na práxis, uma vez que se acredita que política se constrói cotidianamente, por meio da combinação dialética entre teoria e prática. ; Capitalism crisis and its consequences have caused profound changes in the workplace. The neoliberal period in Brazil, marked by rising structural unemployment and sub recruitments generated impacts on social policies, especially in education policy and workers´ organization. The category analyzed was understood as a legitimate example of the flexibilization process of work imposed by the structural crisis of capital. The object of this research is pluralistic and had an interdisciplinary approach running through the fields of education, labor and student movements. Broadly, the research set out to study the paths of youth, regarding work, study, political participation and representation within the public university. More specifically, the research has deepened in the case of UFES´ scholars, who received support from the student movement and led the strike demonstrations in 2010. The objective of this study was to investigate and understand how the working conditions of UFES´ scholars are. The method used was case study and the survey instrument chosen was semi-structured interviews. The research subjects were university scholar students. Student directors, a union leader and a technical administrative server were also interviewed. The analysis of the testimonies collected was made by content analysis. It was observed that scholar students, due to a difficult financial situation and lack of experience become vulnerable to the precarious work processes because they are willing to undergo any kind of work that allows the preservation of their student status. These young people experience situations that involve bullying and sexual harassment, physical and emotional stress, work overload (responsibilities reassignment, accumulation of tasks), lack of recognition, low pay, lack of support, instability, psychological control and exposure to unhealthy agents. They feel aggrieved by the lack of support in case of accident or illness and the absence of the right to have a vacation. Moreover, these subjects do not recognize themselves as the product of their work. Besides these aspects, concerning the political participation of students, it was understood that we currently experience a change in the university profile and a reflow of the critical perspective of the agents that compose it. The role of the student movement focuses on the attempt to direct the university to the criticism of the structural foundations of society and on social change. At the end of the survey, this paper is expected to constitute a trigger for further research to emerge with a critical approach, grounded in practice, since it is believed that politics is built in a day to day basis, through a dialectic combination of theory and practice. ; CAPES

Il fenomeno migratorio nonostante rappresenti un movimento costante degli ultimi decenni oggi, i continui esodi dai luoghi della guerra unitamente al crescente numero delle tragedie in mare e alla chiusura delle frontiere da parte di alcuni paesi, determina una forte complessità di tale fenomeno. Si tratta di crescenti forme di mobilità umane che, per guerra, povertà, fuggono dal proprio paese d'origine attraversando le nostre città, ritrovandosi ad abitare gli "spazi di attesa" lungo le frontiere a causa delle barriere costruite fra i diversi paesi per impedire il passaggio dell'altro; "[…] barriere di ordine culturale e politico che opponiamo all'accoglimento di profughi, di stranieri e persino di "nomadi" che da secoli "abitano" un territorio che è anche il loro" (Remotti, 2016). Tale realtà ha sicuramente aumentato e reso più complessa la questione dell'accoglienza e dell'abitare, definendo nuovi spazi che, molto spesso, si identificano con i campi profughi. Si tratta di quella che Marc Augè definisce "localizzazione d'urgenza" in cui "campi di rifugiati, campi di transito, insediamenti un tempo concepiti per la promozione del mondo operaio sono diventati […] spazi inqualificabili in termini di luogo che accolgono, in teoria provvisoriamente, chi viene costretto dalle necessità della miseria, della guerra o dell'intolleranza all'espatrio" (Augè, 2007). La nostra contemporaneità è segnata infatti da immagini che mostrano la disperazione dei migranti a cui si associano, come scrive Alessandro Dal Lago "le condizioni disumane dei campi di "permanenza temporanea" che giustifica le loro proteste e i tentativi di evasione" (Dal Lago, 2012). Ci si chiede allora: Attraverso quali forme è possibile favorire processi di accoglienza e integrazione? Oggi, è ancora possibile favorire, generare, un abitare multietnico? La nostra storia è sempre stata segnata dal movimento dei popoli. Culture che, nell'attraversare le città, hanno lasciato testimonianza del loro passaggio rappresentando una ricchezza della loro coesistenza. Oggi invece, la presenza di etnie diverse non sempre trova una perfetta integrazione con i vari luoghi della città, spesso infatti esse vengono relegate negli spazi periferici o all'interno dei nuclei storici definendo delle vere e proprie "enclaves". Si tratta infatti di diversi fatti urbani in cui i migranti ridisegnano i propri confini per cercare di trovare il proprio luogo, la propria identità, all'interno della nuova comunità. A volte accade invece (come nel caso di Riace) che la realtà migrante, nell'insediarsi in un luogo, rappresenti una risorsa per quest'ultimo, attraverso il recupero di luoghi, spazi e attività abbandonate. Tale esempio dimostra come forme di integrazione nelle città sono ancora possibili, e che esse possono contribuire alla definizione di una nuova costruzione coerente della città che tenga conto anche dell'aspetto sociale dell'architettura. ; Migration has been a continuous phenomenon over the last decades. In fact, a rising number of persons have been forced to leave their lands for escaping the war, often losing their life in the sea. As a consequences, some countries has decided to face the problem closing their borders. Those are the reasons why nowadays migration is a very complex phenomenon. This is a new type of human mobility, caused by wars and poverty. These people leave their country, pass through our cities and arrive in a sort of "waiting spaces" on the political boundaries where they are forced to live because of the barriers built for preventing their entrance. "[.] social and political barriers that we oppose to refugees, foreigners and even "nomad" who have been living a territory for centuries which is theirs too" (Remotti, 2016). This situation has definitely intensified and made more complex issues as "reception" and "living" defining new spaces which can be often identified with refugee camps. This has been defined by Marc Augè as "urgent localization" where "refugee camps, temporary camps and settlements which, once were thought for promoting the laboring class, have become [.] unclassifiable places in terms of places able to welcome, in theory provisionally, who is forced by necessities dictated by misery, war or intolerance to expatriation" (Augè, 2007). In fact, modern times are characterized by images showing the desperation of migrants coupled with, as Alessandro Dal Lago claimed, "inhuman conditions of "short staying" camps which justified their protests and escaping attempts" (Dal Lago, 2012). Consequently, the question is: Which is the right way for facilitating reception and integration processes? Nowadays, is it still possible promoting and stimulating a multiethnic way of living? Our history has always been characterized by population movements. Culture which, passing through cities, have left testimonies of their passage being a treasure in theirs coexistence. Conversely, these days the presence of diverse ethnicity do not always contribute to a perfect integration inside the cities. In fact, the effect is that they are often relegated in suburban area or inside old cities creating that so called "enclaves". Consequently, different urban spaces with specific borders are defined by migrants themselves which seek to find their place and their identity inside a new community. Indeed, sometimes (as Riace's case) migrants, settling in a new place, are considered as resource in terms of improvement and recovery of places, spaces and activities which have been abandoned. This example demonstrates that ways of integration inside cities is still possible and that they might contribute to define a new coherent construction of the city which takes into account the social aspect of architecture as well.

История становления Канады как суверенного государства неразрывно связана с историей английской (позже британской) колониальной империи. Изначально земли, составившие затем Канаду, являлись периферийными территориями континентальных владений английской Короны в Северной Америке. Прежде всего, к ним относились владения Компании Гудзонова залива, полуостров Новая Шотландия и остров Ньюфаундленд. Оплотом же английского присутствия в Новом Свете оставались колонии Новой Англии, которые вслед за метрополией активно враждовали с расположенными по соседству колониями Франции. Длительный период англо-французских войн в итоге завершился поражением Франции и включением ее владений (Луизианы, Новой Франции) в состав английской колониальной империи. Территория будущей Канады стала частью обширного политико-правового пространства, которое некоторые исследователи именуют британо-американской колониальной империей. С социально-экономической точки зрения это ничего не изменило - указанные земли по-прежнему оставались малоразвитой периферией колоний Новой Англии. Никаких предпосылок к формированию здесь собственных институтов государственности не существовало. В ходе начавшейся войны за независимость жители колонии Квебек (бывшей Новой Франции), полуострова Новая Шотландия и острова Ньюфаундленд по разным причинам не поддержали восставшие колонии, поэтому именно на эти территории перебрались многочисленные сторонники единства английской империи (так называемые лоялисты). Это привело к образованию ряда новых колоний, таких как Верхняя Канада, Ньюбрансуик, Остров принца Эдуарда. Все вместе они составили Британскую Северную Америку - в противоположность Соединенным Штатам Америки. Важно подчеркнуть, что даже к середине XIX века Британская Северная Америка оставалась конгломератом разрозненных, малозаселенных, экономически слаборазвитых территорий, находившихся как в непосредственном владении английской Короны, так и под властью частных компаний. Их превращение в самоуправляемую федерацию, безусловно, отражало интересы формировавшейся торгово-экономической элиты указанных колоний. Однако в неменьшей степени это происходило под воздействием «фактора США» и тех либерально-демократических изменений, которые происходили в самой метрополии. Исследуя комплекс конкретно-исторических факторов, определявших характер процесса становления Канады как суверенного государства, автор в данной статье анализирует формально-юридические особенности системы власти и управления, сложившейся в рамках британской колониальной империи, а также ключевые положения доктрины английского права, относившиеся к институту Короны, статусу имперского парламента и колониальных органов управления. Подчеркивается тезис о том, что эволюция Канады от совокупности «королевских» колоний к самоуправляемой федерации в статусе доминиона и обретение затем статуса королевства осуществлялись на основе постепенно вырабатывавшихся конституционных конвенций, т.е. политической практики, что оставляет открытым для интерпретаций вопрос о том, когда же именно Канада обрела статус суверенного государства. ; The history of the establisment of Canada as a sovereign state is inseparably linked with the history of the English (later British) colonial empire. Initially land amounting then to Canada, are peripheral areas of the continental possessions of the British Crown in North America. First of all, they include the possession of Hudson's Bay, Nova Scotia peninsula and the island of Newfoundland. A stronghold of the British presence in the New World colonies were New England, which followed the metropolis actively at odds with the neighboring colonies of France. The long period of Anglo-French wars culminated in the defeat of France and inclusion of its holdings (Louisiana, New France) to the British colonial empire. The territory of the future of Canada became part of a vast political and legal space, which some researchers call the British-American colonial empire. On the socio-economic point of view nothing has changed these lands were still underdeveloped periphery of the colonies of New England. There had no prerequisites to the formation here of their own institutions of statehood. In the course of the war for the independence of the inhabitants of the colony of Quebec (the former New France), the peninsula of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, for various reasons did not support the rebellious colonies, so many supporters of the unity of the British Empire (the so-called loyalists) moved to these areas. This led to the formation of a number of new colonies, such as Upper Canada, Nyubransuik, Prince Edward Island. Together, they accounted for British North America in contrast to the United States. It is important to emphasize that even in the middle of the XIX century British North America remained a conglomerate of disparate, sparsely populated, economically underdeveloped areas, both in the immediate possession of the British Crown, and under the control of private companies. Their transformation into a self-governing federation certainly reflected the interests of the nascent trade and economic elite of these colonies. However, this was no less exposed to "US factor" and the liberal-democratic changes that took place in the metropolis itself. Exploring the complex of concrete historical factors that determine the character of the process of establishing Canada as a sovereign state, the author of this article analyzes the formal and legal aspects of the system of power and administration, established under the British colonial empire, as well as the key points of the doctrine of English law, refers to the institution of the Crown, Parliament and the status of imperial colonial government. Emphasized is the idea that the evolution of Canada from the set of "royal" to the self-governing colonies of the federation in the status of dominion and then gaining the status of the kingdom carried out on the basis of gradual development of constitutional conventions of political practice that leaves open to interpretation the question of when exactly Canada acquired the status of a sovereign state.

The article is devoted to the analysis of some aspects of the socio­cultural condition of the modern Ukrainian society through the prism of the hypothesis of R. Ingelhart about materialistic and postmaterialistic values; finding answers to the questions: how are inherent in Ukrainian society postmodern shifts, what is the index of postmaterialism is characteristic of the majority of Ukrainians, what are the prospects for the implementation of the «quiet revolution» in domestic socium. The problem of moving towards postmodern societies is important for Ukraine, because it is just in transition their social and cultural development. Variable values separately for each individual and society as a whole represents the social and cultural changes that lead society towards social, economic, political and personal well­being. It is concluded that at this stage of the Ukrainian society should be considered as a society of modern with splashes of postmodern, with a low index of postmaterialism, socium, where dominate materialistic values. However, based on empirical data, states, that during the test 1996­2014 years, among Ukrainians gradually increases the proportion of people of mixed type, due to the young generation of the population. There are still theoretical discussions around the issue of changing lifestyles, political values, life priorities, the existence of a process of deinstitutionalisation in developed industrialized countries, which arose the theory presented by American sociologist Ronald Inglehart in the book "Quiet Revolution" in 1977 and developed later in numerous articles and the 1990 book "Cultural Developments in the Industrialized Industrialized Countries". According to the scientist, there have been changes in the attitudes and behavior of modern people, which should be considered as more profound changes occurring at the level of value priorities of society. The "Quiet Revolution" consists in the gradual transition of society from the priority of the values of "materialism" to the priority of the values of "postmodernism", that is, "post-materialism". Under the values of "materialism" is the provision of benefits to physical and psychological safety and well-being, and under the values of "post-materialism" - emphasized the importance of belonging to the group, self-expression and quality of life. In order to measure the availability and extent of materialist materialization in the postmaterialistic values (the post-materialist index), a special method is used in the mass consciousness. It is based on the assertion of the ranks by twelve statements, where the category of "materialism" is represented through social values such as "economic growth", "economic stability", as well as the values of authoritarianism and conformism, and "postmaterialism" includes values of the ideology of "green" or such values. as the need to make our cities beautiful, the great significance of ideas, not money, as well as the liberal values associated with broad and direct forms of citizen participation in governance, etc. For the first time, Inglehart's technique was applied in 1973 in an international comparative study of nine member states of the European Community. Now, in 2014, the participants of the world-wide international study "World Values Survey" are almost 100 countries of the world, including Ukraine. So, to what extent are postmodernist shifts inherent in Ukrainian society, which index of postmaterialism is inherent in most Ukrainians, what are the prospects for implementing a "quiet revolution" in the domestic social system? ; Стаття присвячена аналізу деяких аспектів соціокультурного стану сучасного українського суспільства через призму гіпотези Р. Інглехарта про матеріалістичні та постматеріалістичні цінності; пошуку відповідей на запитання: наскільки властиві українському суспільству постмодерністські зрушення, який індекс постматеріалізму притаманний більшості українців, які перспективи реалізації «тихої революції» у вітчизняному соціумі. Проблема руху в напрямку постмодерних суспільств є актуальною для України, адже вона якраз перебуває на перехідному етапі свого соціокультурного становлення. Зміна цінностей окремо кожного індивіда і всього суспільства в цілому уособлює собою соціокультурні зміни, які ведуть суспільства в напрямку до соціального, економічного, політичного та особистісного благополуччя. У статті робиться висновок, що на даному етапі українське суспільство доцільно розглядати як суспільство модерну з вкрапленнями постмодерну, з низьким індексом постматеріалізму, соціумом, де домінують матеріалістичні цінності. Проте, на основі емпіричних даних, констатується, що протягом досліджуваних 1996­2014 років серед українців поступово збільшується частка людей змішаного типу за рахунок молодої генерації населення. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу деяких аспектів соціокультурного стану сучасного українського суспільства через призму гіпотези Р. Інглехарта про матеріалістичні та постматеріалістичні цінності; пошуку відповідей на запитання: наскільки властиві українському суспільству постмодерністські зрушення, який індекс постматеріалізму притаманний більшості українців, які перспективи реалізації «тихої революції» у вітчизняному соціумі. Проблема руху в напрямку постмодерних суспільств є актуальною для України, адже вона якраз перебуває на перехідному етапі свого соціокультурного становлення. Зміна цінностей окремо кожного індивіда і всього суспільства в цілому уособлює собою соціокультурні зміни, які ведуть суспільства в напрямку до соціального, економічного, політичного та особистісного благополуччя. У статті робиться висновок, що на даному етапі українське суспільство доцільно розглядати як суспільство модерну з вкрапленнями постмодерну, з низьким індексом постматеріалізму, соціумом, де домінують матеріалістичні цінності. Проте, на основі емпіричних даних, констатується, що протягом досліджуваних 1996­2014 років серед українців поступово збільшується частка людей змішаного типу за рахунок молодої генерації населення.

InUkraine, that has for centuries been deprived of its own statehood, the problem of social change vector has always been relevant and painful. That very fact they have been being administered in foreign capitals, is incredibly difficult for modernization and urbanization processes, not mentioning the problems of national identity. Only now, when Ukraine got its independence, the opportunity of social and transformational unbiased analysis of processes at different stages of the country's history with their inherent contradictions, achievements and losses, the struggle of the new with the old has become possible.Ethno-national changes in the Soviet era are highlited in the studies of S. Bilokin, N. Borysenko, V. Danylenko, G. Kasianov, S. Kulchytskyi, O. Malyarchuk, A. Rublov, D. Chornyi and others.The purpose of the article is to analyze the contradictions in the social consciousness of the urban and rural population in the process of "Ukrainianization" policy, to distinguish positive and negative effects of party influence in the political, economic and spiritual areas.Town and village oppose each other, first of all, not as two types of settlements, but as two principles of social life, and the transition from rural to urban society forms one of the main vectors of movement of society to a qualitatively new state. Analyzing the cultural relationship between city and countryside, it is worth noting a number of factors that determine the nature of this interaction. Features of the historical development of Ukraine led to the existence of the culture of the city and culture of the village as two separate parts in Ukrainian cultural process during the period studied in the article. Moreover, in contrast to the rural culture that, with its own social structure, was a coherent category, the culture of the Ukrainian city of 1920s was represented, so to say, by a conglomerate of different cultural types that differed not only in the social and but in ethnic aspects as well. These features of urban culture led to duality and ambivalence that took place in its impact on rural culture.Culture of the farmer, whose whole life was closely linked with nature, is based on harmony and interdependence of man and the environment, was of cosmocentric character. For its bearer emotional and sensory perception of the world is inherent, their mental structure is defined by its "cordocentrism", i.e the concentration around the "heart". In contrast to the rural culture, the culture of the city, with its predominantly industrial character of production, based on purely rational, logical principles, where there is no unity of man and nature, was based mainly on tecnocentrical perception of the world.On the other hand, the city transported its negative effects to the village through the interaction of cultures along with the achievements of civilization. Industrial nature of urban production, imposing a specific mark on a culture of the city, led to a negative impact of urban civilization in its extreme, technological, cultural manifestation on the situation in the country. Although in 1920s the negative effects of this influence manifestated still in the bud, during the industrialization of agricultural production a tendency towards separation of man and nature in the culture of the village appears together with the contrast between them, which led to the substitution of emotional principle by bare rationalism. This led to the emasculation from the rural culture of such important components as humanism, spirituality and emotion, which ultimately have a negative effect on the cultural and political life of the republic.For the active implementation of Ukrainianization higher authorities in the city faced a severe blow and considerably weakened their assimilatory effect on the village. It was weakened, but not eliminated. Russification trends of urban culture are being transformed into the so-called latent forms (supply of rural libraries mainly with Russian literature, appointment to administration of cultural institutions especially those individuals who had not spoken Ukrainian, maintaining the position of the Russian language in communication between the center and local authorities, etc.). But these effects weakened Russification affects of the town obstructed the cultural situation in the village. But the new government was characterized not so much by a national feature (although, despite the often declared internationalism, it clearly discerned great power trend), but social: the priority of the class over national.It is the interaction of rural and urban cultures, which (in the schematic manifestation) represented "ethnomaterial" and "intelligence" in culture genesis of Ukrainian people and determined the significant shift in the culture-forming process in Ukraine in the 1920s.But in general, the historical experience of cultural transformations of the 1920s shows that establishing of mature national culture is possible only through cooperation, mutual enrichment of rural and urban cultures. ; В статье раскрыт механизм интегрирования культур села и города в единый процесс - создание советской украинской культуры, что осложнялось существованием значительных различий между ними социального, бытового и этнического характера. Поиски оптимальных путей для преодоления этих разногласий вызвали обострение противостояния различных политических сил, художественных направлений, позиций отдельных деятелей, что часто с культурной сферы трансформировалось в плоскость политики. ; У статті розкрито механізм інтегрування культур села та міста в єдиний процес - творення радянської української культури, що ускладнювалося існуванням значних відмінностей між ними соціального, побутового та етнічного характеру. Пошуки оптимальних шляхів для подолання цих розбіжностей спричинили загострення протистояння різних політичних сил, мистецьких напрямків, позицій окремих діячів, яке часто із культурної сфери трансформувалося в площину політики.

Современный музей активно использует информационные, цифровые и другие инновационные технологии для сохранения, экспонирования и популяризации историко-культурных ценностей. Изложены результаты исследования, проведенного на базе Костанайского областного мемориального музея Ибрая Алтынсарина. Цель исследования выяснить, насколько посетители осведомлены об издательской деятельности на электронных носителях и изучить эффективность их использования. ; Relevance of the research topic. The concept of state youth policy in the Republic of Kazakhstan emphasized, "Building the democratic society with a socially oriented economy is impossible without moral and spiritual development of young people, formation of the younger generation in Kazakhstan qualities such as patriotism, professionalism, responsibility, youth development socio-cultural experience of past generations, achievement world civilization." Of particular interest is the legacy of one of the most prominent educational thinkers Kazakhstan Ibrai Altynsarin, who continued the philosophical tradition of the Kazakh people, and also to rethink the process of formation of the Kazakh youth in light of the current socio-political situation. In our time, it is necessary to appeal to the historical basis of education, because without comprehension of the historical heritage of pedagogical impossible communion of the younger generation to human values. Multifaceted and fruitful activity Ibrai Altynsarin to educate people to take its rightful place in the history of the Kazakh culture, being the foundation that made possible its further development. Life and career of Ibrai Altynsarin, individual pages of his biography, his philosophical position and pedagogical views are of particular interest and contribute to the spiritual and moral development of a modern personality. In the 1800s, Altynsarin stressed the need to achieve success in the use of special educational activities and pedagogical knowledge. The degree of a problem. Legacy problems of Ibrai Altynsarin always were in the focus of educators and psychologists, the different aspects of this problem were considered in the study: Djumagulov K. T. "Creativity of Ibrai Altynsarin" (1959), Derbisalin A. "Literary Heritage of Ibrai Altynsarin" (1954), Shotanova S. "Altyn-sarin's Prose" (1996), Rysbekova G. E. "Development of pedagogical ideas and outreach of Ibrai Altynsarin in Kazakhstan in the second half of XIX and the first quarter of the twentieth century", Aldibekova Dj. "Socio-political and legal views of Ibrai ltynsarin" (1993), Kalkeeva K. R." Scientific and pedagogical bases of Ibrai Altynsarin's textbooks" (2000), etc. However, the problem of cultural-educational activities of Ibrai Altynsarin in the second half of the XIX-th century did not find enough fully reflected in educational theory and practice. However historiographical survey showed that pedagogical science has accumulated a certain capacity to study the problem of realization of cultural and educational I. Altynsarin's ideas in the educational space of Kazakh schools, but it is fragmentary and heterogeneous. Recognizing the value of research above authors, it should be noted that the problem of cultural educational activities of Ibrai Altynsarin in the educational process to date is almost neglected. No conducted specific studies aimed at the realization of cultural and educational ideas of the teacher-educator in modern teaching. All this suggests that the study of the problem of cultural and educational activities of Ibrai Altynsarin under transformation of society is actual and perspective. Relevance of the designated problem emphasizes the contradiction between the objective need of spiritual moral education of youth using Ibrai Altynsarin heritage in the educational process and the lack of scientific advice on the organization of the process. Selected contradiction defined semantic content-border research problem: what is the content of the main trends and directions of cultural and educational activities of I. Altynsarin and what pedagogical conditions for the implementation of cultural and educational I. Altynsarin's ideas in activities of the modern museum. Insufficient development of this problem in science and teaching practice needs to identify its relevance and determine the choice of the research topic "Pedagogical designing of cultural and educational activities in the museum institutions." Object of research: educational value potential of cultural and educational ideas of Ibrai Altynsarin. Subject of research: pedagogical conditions for the implementation of cultural and educational activity ideas of Ibrai Altynsarin in modern museum. The purpose of the study: to identify, justify and experimentally verify the effectiveness of the implementation of pedagogical conditions of cultural and educational heritage of Ibrai Altynsarin in the education of youth, redefining ideas of Altynsarin in the light of the requirements of the new challenges of time. Hypothesis of the study: cultural and educational ideas of I. Altynsarin will contribute innovative renewal activity of the modern museum, if: understanding teachers cultural and educational ideas of I. Altynsarin flows during productive reflection own teaching activities; young people formed positive motives to the museum and educational activities; educators and youth actively rely on the experience of using the cultural-educational ideas of I. Altynsarin activities in a modern museum. Purpose, subject and research hypothesis led research objectives: 1. Identify the origins of moral values in the cultural and educational activities of Ibrai Altynsarin in youth work. 2. Develop a model for the implementation of cultural and educational activity ideas of Ibrai Altynsarin in activity of modern museum. 3. Develop the concept of socio-cultural activities of Ibrai Altynsarin, educator of Kazakhstan in the second half of the nineteenth century and its realization in modern teaching. 4. Pedagogical conditions determine the success of the cultural and educational ideas of Ibrai Altynsarin in activities of modern museum.

InUkraine, that has for centuries been deprived of its own statehood, the problem of social change vector has always been relevant and painful. That very fact they have been being administered in foreign capitals, is incredibly difficult for modernization and urbanization processes, not mentioning the problems of national identity. Only now, when Ukraine got its independence, the opportunity of social and transformational unbiased analysis of processes at different stages of the country's history with their inherent contradictions, achievements and losses, the struggle of the new with the old has become possible.Ethno-national changes in the Soviet era are highlited in the studies of S. Bilokin, N. Borysenko, V. Danylenko, G. Kasianov, S. Kulchytskyi, O. Malyarchuk, A. Rublov, D. Chornyi and others.The purpose of the article is to analyze the contradictions in the social consciousness of the urban and rural population in the process of "Ukrainianization" policy, to distinguish positive and negative effects of party influence in the political, economic and spiritual areas.Town and village oppose each other, first of all, not as two types of settlements, but as two principles of social life, and the transition from rural to urban society forms one of the main vectors of movement of society to a qualitatively new state. Analyzing the cultural relationship between city and countryside, it is worth noting a number of factors that determine the nature of this interaction. Features of the historical development of Ukraine led to the existence of the culture of the city and culture of the village as two separate parts in Ukrainian cultural process during the period studied in the article. Moreover, in contrast to the rural culture that, with its own social structure, was a coherent category, the culture of the Ukrainian city of 1920s was represented, so to say, by a conglomerate of different cultural types that differed not only in the social and but in ethnic aspects as well. These features of urban culture led to duality and ambivalence that took place in its impact on rural culture.Culture of the farmer, whose whole life was closely linked with nature, is based on harmony and interdependence of man and the environment, was of cosmocentric character. For its bearer emotional and sensory perception of the world is inherent, their mental structure is defined by its "cordocentrism", i.e the concentration around the "heart". In contrast to the rural culture, the culture of the city, with its predominantly industrial character of production, based on purely rational, logical principles, where there is no unity of man and nature, was based mainly on tecnocentrical perception of the world.On the other hand, the city transported its negative effects to the village through the interaction of cultures along with the achievements of civilization. Industrial nature of urban production, imposing a specific mark on a culture of the city, led to a negative impact of urban civilization in its extreme, technological, cultural manifestation on the situation in the country. Although in 1920s the negative effects of this influence manifestated still in the bud, during the industrialization of agricultural production a tendency towards separation of man and nature in the culture of the village appears together with the contrast between them, which led to the substitution of emotional principle by bare rationalism. This led to the emasculation from the rural culture of such important components as humanism, spirituality and emotion, which ultimately have a negative effect on the cultural and political life of the republic.For the active implementation of Ukrainianization higher authorities in the city faced a severe blow and considerably weakened their assimilatory effect on the village. It was weakened, but not eliminated. Russification trends of urban culture are being transformed into the so-called latent forms (supply of rural libraries mainly with Russian literature, appointment to administration of cultural institutions especially those individuals who had not spoken Ukrainian, maintaining the position of the Russian language in communication between the center and local authorities, etc.). But these effects weakened Russification affects of the town obstructed the cultural situation in the village. But the new government was characterized not so much by a national feature (although, despite the often declared internationalism, it clearly discerned great power trend), but social: the priority of the class over national.It is the interaction of rural and urban cultures, which (in the schematic manifestation) represented "ethnomaterial" and "intelligence" in culture genesis of Ukrainian people and determined the significant shift in the culture-forming process in Ukraine in the 1920s.But in general, the historical experience of cultural transformations of the 1920s shows that establishing of mature national culture is possible only through cooperation, mutual enrichment of rural and urban cultures. ; В статье раскрыт механизм интегрирования культур села и города в единый процесс - создание советской украинской культуры, что осложнялось существованием значительных различий между ними социального, бытового и этнического характера. Поиски оптимальных путей для преодоления этих разногласий вызвали обострение противостояния различных политических сил, художественных направлений, позиций отдельных деятелей, что часто с культурной сферы трансформировалось в плоскость политики. ; У статті розкрито механізм інтегрування культур села та міста в єдиний процес - творення радянської української культури, що ускладнювалося існуванням значних відмінностей між ними соціального, побутового та етнічного характеру. Пошуки оптимальних шляхів для подолання цих розбіжностей спричинили загострення протистояння різних політичних сил, мистецьких напрямків, позицій окремих діячів, яке часто із культурної сфери трансформувалося в площину політики.

This article attempts to identify and define a specific tendency which has emerged over the past few years within the field of migrant cinema production in Italy, that is, the emergence of what we might call popular migrant cinema or, to use the expression mentioned in the article's title, African-Italian popular cinema. As the article discusses, the definition of «popular cinema» is controversial and, when we try to apply this concept within the field of migrant cinema, its use becomes even more problematic. In fact, while by using the term «popular cinema» scholars have generally referred to high budget films, produced on an industrial scale, and able to achieve wide circulation and outstanding box-office results, the films analyzed here are usually the result of informal production strategies and limited economic resources, and in most of the cases they manage to achieve very restricted commercial circulation. However, and this is the major point this article intends to make, they are «popular» in their intentions. They are, in fact, films that mimic the global popular cinema style of Hollywood blockbuster films and approach the issue of migration through the lens of mainstream film genres such as gangster movies, thrillers, comedies, melodramas, and even musicals. Making reference to the work on mimicry and membership by the American anthropologist James Ferguson (2006) and to the recent scholarship on African popular culture (Barber 1987; 1997) and on the Nigerian video phenomenon (cf. Haynes 2000; Bisschoff e Overbergh 2012), this article suggests that the films analyzed here adopt this mimetic narrative strategy in order to claim the right to be part of an international and transnational cinematic arena defined by a shared film language, the language of mainstream film genres, thus attempting to open up the conceptual, narrative and stylistic barriers that have often isolated migrant cinema within a niche (or even, as numerous directors have underlined, a «ghetto») defined by the filmmaker's biography or by the political significance of the film's message. In order to support this argument, the article identifies a sample of analysis by briefly describing four films, Manetti Bros' Torino Boys (1997), IGB's Kiki Marriage (2003), Guido Lombardi's Là-Bas (2011) and Hedy Krissane's Aspromonte (2012). These films symbolize the four ideal vertexes of the imaginary space within which we can identify the emergent African-Italian popular cinema. In fact, even by being profoundly different, they present a number of aspects which, even though combined in different ways, recur in numerous other films produced in Italy over the past few years. Torino Boys, for instance, represents the first example of an Italian film about migration which makes an attempt to deal with popular cinema's film style and which tries to represent migrants' life through the prism of their everyday (at times even «banal») experience. Interestingly enough, this attempt is made by using as filmic reference the narrative and aesthetic style that characterizes Nigerian Nollywood melodramas (cf. Jedlowski forthcoming). Kiki Marriage, the first Nigerian video film shot and produced in Italy by a Nigerian film company based in the Peninsula, gives us an insight into the emergence of range of Nigerian video production companies in Italy (cf. Jedlowski 2012a). These companies, by trying to transpose the Nollywood model within a diasporic context, apply a set of narrative and aesthetic patterns which are profoundly different from those applied by Italian films about migration and which signal the emergence of locally-produced migrant and diasporic popular cultures in Italy. If compared to the first two mentioned films, Là-Bas presents a stronger political and social concern for the situation migrants are often forced to experience in Italy (harsh labor conditions, violence, racism, police harassment, etc.), but tries to conciliate it with an entertainment-oriented film language that might allow the film to reach an audience beyond the limits of the networks along which migrant cinema normally circulates. In this sense, this film signals a specific tendency within the emerging African-Italian popular cinema that tries to make the tradition of socially engaged Italian documentary filmmaking meet with a lighter, rather commercially-oriented film style. As for Là-bas, Aspromonte is a limit-case within this context. Its inclusion within this discussion is important because it underlines the emerging tendency among a number of directors who dealt with migration in previous films, to move from the underground, interstitial modes of production that characterized their previous works, toward an inclusion into industrial cinema dynamics. This film is, in fact, a commercially-oriented comedy which has little to do with migration, directed by Hedy Krissane, a Tunisian filmmaker based in Italy whose previous works were entirely dedicated to migration issues. In many ways, this films represents Krissane's attempt to penetrate the Italian cinema industry in order to gain the contacts, the skills and the financial support that, in the future, might allow him to make films that could cross the boundaries of the cinematic «ghetto» within which migrant film production in Italy has been confined until today. ; Peer reviewed

Lo studio relativo alla formazione della classe borghese e alle relazioni intercorrenti tra istituzioni urbane ed élites cittadine è, da diversi decenni, al centro di un ampio dibattito storiografico. Tra gli indicatori privilegiati di questo processo vi è, senza dubbio, l'analisi dei rapporti tra università e potere urbano; comprendere la funzione di tale ruolo all'interno del contesto socio-politico della città permette di conoscere i tempi e i modi di formazione del potere accademico e di quello urbano, nonché il reciproco intreccio di relazioni e di interessi. Il primo passo in direzione di una stesura analitica e metodologica della ricerca non poteva prescindere dallo studio approfondito della bibliografia di base inerente la storia delle università europee e italiane, con un occhio di riguardo per le realtà accademiche dell'area mediterranea e, particolarmente, del Mezzogiorno d'Italia. Ai fini della ricerca - ovviamente - l'attenzione verrà posta particolarmente sulle dinamiche sociali e sulle ingerenze politiche che, in diversi tempi e con differenti modalità, si intersecheranno nei meandri delle istituzioni universitarie, dando loro, così, delle connotazioni specifiche e trasformandone continuamente il ruolo - concreto e simbolico - che esse assumono nelle varie realtà sociali. Dal materiale bibliografico analizzato è possibile ricostruire l'evoluzione degli atenei partendo dalla loro genesi, in epoca medievale, passando attraverso le fasi del loro sviluppo in età moderna, giungendo, infine, all'Ottocento, secolo di riforme "borghesi", che cambieranno l'assetto delle università, trasformandone progressivamente il loro assetto e traghettandole alle porte dell'epoca contemporanea. Il problema dei rapporti tra ateneo e società rappresenta una tematica "costante" sin da quando l'istituzione universitaria fece la sua comparsa, ponendosi subito alla stregua di "terzo potere" accanto a quelli, di vecchia data e ben più consolidati, regio ed ecclesiastico. Fin dalla comparsa delle prime fondazioni medievali - sorte dal connubio studenti-maestri - emerge il carattere conflittuale dei rapporti tra popolazione studentesca - vera "anima" dell'istituzione - e gruppi dirigenti locali - consci delle potenzialità degli atenei e desiderosi di appropriarsi dell'amministrazione e di frenare sul nascere eventuali spinte antigoverantive -. In tutto ciò, non bisogna dimenticare l'importante funzione del ceto ecclesiastico all'interno della compagine accademica, con la quale il rapporto sarà spesso conflittuale, particolarmente all'indomani della Riforma protestante e della successiva Controriforma. Il convergere di tali e tanti interessi differenti connoterà, inevitabilmente, la storia delle università in età moderna e - sebbene ogni paese rappresenti una realtà a sé stante - i singoli casi possono essere inseriti in eventi storici generali e dai tratti comuni attraverso i quali è possibile ricostruire uno studio parallelo ed esaustivo. The study of the formation of the borgeois class and of the relationships between urban institutions and city élites has been at the centre of a wide historiographical debate for several decades. An important gauge of this process is, undoubtedly, the analysis of the relationships between university and urban power. Understanding the function of this role within the social-political context of the city enables us to know in what length of time and in what way academic and urban power is formed, and the interweaving of relationships and interests. The first step to an analytical and methodological drafting of the research could not prescind an accurate study of the essential bibliography regarding European and italian universities, with special attention given to the academic realities of the Mediterranean area, and in particular the south of Italy. For research purposes attention will be focused particularly on the social developments and political interference that, at different times and in different ways, intercross in the meanders of university institutions, giving them their specific connotations and continually transforming the roles - both concrete and symbolic - that they take on in social reality. From the bibliographical material analysed, the evolution of universities can be traced, starting from their origins in the medieval períod, going through their development stages in the modem age, reaching the nineteenth century, a century of 'borgeois' reforms that were to progressively change the order of universities, and on up to the contemporary age. The problem of the relationship between university and society has been a subject of constant debate ever since the beginnings of the former, establishing itself immediately as a sort of 'third power', alongside the older and well-consolidated regal and ecclesiastical power. The conflictual character of relationships between the student population - the 'soul' of the institution - and local governing bodies had been evident from the very beginnings of the medieval institutions rising from a student-teacher alliance. The local governing bodies were well aware of the potential of the universities and eager to take control of the administration in order to be in a position to immediately stamp out any possible anti-government movements. In all this, one must not forget the important function of the ecclesiastica! class within the university machinery, with whom there had often been a conflictual relationship, especially in the immediate period following the protestant Reform and Counter-reform. The converging of so many different interests will inevitably characterise the history of universities in the modem age, and although each country represents íts own particular reality, the individual cases can be collocated in a generai framework of historical events and common aspects through which a parallel and thorough study can be carried out.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) war und ist vor allem als Autor der bedeutendsten Programmschrift der ständischen Opposition des späten Vormärz, Österreich und dessen Zukunft bekannt. Kaum bekannt ist, dass er Zeit seines erwachsenen Lebens Tagebuch geführt hat. Nunmehr liegen seine gesamten erhaltenen Tagebücher in einer wissenschaftlichen Edition vor. Zwischen dem ersten Eintrag vom 20. Oktober 1839 bis zum letzten erhaltenen Eintrag liegen 19 Jahre, die Andrian vom jungen subalternen Beamten in Norditalien, Istrien und Wien zum Idol der vormärzlichen Opposition, vom geachteten Abgeordneten und Vizepräsidenten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung und deutschen Reichsgesandten in London zum geächteten Zerstörer des vorrevolutionären Paradieses, vom Berater österreichischer Politiker der Jahre nach 1849 zum Verwaltungsrat kapitalistischer Eisenbahngesellschaften der 1850er Jahre machten. Dabei sah sich Andrian als verkanntes Genie, das es in der Hand gehabt hätte, die Gesellschaft aus der Unterdrückung und dem Stillstand des Vormärz und dem Chaos der Revolution in eine bessere Zukunft zu führen. Während all dieser Jahre vermischen sich in den Tagebüchern private und öffentliche Ereignisse, Reflexionen über familiäre und freundschaftliche Verhältnisse und persönliche Entwicklungen mit politischen Aussagen und Betrachtungen über die eigene Rolle im öffentlichen Leben. Die Schwerpunkte und die Dichte der Einträge verändern sich je nach Andrians Lebenslage. Als Konstante bleibt aber das unmittelbare Interesse an der Entwicklung Österreichs und seiner zukünftigen Gestaltung in direkter Verbindung mit der eigenen Situation. Diese Wechselwirkung von öffentlichem Interesse mit persönlichem Erleben machen die Tagebücher so zu einer der eindrucksvollsten privaten Quellen zur österreichischen Geschichte vom Vormärz über die Revolution von 1848/49 bis zur Spätphase des Neoabsolutismus. Schilderungen von finanziellen Problemen und Strategien zu ihrer Lösung, etwa durch eine reiche Heirat, wechseln mit Analysen der innen- und außenpolitischen Verhältnisse und Plänen zur Neugestaltung Österreichs. Phasen aktiven politischen Gestaltens wechseln mit Zeiten freiwilliger und erzwungener Zurückgezogenheit. Daher finden sich Einträge über Diskussionen mit führenden Politikern und höchsten Würdenträgern des Hofes bis hin zu Audienzen beim Kaiser ebenso wie Berichte von Reisen von Helgoland bis Rom und von der französischen Atlantikküste bis in den Süden Ägyptens. Zentral bleibt dabei immer das Wechselspiel zwischen privatem Erleben und öffentlicher Einflussnahme. Viktor von Andrian fühlte sich zum Führer, nicht zum Untergebenen berufen und meinte, auf jenen Zeitpunkt warten zu können, an dem man ihn rufen müsste. So blieb er mit Ausnahme des Jahres 1848, als er für kurze Zeit aktiv in das politische Geschehen eingriff, ein Beobachter, Ratgeber und Kritiker von außen, der auf den richtigen Zeitpunkt wartete, an dem ihm die Zügel der Macht zufallen sollten. Obwohl er sich in seinen letzten Lebensjahren bewusst war, dass es sich hierbei um eine Illusion handelte, war Andrian mit dem Verlauf seiner persönlichen Entwicklung zufrieden: "Schlechtes, Gemeines habe ich Gottlob mir nie vorzuwerfen gehabt." Die dreibändige Edition enthält neben dem kommentierten Text der Tagebücher eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Viktor von Andrians, eine Darstellung der Überlieferung der Tagebücher sowie erstmals ein exaktes Werkverzeichnis Andrians. Ergänzt und erweitert wird das Tagebuch durch zahlreiche Auszüge aus seinem erhaltenen Briefwechsel im Kommentar. Erschlossen ist die Edition durch ein kommentiertes Personenregister mit über 2.800 Einträgen. ; Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.