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The issues of "sexting" and "self-produced child pornography" (SPCP) have captured the attention of the media, courts, and state legislatures. A debate rages among advocates, policy makers, and reporters about how the law should address this activity. More than sixteen states have considered special legislation to address the problem and litigation has ensued. Lost in the debate are many realities including the complexity of the problem. This behavior implicates aspects of child development, child sexuality, child exploitation, teen dating violence, education, and parenting. While any deliberation about children and how the law should protect children is positive, sensationalism and oversimplification of this complex phenomenon undermine rationale debate. This article builds on the concept that the solution does not lie in the criminal law. Rather, it seeks to refocus the debate by suggesting that part of the solution depends on the formation of a comprehensive "smart" response. To accomplish this, society and its institutions (educational, social service, religious, law enforcement, legal, and civic) must come together and form a considered strategy that encourages prevention and a smart response when prevention fails. This article examines the role of prosecution, if any, in that "smart" response. This article argues against the use of blunt instruments that fail to recognize the complexity of SPCP. These extremes include "zero tolerance" policies, which in most cases do far more harm than good; decriminalization, which prevents a prosecutor from ever abusing his or her discretion, but also precludes juvenile court intervention even where the conduct is particularly egregious or the youth is in particular need of such; or an ad hoc approach by prosecutors which risks inconsistency, unfairness, and bias. This article proposes an alternative approach which balances the need for fairness with a need for flexibility: Structured Prosecutorial Discretion within a Multidisciplinary Approach. It is grounded in the recognition this complex problem covers a broad array of behaviors: from naïvely producing inappropriate images, to coercion, to maliciously distributing images of others virally. The proposed model calls for prosecutors, together with members of other disciplines, to accept a protocol whereby a variety of proposed factors are considered, in a systematic way, in evaluating cases. Structured Prosecutorial Discretion is characterized by a rejection of mandatory prosecution, exposure to sex offender registration, or adult criminal court, at one extreme, and decriminalization at the other. Structured Prosecutorial Discretion would allow juvenile court prosecution to remain as part of a multidisciplinary response for only the most egregious cases (such as vindictive distribution of the images, coercion of the victim, etc.) and only after the implementation of offender-based and offense-based protocols. This article stems from a 2007 article which was the first to discuss production and distribution of child pornography by juveniles themselves, prior to its revelation in mainstream media. The discussion here explores the new research since then and further examines the many novel suggestions offered by scholars since "sexting" entered the public conscience.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the effects of labour force growth on the Ethiopian rural economy during the start of the first demographic dividend. The study focuses on the sources of rural economic growth: employment generation and productivity levels which lead to improved income and reduction of poverty. The changes in rural employment structure and the level and determinants of household grain production are analysed based on detailed national labour force survey and agricultural sample enumeration covering 6,5 million households in three regions of the country. Since 1995, five years after the start of a decline in population growth rate, Ethiopia has entered into the period of the demographic dividend. Moderate decline in the fertility rate and the echo of the baby boom generation of the 1975/76 land reform were the major driving forces for the onset of the demographic dividend. In 2008 the country has a total population of 79 million, the second largest population in sub-Saharan Africa, and 48 percent of the adult population is in the age group 15-29. In the rural area the labour force is estimated about 32 million and each year one million people are added in the labour force. 90 percent of the rural labour force is employed in agriculture and the rest is employed in the non-farm service sector. Of those employed in the agricultural sector, 46 % are engaged in elementary occupation (mostly wage labour) while 44% are semi-skilled self employed smallholders. The rural labour force is not self sufficient in food-grain production due to large family size and low land productivity. Due to the dominance of child-rich households and the young age characteristic of the labour force agricultural production increase was achieved mainly through area expansion. Currently area expansion reached to a stage leading to low marginal productivity of household labour. Government strategy is to promote improved technology and commercialization of small scale farming. However, the child rich households do not have saving to adopt the technology and their preference is to meet basic needs and not to produce for the market. The conclusion of this study is that small farms cannot be the engine of agricultural growth at a time when labour force growth is characterized by young age and household types of higher consumption requirements. In the rural areas there are not sufficient conditions of drivers of improved technology use and commercialisation: there is lack of asset accumulation, a low per capita production, and a lower degree of urbanization. There is a sequence and timing in rural development. This study suggests a policy of reducing the growing rural labour force through emigration and creation of new urban spaces in rural areas. Urbanization of rural areas through large scale migration of rural labour can reduce household poverty. Household consumption per capita rises as household members move out of the low productivity of agricultural activities and engaged in small scale manufacturing and service sectors. For those households remaining in the agricultural sector, emigration of the labour force creates an enabling environment for the recombination of factors of production.

This thesis probes the concepts of Kenneth Waltz's neorealism in a rhetorical study of India's power position in world politics, in the post-Cold War era. This theoretical study concentrates on whether Indian acts and acquiring more power on a global scale can be interpreted in neorealist terms. With a comprehensive and thorough elaboration of Waltz's theses I have chosen to test four core concepts of neorealism in India's rhetoric: anarchy whether it rules in India's political realm, self–help, balance of power, and the changing nature of India's capabilities. Alexander Wendt's social constructivist thoughts of anarchy have been taken into consideration complementing to the notion of anarchy presented by Waltz. Thematically the analysis is divided into four different époques characterising the ongoing global trends of politics and India's change in those époques. The four neorealist concepts serve as the basis of the analysis of India. The analysis begins with India's adoption of liberal reforms due to globalization's effects in 1991 with the Congress party in power. After the reforms put into effect I move on to analyse a more nationalist, BJP-led India and her moves to acquire power through self-help. This époque is highlighted by the remarkable nuclear tests conducted in 1998. The third époque focuses on the analysis of the balance of power in global politics in the aftermath of the nuclear tests. Lastly, the analysis focuses on the return of the Congress-led India in 2004, willing to grow India's capabilities in global politics and reflecting on the developments taking place from 1991 up to 2006. The aim of the analysis is to interpret India's policy outlines and the appearing change(s), the implementation and implications of these changes during 1991-2006 in India's power position in the post-Cold War world. The methodology used is Chaïm Perelman's argumentative rhetoric. Different kind of argumentation techniques are used to analyse India's rhetoric, especially the rhetoric's effects to India's universal audience. The choice of method was logical as the primary material subject to analysis is compiled of a variety of high-level addresses, an interview, speeches and statements delivered by Indian statesmen. The analysis reveals that all four neorealist concepts focused on have had to undergo a change of application and adaptation due to non-conventional, hence transnational threats evolving in the era of increasing globalization. Findings show that the neorealist interpretation mostly survives in India's arguments of power. The anarchic structure of post-Cold War world politics modifies the outcome which units like India produce in a system theory which neorealism claims to exist. The power equity cannot be measured separately anymore in only certain capabilities of a state like India, in e.g. economical terms and political terms. India's power position greatly depends on the character of India's dynamic relations with other global power states. Resulting from this, India is taking a stand on the global stage of world power politics and is beginning to contribute - as an international stakeholder - to the global system, when required. This is a consequence of the changed balance of power in the post-Cold War world politics and of India's changed political realm.

One of the institutions fundamental to European nation-states, national museums play host to various socio-political constructs including that of national identity. The public art museum is part of the complex institutional dynamic linking the political state and the nation; and as a public institution accessible - at least in theory - to all areas of society, it can play a homogenising and binding role within the state. This is a quality partly created, and often drawn upon by dominant discourses in an effort to encourage identification with a prescribed set of values inherent in the display of images and objects recognised as 'national heritage'. This term is ambiguous, its meaning and application subject to change and political subversion. Broadly speaking 'national heritage' is a quality bestowed upon cultural artefacts by their display within a public space, encouraging the viewer, specifically the national viewer, to engage in the communal ownership implied by the museum space. In turn this raises many issues concerning the nature of cultural possession and the reality of national consciousness with regards to the consumption of such exhibits. Presenting the nation to itself and the world was one of the most important tasks of the national museum in the nineteenth century; a means of defining national identity and of bolstering ideologies to political ends. In the twentieth century many of these 'truths' were undermined and criticised, allowing for more varied interpretations of national pasts and cultural achievements to be developed. The Royal Museums of Fine Art in Brussels were involved in a fervent nationalisation process following the country's independence in 1830. In accordance with revolutionary ideals a common identity was needed in Belgium to link the people to each other and the state; the museum provided a forum for this, displaying a 'glorious common past' cultivated by the nationalist iconography of contemporary public art. However, the national idyll of Belgium did not correspond to the historical and geographical reality of the region; evinced by the fragmentation of the state that resulted in the country's federalisation in 1993. This effectively undermined the unitary identity promoted by the ruling elite, instrumental in the development of the museum and challenging its raison d'être. In the case of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, imagery and symbols have been used systematically to substantiate and consolidate a national identity based in a semi-mythical history of national exceptionalism. This is manifest primarily through the presentation and scale of the seventeenth century painting collection, encouraging a visual identification with this period of the country's history. Whilst the incentives behind their formation and their presentation differ, these musems illustrate the manner in which symbols and imagery drawn from history and myth, can be used to promote or substantiate prevailing discourses of identity within a static structure. The success of such an enterprise is another matter, the degree of intent and the gap between intent and effect also serve to illustrate that the romantic ideal of the nation as understood by its founders or promoters does not necessarily impinge upon its reality.

There seems to be a broad consensus in Europe that there is a European Social Model (ESM), typical of European societies and that this model should be protected and developed. But the ESM is an ambiguous notion: is it a simple description of the actual state of European societies? Is this a normative concept? Is it consistent with contemporary evolution marked by economic globalization and liberalization? Is this a political project? Section 1 provides an assessment of 'the European Social Model'. This model has different patterns among EU-15 countries. The generally adopted classification (Esping-Andersen, 1990) sets out four social models in Europe: liberal, continental, Scandinavian and Mediterranean. Are the four models variants of a single ESM? Section 2 compares their economic and social performances. The best economic performances are obtained by the Liberals and the Scandinavian countries; Scandinavian countries have also the best social performance. The economic performances of continental model countries are poor. Are they condemned to evolue to the liberal model, or can they move towards the Scandinavian model? Can this model be implemented in all larger open, heterogeneous and with high unemployment countries? Section 3 discusses the need to adapt the ESM to new economic and social challenges: the ageing of populations, the rising trend in health spending, the change in family structures, the rising trend in social exclusion, the persistence of mass unemployment in some countries, of low fertility rates in some others. The section presents the actual debates, national or European, about reforms of pension system, health system, unemployment benefits, family policy and anti-poverty flight. Section 4 presents the actual situation of 'Social Europe'. This expression may refer to the current actions of European Institutions. It may also refer to a political project: increasing gradually the level of Europe's intervention in social fields. But the objective may be to 'modernise social protection', i.e. to reduce its field and costs, or on the contrary to progressively implement common social norms in all Member States in order to reach a high and similar social protection level. The single market makes it more and more difficult for national protection systems to coexist. The respective roles of national and European institutions in the evolution of the ESM (or ESMs) are discussed. The current European strategy - the social Agenda and the Open method of coordination (OMC) - remains disconnected from national debates and reforms. Can they become more democratic and more powerful? The conclusion presents two views on the future of the ESM. The first suggests a new architecture of welfare states in Europe, inspired by the Scandinavian model, so the impact of social protection as a productive factor increases. The second stresses the importance of guaranteeing social cohesion in the Member States, by reducing income inequalities and ensuring a high level of social protection. Yet, the improvement of the European economic framework and the development of the Social Europe are not technical issues. They require a major change in the economic policy thinking and a new alliance between social classes concerned about full employment and social cohesion.

Этноконфессиональное взаимодействие в Южной Сибири и Центральной Азии приводило к влиянию различных религиозных и идеологических традиций на формирование синкретичных мировоззренческих представлений и обрядов кочевников. Поскольку в древности предметы и объекты часто носили полисемантичный характер, то существует трудность с выявлением погребений священнослужителей и специфичных памятников религиозного характера. В то же время проведенный анализ письменных и археологических источников позволял сделать вывод о том, что основу религиозной элиты в кочевых обществах в хунну-жужанскую эпоху составляли служители культа традиционного (шаманского) комплекса верований и обрядов, клан правителя и его окружение (вожди племен или старейшины). В отличие от скифской эпохи, в рассматриваемый период в религиозную элиту стали входить и буддийские миссионеры, особенно приближенные к окружению кочевого правителя, которые симпатизировали конфессии. Правда, поддержка буддизма со стороны элиты номадов не привела в это время к широкому распространению буддизма среди остальной массы населения. Отражение в источниках сведений о разнообразных формах жертвоприношениях, магии, мантике, погребально-поминальных комплексах и культовых сооружениях (святилища, храмы) свидетельствует о наличии сложной религиозно-мифологической системы и дальнейшей тенден-ции формирования и развития особой категории священнослужителей. Такие лица, безусловно, являлись носителем важной сакральной информации и могли оказывать определенное влияние на политические события в кочевой империи. Однако в силу специфики социально-политической организации номадов и исторических процессов в эпоху поздней древности сформировавшаяся религиозная элита не трансформировалась в корпоративную социальную группу профессионального жречества. Правящий клан обладал статусом сакрального, и его представители, облаченные харизмой, одним своим существованием давали социуму покровительство небесных, «светлых» сил. В то же время неудачная внутренняя и внеш-няя политика могла привести к утрате харизмы и как следствие замене правителя, хотя власть и в этом случае сохранялась бы за сакрализован-ным кланом. В этой связи важную роль в таком процессе играла не только политическая и во-енная элита, но и религиозная. ; Ethno-confessional interaction in South Siberia and Central Asia led to influence of different religious and ideological traditions upon syncretic world outlook notions and nomads rites forming. Analysis of written and archaeological sources made it possible to make a conclusion that the basis of religious elite in nomads societies in Khunnu-Zhuzhan epoch were ministers of religion of beliefs and rites traditional (shaman) complex, clan of leader and his surroundings (chiefs of tribes or elders). Besides, unlike Scythian epoch, religious elite included Buddhism missionaries close to nomads' leader surroundings that liked confession. However, Buddhism support by nomads elite did lead to wide spread of the confession among other majority of people. The reflected in sources data about different forms of sacrifi ce, magic, mantic, funeral-burial complexes and cult buildings testifies to compound religious-mythological system and further tendency to forming and development of peculiar category of priests. Priests were bearers of important sacral information and could influence political events in nomads' empire, for instance, overthrew leaders. However, the formed religious elite did not transform into corporative social group of professional sacrifice for the reason of specific social-political organization of nomads and historical processes in Late Antiquity epoch.

The dairy sector in Vietnam quickly evolved with the support of government and private sector, R&D organizations (NIAH, CIRAD, JICA, etc.) and ONG¿s. Dairy farms are actively supported not only in the interest of milk production but also for their socio-economic role. New policies and technology innovations are being proposed in order to answer the main issues related to the socio-economic and environmental sustainability of the dairy sector. The selection of orientations to be implemented requires a comprehensive analysis of their impact and eventual consequences at a multi-scale production level. Modeling appears as an interesting decision tool for the agricultural sector because it helps to assess the complex interactions found in the farm system as well as to analyze the configuration of alternative technical innovations. Moc Chau dairy farmers face important issues related to milk production in which the availability of forage resources during winter season and the high cost of concentrated feeds are presently limiting the dairy herd development and the economic sustainability of farms. In response to these issues, researchers provide alternative solutions using new forage technologies based on temperate species. Oat species proved to be the best solution in terms of agro-ecological adaptation, high production yields, excellent nutritive value and low production costs. The adoption of oat forage by farmers started in 2004 and two years later 30% of total farmers were using this new forage resource in their farming system. The number of farmers implicated in oat production and the surface of land allocated are considered useful indicators of farmer adoption. However, some dissatisfaction opinions related to oat potentialities were addressed which may possibly influence further adoption. In order to realize the importance of these factors we developed a multi-period farm-scale model. Four criterions were chosen to establish the farm typology (soil fertility, herd size, dairy experience and adoption behavior) and two indicators (profit and labor time) were selected to evaluate the impact of the new forage technology on the economic and social sustainability of farms. In all the tested scenarios the model selected oat production as the optimal solution to maximize farmer profits. However, farmers¿ adoption behavior is based not only on profitability considerations but also on other factors, such as traditional practices and cultural preferences. According to the results, the experience of farmers in dairy activity and the dimension of their herd did not seem to be the factors determining the adoption of oat technology. On the other hand, the forage yields and the additional labor needed are likely the main issues constraining the successful adoption of oat by dairy farmers. These results are in total agreement with previous field evaluation process. The global validation of the model is currently on going. After this stage, the model can be used as support tool for discussion with farmers and local decision makers. The objective will be to valorize the positive impacts of the new agricultural practice and to scaling-up to other dairy farming regions.

One of the main Chilean forestry exported products, and also showing better development prospects, is the saw wood of Pinus radiata; this is due to high levels of future availability of good quality logs to supply its industry and the growing global demand for this product. However, these exports have been affected by the presence, in the country, of three bark beetles introduced species: Hylurgus ligniperda, Hylastes ater and Orthotomicus erosus (Coleoptera: Scolytidae). As these insects are considered quarantine pests to major markets importing Chilean products, particularly saw wood, its presence in shipments from Chile could restrict the marketing of these products, thus producing a great impact on the regional and national economy. In 2006, the Servicio Agrícola y Ganadero (SAG) and private managers associated to the Corporación Chilena de la Madera (CORMA) suspended the green sawed wooden exports to Mexico, owing to the presence of adults of H. ligniperda in some shipments, what generated both from the point of view of the State and from the exporters as well, the implementation of some measures to correct these effects in the commercialization of these products. Some biological and ecological bark beetle aspects, its role transporting fungal spores of sapstains and pathogens, as well as its importance as quarantine pests feasible to be introduced into the main markets were analyzed and discussed. Some measures adopted by the government and the forestry sector to get to external markets with minimum risk of pests are also presented. ; Uno de los principales productos forestales chilenos exportados, y además con mejores perspectivas de desarrollo, es la madera aserrada de Pinus radiata, debido a los altos índices de disponibilidad futura de trozas de buena calidad para abastecer su industria y a la creciente demanda a nivel mundial por este producto. Sin embargo, estas exportaciones se han visto afectadas por la presencia en el país de tres especies introducidas de escarabajos de la corteza: Hylurgus ligniperda, Hylastes ater y Orthotomicus erosus (Coleoptera: Scolytidae). Por tratarse de insectos considerados plagas cuarentenarias para los principales mercados que importan productos chilenos, y en este caso la madera aserrada, su presencia en embarques procedentes de Chile podría restringir la comercialización de estos productos causando un impacto en la economía regional y nacional. El año 2006 el Servicio Agrícola y Ganadero (SAG) y empresarios privados asociados en la Corporación Chilena de la Madera (CORMA) suspendieron las exportaciones de madera aserrada verde a México, por la presencia de adultos de H. ligniperda en algunos embarques. Ello generó que tanto el Estado como los exportadores implementaran algunas medidas para corregir tales situaciones en la comercialización de dichos productos. Se analizan y discuten algunos aspectos biológicos y ecológicos de los escarabajos, su rol como transportadores de esporas de hongos manchadores y patógenos, así como su importancia como plagas cuarentenarias factibles de introducirse en los principales mercados de exportación. Se presentan también las medidas adoptadas por el gobierno y las empresas del sector forestal para llegar a los mercados internacionales con riesgo mínimo de plagas.

In the context of the Doha Development Round, the vast majority of computable general equilibrium studies examine agricultural trade led gains to developing countries, whilst European Union based studies are scarce and only one assessment exists in the case of Spain. This study also focuses on Spain, whilst developing the literature in two ways. Firstly, a more realistic representation of the agriculture sector is undertaken through modelling improvements to agricultural factor-, input- and product markets. Secondly, the policy scenarios now account for tariff "binding overhangs", thereby better reflecting the true level of market access from a potential agreement, whilst the trade led impacts are examined from the inclusion of "sensitive" product lines within the harmonised tariff formula. Through careful scenario design, protection and support reforms are implemented in three "Doha" experiments to reflect the current negotiations, each with different levels of tariff reductions (i.e., market access). Spain experiences equivalent variation (EV) losses in all scenarios reflecting shallower tariff reductions from the tariff binding overhangs, whilst EV losses are minimised when agro-food market access is increased due to allocative efficiency improvements. The size of the predicted EV losses are "broadly" in line with the literature, although specified modelling changes to the agricultural sectors result in a different set of conclusions with respect to price, output and trade balance trends. Finally, in our "likely" Doha scenario including sensitive tariff lines, potential global trade gains are severely limited whilst Spanish welfare losses are maximised. ; En el contexto de la Ronda de Doha, la mayoría de estudios se concentra en los beneficios derivados del comercio agrario para los países en desarrollo. Los estudios sobre la Unión Europea son escasos, y el único artículo existente sobre España es el que intentamos mejorar en el presente estudio. Primero, mejoramos la modelización de los mercados de inputs, factores y productos, para representar el sector agrario de forma más realista. Segundo, los escenarios contemplan el excedente de consolidación de arancel aduanero para aproximar mejor el nivel real de apertura de los mercados. Además, también examinamos los efectos derivados de la inclusión de los productos "sensibles" dentro de la fórmula arancelaria. Mediante un diseño cuidadoso, aplicamos las reformas sobre protección y apoyo en tres experimentos que reflejan las negociaciones en curso. España experimenta pérdidas en variación equivalente (EV) en todos los escenarios, como resultado del escaso impacto de la apertura de mercados a consecuencia del elevado excedente de consolidación de arancel aduanero. Las pérdidas se minimizan cuando se incrementa la apertura de los mercados gracias a mejoras en la eficiencia asignativa. La magnitud de las pérdidas en EV se aproxima, en general, a la literatura existente, aunque los cambios en la caracterización de los mercados agrícolas en nuestro modelo revelan tendencias distintas por lo que respecta a precios, producciones y balanzas comerciales. Por último, en el escenario en el que se incluyen aranceles de productos "sensibles", el potencial de beneficios globales se ve seriamente limitado, mientras que las pérdidas de bienestar en España se maximizan.

Teaching history in multicultural societies – Case study Malmo (Sweden) German Minister of Education and Research, Annette Schavan recently presented a proposal concerning a common European History Book. According to Deutsche Welle she underlined that "education is essential for shaping identity and for social cohesion in Europe". Therefore it is possible to conclude that the content of history as a subject in schools is and will continue to be an important issue. In the light of these words it is of importance to discuss what the common historical knowledge is according to college pupils, because they are directly effected by the political decisions. The emphasis of my research project is to determine through interviews what according to the teenagers, who live in the multicultural city of Malmö (Sweden), is regarded as a relevant historical knowledge. According to the official statistics 43 percents of teenagers living in Malmö have an immigrant background. For this reason Malmö is an excellent place to carry out studies that are both related to the questions of teaching history within multicultural societies and the young pupils' complex social and cultural experiences and their construction of identities. Consequently it is significant to emphasize that, before one is to discuss what the content of history as a school subject should be, we should try to critically analyze the meaning of word "common history and identity" within multifaceted societies. My opinion is that people leaving in multicultural societies have multitude of socio-cultural backgrounds, identities and experiences, which makes this field of study significant. The paper will be based on interviews with 25 college pupils who have different cultural, social, and ethnic backgrounds. It is my belief that by getting closer to the historical consciences of the above mentioned individuals I can depict young people's opinions concerning the future of history in multicultural societies, such as Sweden. The focuses of my deconstructive perspective are gender and ethnicity, as well as the importance of gender and ethnicity for understanding of the national and regional historical writings and therefore the creation of common identity. Consequently the main focus of this project will be the question of identity as well as my interest in what kind of historical knowledge is regarded as relevant for the development of their ethnic and gender identities. The preliminary studies have indicated that the ethnic identity is more significant for the youngsters who have a foreign background. On the other hand female pupils have shown a greater interest in the history of gender relations. As the result of these words it could be concluded that I will try to answer the following questions: • What is according to the interviewees regarded as a relevant historical knowledge? How can we understand the relation between the taught historical knowledge and the power to decide what the "essential" historical knowledge is? How are their opinions related to their gender and ethnic identities? What are the potential consequences of the taught historical knowledge from gender and ethnic perspective on the formation of individual's identities?

It is rather often assumed that Swedish foreign policy debate is largely characterized by consensus and that foreign policy goals often are material (for example security or economic welfare). Despite this, it is possible to identify disagreement among political parties about ideological goals – i.e. the promotion of values – in Swedish foreign policy debates. This raises questions about the nature and importance of these ideological goals in such debates. To study this closer I investigate foreign policy debates about the military conflicts in Vietnam and Iraq. The purpose of the dissertation is to describe and explain the content and relative importance of the ideological goals expressed by Swedish parliamentary parties in both party and public arenas. Four parties are included in the study: the Left, the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Conservatives. The theoretical framework is made up of two main parts. First, I develop a classification scheme to identify and sort the goals found in the empirical material. This scheme includes four goal types: ideological, security, economic, and other. Second, insights from literatures on foreign policy and the behaviour of political parties are used to analyze the content and importance of ideological goals. The research design used in the dissertation is comparative case studies. The empirical material is composed of documents from the internal party arena (meeting minutes, congress material, etc), the parliamentary arena (debate material) and the official arena (press material). The material has been analyzed mainly qualitatively with the help of ideational and argument analysis. In order to estimate the relative importance of ideological goals quantitative content analysis has also been used. As regards the content of ideological goals during debates about Vietnam, the empirical results show all parties discussed the promotion of humanity, democracy and states' rights to national independence. In the Iraq conflict, all parties expressed goals about humanity, human rights, internal security/safety, democracy and states' rights to national independence. Beyond these goals, individual or a few parties also expressed other ideological goals. However, a central result is that the parties have linked the ideological goals – which they often agree about – to different ways of reasoning. The empirical analysis also revealed that ideological goals have generally been more important than other types of goals (with the exception of the Conservative Party in the debate about Vietnam). Regarding developments over time, the importance of ideological goals was unchanged for the Social Democrats and the Liberal Party. For the Left there was a slight decrease, and for the Conservatives a significant increase. The overall conclusion about what explains the content and importance of ideological goals in the foreign policy debates studied here is that explanations at the systemic level are inadequate. Variables like the international political structure (polarity) and institutional mechanisms in the EU and the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy had little explanatory power. Instead, explanations like type of foreign policy issue, party ideology and party strategy were more useful. Differences in parties' fundamental ideological views were also discussed as an important source of difference as regards the positions and arguments that expressed ideological goals.

AbstractThis article examines factors accounting for persisting regional inequality in Hungary during the regime change from socialism to a market economy in 1990. We examine the determinants of regional inequality through the lens of leading sector theory which has been used to explain why some ex‐socialist countries have done better than others during the transformation. In other words, we ask whether some regions of Hungary are doing better than others for the same reasons that some ex‐socialist countries have outperformed their counterparts. We use county level data from the Hungarian Central Statistical Office to examine whether the quantity and types of foreign direct investment counties have received since 1990 are associated with regional inequality in per capita GDP. We find that foreign capitalists concentrate human‐capital‐intensive investment in already well performing locations because they have similar supply structures to their home economies. We also contend that no measure of institutional modernization is likely to make lagging regions attractive candidates for human‐capital‐intensive investments in the near future. Hence, regardless of the national state's efforts to target development to lagging areas, or the effectiveness of local institutions, lagging regions are likely to remain underdeveloped. We recommend that future field‐based research be conducted to examine the nexus between FDI, the nation state and localities. Unraveling interrelationships between these three political economy sites will expose the causal forces sustaining regional inequalities during post‐socialism.RésuméCet article analyse les facteurs qui expliquent l'inégalité persistante entre régions hongroises lors du passage du socialisme à une économie de marché en 1990. Nous examinons les déterminants de l'inégalité régionale à travers la théorie du secteur moteur qui a servi à expliquer pourquoi certains ex‐pays socialistes ont mieux réussi que d'autres pendant la transition. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à savoir si des régions de Hongrie font mieux que d'autres pour les mêmes raisons que certains ex‐pays socialistes ont eu de meilleurs résultats que leurs homologues. Nous utilisons des données départementales provenant du Bureau central hongrois de la statistique afin d'examiner si la quantité et les types d'investissement direct à l'étranger que les départements ont reçu depuis 1990 sont associés à une inégalité régionale en termes de PIB par habitant. Nous établissons ainsi que les capitalistes étrangers concentrent leur investissement à fort capital humain dans des sites qui présentent déjà de bons résultats, les structures d'approvisionnement étant similaires à celles de leur économie nationale. Nous soutenons également que, dans le court terme, aucune mesure de modernisation institutionnelle ne va sans doute transformer les régions en retard en candidates intéressantes pour des investissements à fort capital humain. En conséquence, quels que soient les efforts de l'État national en vue de développer spécifiquement les zones en décalage, ou l'efficacité des institutions locales, les régions en retard resteront sans doute moins développées. Nous conseillons d'entreprendre à l'avenir des études de terrain afin d'analyser le lien entre IDE, État national et régions. Démêler les relations entre ces trois centres de l'économie politique révélera les forces en cause dans la durabilité des inégalités régionales pendant l'après‐socialisme.

International audience ; Until recently, Côte d'Ivoire mostly appeared as marginal and subaltern on West Africa's Islamic scene. This was due in part to Islam's minority status -- no longer a demographic but still a political reality -- and the lack of visibility of Sufi orders. By contrast, since the 1990s Ivorian Muslim society and its distinctive "reformist" religious culture, represented by a "modern" élite in Abidjan, are becoming increasingly influential in the subregion and beyond. This article explores the socioeconomic, political, and cultural processes behind this transformation as well as the shifting interface between the local and global in Ivoirian Islam. Specific attention is devoted to international migration to Côte d'Ivoire, as the many and mostly Muslim West African immigrants have sometimes played a role of cultural translators in the transmission of Ivorian reformist ideas and modes of community organizations abroad. Out-migration of Ivorian Muslims to the West and particularly to the United States is also considered. The article further explores why the Ivoirian reformist élite first sought to interact with international Islamic organizations based outside the Arab world and Iran and how exchanges of ideas with Muslims based in the West shaped its development in deeply original ways. These movements of people and ideas have contributed to the local dynamism of Ivoirian Islam and its growing transnational influence in French-speaking West Africa and the African Muslim Diaspora in the United States. The conclusion situates this globalization of Ivorian Islam in historical perspective. ; La Côte d'Ivoire a longtemps fait figure de pays marginal et d'importance secondaire sur la scène islamique ouest-africaine, du fait notamment du statut minoritaire de l'Islam -- une réalité qui se situe désormais moins au plan démographique qu'au plan politique - - et de la discrétion des ordres soufis. De manière contrastée, depuis les années 1990, la société musulmane ivoirienne et sa culture religieuse " réformiste ", portée par une élite " moderne " centrée sur Abidjan, gagnent progressivement en influence dans la sous-région et au-delà. Cet article explore les processus socioéconomiques, politiques et culturels à l'œuvre dans cette transformation, ainsi que l'interface entre le local et le global dans l'Islam ivoirien. Les migrations internationales vers la Côte d'Ivoire sont l'objet d'une attention particulière, dans la mesure où les nombreux immigrants ouest- africains, pour la plupart musulmans, ont pu jouer à l'étranger un rôle de traducteurs culturels dans la transmission des idées et du modus operandi propres aux réformistes ivoiriens. L'émigration de musulmans ivoiriens en Occident et en particulier aux Etats- Unis est aussi prise en compte. L'article se demande en outre pourquoi l'élite réformiste ivoirienne s'est efforcée de nouer des contacts avec des organismes islamiques internationaux basés hors du monde arabe et de l'Iran et comment les échanges avec les musulmans d'Occident ont marqué son développement de manière décisive et originale. Ces mouvements d'hommes et d'idées ont contribué au dynamisme local de l'Islam ivoirien et à son rayonnement transnational en Afrique de l'Ouest francophone et dans les milieux de la diaspora africaine musulmane aux Etats-Unis. La conclusion situe cette mondialisation de l'Islam ivoirien dans une perspective historique.

The study of the benedictine priories of the Bas-Maine was managed, in two times, in a geopolitic perspective. The first part of the work considers the apparition of the establishments and analyzes each foundation like a process elongated in the time and very contained : the study explores the historic antecedents et the geographical characteristics of the implantation sites, the sociology of the partners of the monks, and the chronology of their action, which is very similar to the general politic evolution. The analysis of the prioral terminology, relatively fluctuating, conduces to see in the apparition of the term of ¤prior¤ a clue of consolidation of the houses. The second part of the work takes up more specifically with the relation between the prioral fact and the politic world and with the analysis of the relationship between the monks and the aristocrats. In a first phase of association, the priories sanctioned and reinforced the legitimacy of the seigniorial domination of the aristocratic partners; in this regard, they let themselves use in the feudal struggles. At the same time integrated in the gregorian project of monastic transformation of the world, they grew on free seigneuries. At the end of the 11th century and the beginning of the 12th, these prioral seigneuries appeared like rivals to the lay seigneurie, and the relationships between the monks and the aristocrats entered, then, in a phase of disassociation. During the second half of the 12th century the development of the royal power aggravated the relationship between priories and lay seigneurs. ; L'étude des prieurés bénédictins du Bas-Maine est réalisée en deux temps dans une perspective de géographie politique. La première partie du travail envisage l'apparition des établissements et analyse chaque fondation comme un processus étiré dans le temps et très contrôlé : l'étude s'attache ici à présenter les antécédents historiques et les caractéristiques géographiques des sites d¤implantation, la sociologie des partenaires sollicités par les moines et la chronologie de leur action qui, entre 1040 et 1130, recoupe largement l¤évolution politique générale. L'analyse de la terminologie prieurale, relativement fluctuante, incite à voir dans l¤apparition du terme de « prieur » un indice de consolidation des maisons. La seconde partie du travail s¤attache plus spécifiquement à mettre en relation le fait prieural avec le monde politique et à analyser l'évolution des rapports entre les moines et l'aristocratie. Une histoire en deux temps se dessine à cet égard : dans une première phase d'association, les prieurés ont sanctionné et renforcé la légitimité de la domination seigneuriale de leurs partenaires aristocratiques ; dans ce cadre, ils se sont laissés instrumentaliser dans les luttes féodales. Parallèlement intégrés au projet grégorien de monachisation du monde, ils se sont aussi constitués comme des seigneuries libres qui, à la charnière des 11e et 12e siècles, ont paru excessivement concurrencer celles de leurs bienfaiteurs laïcs. Les relations entre les moines et l¤aristocratie sont alors entrées dans une phase de dissociation, tandis que la montée de la puissance royale envenimait également les relations entre les seigneurs laïcs et les prieurés.

The Secovlje Salina, part of the Piran Salinas, is situated on the NE Adriatic coast, at the mouth of the Dragonja River, on the coastline of the Piran Bay. The Secovlje Salina, extended over 6,5 km2, is among the most important natural and cultural heritage sites in Slovenia, and therefore designated as a nature park, Ramsar site, Natura 2000 site and a cultural monument of national importance. The Secovlje Salina Nature Park is the first state-designated protected area in Slovenia where the concession for its management has been given to a business company (SOLINE Salt Production), which is owned by the national biggest mobile phone company (Mobitel d.d.). Management of the area is carried out in accordance with the decree on the establishment of the Nature Park and other legal background and is put into practice through the management plan, approved by the Government of Slovenia. In return for the efforts and investments into protection and management of the area, the private sector management body has been granted with the possibility to exploit part of the income generated from salt-making, tourism and other activities in the area. In the abandoned Fontanigge salt-pans, the Museum of saltmaking was created, which serves educational purposes, in the frame of eco-tourism. By paying regard to natural processes, the management company of the Park provides for the sustainable development of the area. In addition, through the protection of both natural values and of cultural heritage, the company is contributing to increased public awareness of the significance of protecting Secovlje Salina Nature Park. ; La Salina di Secovlje fa parte delle saline di Pirano e si trova sulla costa NE dell'Adriatico, alla foce del fiume Dragonja, nella Baia di Pirano. Si estende per oltre 6.5 km2, è uno dei patrimoni naturali e culturali più importanti della Slovenia ed è stata dichiarata parco naturale, sito Ramsar, sito Natura 2000 e monumento culturale di rilievo nazionale. Il Parco Naturale della Salina di Secovlje è la prima area protetta slovena in cui la concessione per la gestione è stata data ad una società commerciale (SOLINE Salt Production) che è proprietà della compagnia di telefonia mobile più grande della Slovenia (Mobitel d.d.). La gestione dell'area è in ottemperanza con lo statuto del Parco Naturale e con tutto il background legislativo, ed è attuata per mezzo di un piano di gestione approvato dal Governo di Slovenia. I vantaggi derivanti dall'investire nella protezione e gestione dell'area riguardano la possibilità da parte della società privata di sfruttare parte delle entrate dovute alla produzione di sale, al turismo e alle altre attività dell'area. Nelle saline abbandonate di Fontanigge è stato creato il Museo del Sale, che ha scopi educativi ed ecoturistici. Fornendo attenzione ai processi naturali, l'organo gestore favorisce lo sviluppo sostenibile dell'area. Inoltre, attraverso la protezione di valori naturali e del patrimonio culturale, esso contribuisce ad incrementare la coscienza pubblica sul significato di proteggere il parco naturale.