Suchergebnisse

Following the tragic events of the Christchurch shooting on 15th March 2019, New Zealanders projected a national image of hospitality towards Muslim New Zealanders, involving an Islamic call to prayer in Parliament, and women wearing hijab in solidarity – unique public demonstrations of compassion and inclusion. In 2020, the New Zealand government will raise its refugee quota to 1,500 refugees per year as part of its United Nations obligations and remove its race-based aspects [1]. Globally, there are vast displacements of people fleeing persecution and economic oppression [2]. Arguably, despite its small refugee resettlement quota, New Zealand appears hospitable. Yet our study reveals a context within which negative economic, social and political factors dominate policy and practices. It similarly highlights ways in which New Zealand's hospitality towards refugees is paternalistic and interventionist, even if not deliberately [3]. 'Being hospitable' is typically defined as a social relation that accompanies the ideologies and unconditional practices of 'welcome' [4]. As an act of welcome, hospitality gives ethical recognition to the stranger. This practice of hospitality enables and resonates a feeling of belonging and inclusion. However, the intrinsic nature of hospitality may foster exclusion as well as inclusion. The Christchurch incident arose from an act of unwelcome and a false sense of security from authorities as previous discrimination reported by the local refugee Muslim community was ignored. As such, key questions remain about how hospitable New Zealand is to refugees. When refugees are resettled into a destination, refugee-focused service providers (including not-for-profits, community groups and NGOs) offer frontline services to ease refugees' experiences of trauma and marginalisation. They provide advocacy and welcome through reception processes, translation services and multicultural centres. We facilitated a national think tank attended by 34 refugee-focused service providers to examine how they practice a hospitable welcome through their advocacy and frontline services and how the welcome could be improved. Participants identified the need for greater collaboration and communication between refugee-focused service providers to enhance trust, relationships, to enable former refugees to feel safe in voicing their concerns and access services, and to reduce the competition and duplication of service provision in the face of scarce funding. They also recognised the need to increase attention to the notion of welcome and advocacy by adopting practices from non-interventionist actions that draw on the notion of welcome as empathetic, warm and connecting, with minimum rules, and to centre refugee voices with their active participation in policy development, service delivery and social inclusion activities. Participants also advocated continued efforts by the media and wider community to reduce discrimination and negative social dialogue around refugees and to encourage their social inclusion. To achieve these outcomes, participants raised the need to address the important issues of underfunding and strategy underpinning the delivery of refugee-focused service provision. Overall, our findings suggest that beneath the initial welcoming surface, an alternative perspective may be concealed that restricts us from providing a broader inclusive hospitality and welcome into Aotearoa New Zealand. To bridge this potential impasse, a more humanistic approach is potentially required, where refugees actively co-create the critical framing of hospitality [5, 6] to better support their resettlement.

El Caribe posee una amarga historia de violencia estatal (por ejemplo: colonización, violencia de género, racismo, negación de la ciudadanía…), amnesia política y silencios traumáticos. Estas circunstancias aparecen en los trabajos y apariencias públicas de escritores caribeños y escritoras caribeñas, especialmente quienes han nacido en La Española. Este estudio examina las tres fuentes de la violencia y el trauma que permean el pasado y el presente de la población caribeño-americana: la amnesia histórica, la presión política y la dislocación comunitaria. Esto provoca un sentido de desconexión que encuentra en el silencio su principal síntoma de estrés postraumático. Este estudio demuestra que, no obstante, dar voz a la memoria desde la perspectiva de las personas oprimidas y traumatizadas es la mejor herramienta de supervivencia y activismo, pues permite romper con las denominaciones homogenizadoras, como la de Hispano/a, ayudando a las poblaciones caribeñas en los Estados Unidos a reclamar sus identidades rotas. El estudio analiza diversos escritos de Edwidge Danticat (Haití/EEUU) y Junot Díaz (República Dominicana/EEUU), una elección que se basa en sus compromisos políticos y sociales con sus países de origen y sus comunidades diaspóricas en los Estados Unidos. En sus escritos, Danticat y Díaz nos acercan a las verdades escondidas tras las políticas liberales y neoliberales como medio para entender y subvertir la violencia que está causando el tránsito de personas y las consecuencias de las mismas, ofreciéndonos una visión particular de la situación histórico-política, social y económica de Haití y de la República Dominicana respectivamente, así como las circunstancias que determinan las experiencias transnacionales de sus comunidades en Estados Unidos. Gracias a Díaz y Danticat, entenderemos que las posibilidades de los movimientos migratorios suponen una serie de riesgos a asumir que conducirá a una serie de nuevos peligros, ocasionados por los mismos sistemas que provocan la huida. A este fin, se subvertirán los discursos violentos que causan el trauma de la población caribeña en sus territorios de origen, en Estados Unidos y en las fronteras, que suponen un espacio de activismo cuando las personas localizadas aceptan la vulnerabilidad consciente. ; The Caribbean has a bitter history of state violence (colonisation, dictatorships, gender violence, racism, denial of citizenship…), political amnesia and traumatic silences. These circumstances haunt the works of Caribbean writers, especially the ones born in The Hispaniola, as well as their public appearances. This study examines the three sources of violence and trauma that permeate the past and present of Caribbean-American people: historical amnesia, political pressure and community dislocation. It causes a sense of disconnection that takes the form of silence as its main post-traumatic stress disorder symptom. However, this study proves that voicing memory from the perspective of the oppressed and traumatised people is the best surviving and activism tool in order to break with homogeneous labels, such as Hispanic, helping Caribbean populations in the United States claim back their broken identities. The study uses a range of works by Edwidge Danticat (born in Haiti) and Junot Díaz (born in the Dominican Republic), a choice based on their political and social commitment to their countries of origin and their diasporic communities in the United States.

Israel's assassination Tuesday of Hamas official Saleh Arouri in Beirut marks an escalation of Israeli use of lethal force, notwithstanding the fact that Israel already had been conducting military attacks beyond its northern borders, including in Lebanon.
The assassination was carried out with an armed drone that struck a Hamas office and also killed two other Hamas officials and as many as three other persons. The operation risks expansion, in multiple ways, of Israel's war in the Gaza Strip.
In the near term, the greatest chance of further escalation may involve Lebanese Hezbollah. Israel and Hezbollah had already been exchanging artillery and rocket fire along the Israeli-Lebanese border. The drone that killed Arouri struck far from that border, in a portion of southern Beirut that is considered a Hezbollah stronghold.
Hezbollah has not been seeking a new all-out war with Israel. In the last previous such war, in 2006, Hezbollah and Lebanon suffered significant human and material losses. But from the time of its origin, Hezbollah's main claim to popular support has been as a protector of all Lebanese in standing up against Israel. The group may have now been pushed closer to carrying out more of the threats of retaliation it has been voicing since Israel began its assault on Gaza.
As the immediate target of the Israeli operation, Hamas will be looking for ways to retaliate. Arouri was the most senior Hamas figure to be killed since the current round of fighting began in October. He was deputy to exiled Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh and played important roles in the group's financial network and its liaison with Hezbollah.
For the time being, Hamas obviously has its hands full with the fighting in the Gaza Strip. But it probably will seek some action that could be seen as tit-for-tat retaliation for the killing of Arouri. An extraterritorial assassination of Israelis would fit that bill, although that would be difficult for the group to carry out. Israeli security measures have made it more challenging for Hamas to attempt a replay of some of its past asymmetric operations inside Israel, which have included suicide bombings.
Nor does Hamas have Hezbollah's demonstrated ability to conduct such operations elsewhere in the world.
To the extent that Hamas does turn more to that type of bombing and other asymmetric operations, it may foreshadow what the next phase of the Israel-Hamas contest may look like, after Israel's devastation of the Gaza Strip proves unable to realize the declared Israeli objective of "destroying" Hamas.
The role of Iran routinely gets overstated in discussion of the activities of groups allied with it, but any influence it exerts on the likes of Hezbollah and Hamas will be even less in the direction of restraint than it was before this latest lethal Israeli operation. The Iranian regime already was feeling pressure from inside Iran from those who believe it has not sufficiently retaliated for Israel's killing of Sayyed Razi Mousavi, Iran's senior officer in Syria, with an airstrike outside Damascus less than two weeks ago. The parallel between that operation and the assassination of Arouri is too obvious to ignore.
In many ways the killing of Arouri continues Israel's extensive extraterritorial use of force over many years. This has included its sustained bombing campaign in Syria and its much longer program of clandestine overseas assassinations. But in the present context the operation is another signal of the Israeli government's determination to continue the assault on Gaza with no end in sight and with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu having personal and political reasons to keep it going.
It also suggests a low priority Israel is placing on negotiations — in which Arouri reportedly was playing a key role — for any further mutual release of prisoners.
Israel's escalation also puts into perspective its recent announcement that it will withdraw a few of its brigades from the Gaza Strip. The move appears to have more to do with mitigating the effects on the Israeli economy of the mobilization of reserve troops than with any intent to de-escalate the assault on Gaza.

One of the key principles of administrative justice - the rule of law, is analyzed in this article. In other words, the article is devoted to a generalized study of legislation and scientific sources to identify the meaning of the principle of the rule of law as a universal principle of administrative justice. It`s role in the administrative process is outlined. It was noted that this principle is reflected and consolidated not only in the provisions of the Code of Administrative Procedure of Ukraine, but also in other regulations. The different opinions of scientists on the understanding of the principle of the rule of law are analyzed. On the basis of various approaches and identification of different aspects of understanding of the principle of the rule of law in the scientific literature, voicing positions on the impossibility of a thorough definition of its essence, the complexity and complexity of its essence. In accordance with the principle of the rule of law, the law and its norms incorporated in the current legislation are the main regulating factor of social relations, including administrative and procedural ones. The work examines the elements of the rule of law, which are defined as mandatory in accordance with the provisions of the European Commission's Doha «For Democracy through Law». At the same time, the principle of the rule of law is not exhausted only by these requirements and characteristics, as they are constantly evolving and complementing, and the conditions for their observance are also changing.Based on the analysis of the positions of scholars on the content of the rule of law, it was concluded that the principle of the rule of law is a universal and integral principle of administrative proceedings. According to the au-thors, the principle of the rule of law in administrative proceedings provides for the administration of justice with respect for constitutional rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of man and citizen, in order to protect them from wrongful violation and only in accordance with the Constitution and other laws of Ukraine. If the administrative court applies the provisions of legislative or other regulations that unfairly restrict or violate the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of the person, or if they are interpreted in this way, the decision rendered in such a case must be declared invalid. ; У статті проаналізовано один із ключових принципів адміністративного судочинства - верховенство пра-ва. Інакше кажучи стаття присвячена узагальненому дослідженню законодавства та наукових джерел щодо визначення змісту принципу верховенства права як універсальної засади адміністративного судочинства. Визначена його роль в адміністративному процесі. Зазначено, що цей принцип знаходить своє відображення та закріплення не тільки в положеннях Кодексу адміністративного судочинства України, а й в інших норма-тивно правових актах. Проаналізовані різні думки вчених щодо розуміння принципу верховенства права. На підставі різноманітних підходів та виокремлення різних аспектів розуміння змісту принципу верховенства права у науковій літературі, висловлення позицій щодо неможливості досконалого визначення його змісту, доведено комплексність і складність його сутності. Відповідно до принципу верховенства права найголов-нішим регулюючим фактором суспільних відносин, у тому числі і адміністративних процесуальних, є право та втілені у чинному законодавстві його норми.У роботі розглянуті елементи верховенства права, які визначаються обов'язковими відповідно до поло-жень Доповіді Європейської комісії «За демократію через право». Разом з тим принцип верховенства права не вичерпується лише цими вимогами та характеристиками, оскільки вони постійно розвиваються і допов-нюються, змінюються також і умови їх дотримання. На підставі аналізу позицій вчених щодо змісту верховенства права зроблено висновок, що принцип вер-ховенства права є універсальною та невід'ємною засадою адміністративного судочинства. На думку авторів, принцип верховенства права в адміністративному судочинстві передбачає здійснення правосуддя із дотри-манням конституційних прав, свобод і законних інтересів людини і громадянина, з метою їх захисту від про-типравного порушення та виключно у відповідності із вимогами Конституції та інших законів України. У разі застосування адміністративним судом положень законодавчих чи інших нормативно-правових актів, які несправедливо обмежують або порушують права, свободи та законні інтереси особи, або у разі тлумачення їх у такий спосіб, рішення, винесене по такій справі, повинно визнаватися недійсним.

2021 Spring. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; The main purpose of this mixed-method dissertation was to examine the shifting digital news industry, especially in regard to individual and organizational-level autonomy. Specifically, this work responds to calls in media ethics, media sociology, and moral ecology to better understand how organizational structure and individual moral psychology factors influence the levels digital news workers exhibit autonomy within their digital news organization. The autonomous agency of news workers is an essential indicator of how journalism work is fulfilling its role as the fourth estate in American democracy. This dissertation examined how autonomy is either inhibited or enabled by a myriad of factors in the digital news frontier. I worked with the editorial staff at a hyper-local digitally native news organization, The Golden Gate, over the course of one year. I began the research process with a participant observation period. Then a few months later the staff completed a moral psychology-based survey online. My data collection period ended with in-depth participant interviews based on the themes found during the first two phases. My data collection resulted in several themes to answer my research questions concerning the organizational structure, leadership, socialization, and autonomy of The Golden Gate. These themes included company culture (divided into several sub themes), routine and workflow (also divided into several sub themes), individual autonomy, individual processes of growth, organizational autonomy (also divided into several sub themes), and professional autonomy. The first overarching perspective I gained during this study was that the experimental hyper-local journalism model enacted by The Golden Gate digital news organization represented a new wave of digital journalism. The Golden Gate's digital product was a carefully curated newsletter representing a richer take on conveying not just their original reporting, but the story of the city. A second overarching perspective I gained during my research process was seeing the strength of how the moral psychology components informed the media sociological considerations of my research site. The moral psychology survey components teased out the ethical climates of the staff. The highest ranking ethical climate (according to the Ethical Climate Questionnaire results) for The Golden Gate was the social responsibility climate, a climate that speaks to journalistic professional norms of serving the public good. The second highest ranked ECQ was the teamwork climate. These ethical orientations stemmed in part from the company's structuring vision of an audience-first focus, but they also flowed from the staff's strong allegiance to professional journalistic norms, as deciphered from the moral psychology components of my survey. I also found support for my variables. When I examined my data on the variable of The Golden Gate's organizational structure and routines, I found that in some ways, the company practiced traditional news culture. They exemplified high levels of independence in their reporting processes. The routine of the staff needing to divide their time between traditional reporting and public relations roles, however, was where the culture of the organization shifted significantly. They also exemplified a highly collaborative and role sharing work ethic. When I evaluated the leadership structure at The Golden Gate, I found a culture where each staff member was expected to take complete ownership of their role in the company. From the top down, everyone pitched in as needed, and they were all asked to actively participate in money and workflow committees as part of their regular duties. When I evaluated levels of autonomy, The Golden Gate staff exemplified high levels of autonomous agency in nearly every area of their work. Even in collaborative moments, the staff members each contributed their unique strengths and perspectives to get stories out. The staff also expressed a high level of freedom from top-level oversight as they shaped the voicing and coverage of their city. The staff did convey, however, a tension of the audience-first focus as a major driver of what stories they would work on. I also explored future research implications for media ethics, media sociology, and moral psychology, all research paradigms that can offer rich and varied perspectives on the future of digital journalism work.

One of the key principles of administrative justice - the rule of law, is analyzed in this article. In other words, the article is devoted to a generalized study of legislation and scientific sources to identify the meaning of the principle of the rule of law as a universal principle of administrative justice. It`s role in the administrative process is outlined. It was noted that this principle is reflected and consolidated not only in the provisions of the Code of Administrative Procedure of Ukraine, but also in other regulations. The different opinions of scientists on the understanding of the principle of the rule of law are analyzed. On the basis of various approaches and identification of different aspects of understanding of the principle of the rule of law in the scientific literature, voicing positions on the impossibility of a thorough definition of its essence, the complexity and complexity of its essence. In accordance with the principle of the rule of law, the law and its norms incorporated in the current legislation are the main regulating factor of social relations, including administrative and procedural ones. The work examines the elements of the rule of law, which are defined as mandatory in accordance with the provisions of the European Commission's Doha «For Democracy through Law». At the same time, the principle of the rule of law is not exhausted only by these requirements and characteristics, as they are constantly evolving and complementing, and the conditions for their observance are also changing.Based on the analysis of the positions of scholars on the content of the rule of law, it was concluded that the principle of the rule of law is a universal and integral principle of administrative proceedings. According to the au-thors, the principle of the rule of law in administrative proceedings provides for the administration of justice with respect for constitutional rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of man and citizen, in order to protect them from wrongful violation and only in accordance with the Constitution and other laws of Ukraine. If the administrative court applies the provisions of legislative or other regulations that unfairly restrict or violate the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of the person, or if they are interpreted in this way, the decision rendered in such a case must be declared invalid. ; У статті проаналізовано один із ключових принципів адміністративного судочинства - верховенство пра-ва. Інакше кажучи стаття присвячена узагальненому дослідженню законодавства та наукових джерел щодо визначення змісту принципу верховенства права як універсальної засади адміністративного судочинства. Визначена його роль в адміністративному процесі. Зазначено, що цей принцип знаходить своє відображення та закріплення не тільки в положеннях Кодексу адміністративного судочинства України, а й в інших норма-тивно правових актах. Проаналізовані різні думки вчених щодо розуміння принципу верховенства права. На підставі різноманітних підходів та виокремлення різних аспектів розуміння змісту принципу верховенства права у науковій літературі, висловлення позицій щодо неможливості досконалого визначення його змісту, доведено комплексність і складність його сутності. Відповідно до принципу верховенства права найголов-нішим регулюючим фактором суспільних відносин, у тому числі і адміністративних процесуальних, є право та втілені у чинному законодавстві його норми.У роботі розглянуті елементи верховенства права, які визначаються обов'язковими відповідно до поло-жень Доповіді Європейської комісії «За демократію через право». Разом з тим принцип верховенства права не вичерпується лише цими вимогами та характеристиками, оскільки вони постійно розвиваються і допов-нюються, змінюються також і умови їх дотримання. На підставі аналізу позицій вчених щодо змісту верховенства права зроблено висновок, що принцип вер-ховенства права є універсальною та невід'ємною засадою адміністративного судочинства. На думку авторів, принцип верховенства права в адміністративному судочинстві передбачає здійснення правосуддя із дотри-манням конституційних прав, свобод і законних інтересів людини і громадянина, з метою їх захисту від про-типравного порушення та виключно у відповідності із вимогами Конституції та інших законів України. У разі застосування адміністративним судом положень законодавчих чи інших нормативно-правових актів, які несправедливо обмежують або порушують права, свободи та законні інтереси особи, або у разі тлумачення їх у такий спосіб, рішення, винесене по такій справі, повинно визнаватися недійсним.

The evolution of Turkey-UAE relations is studied against the background of a set of problems that characterize the Middle East region. Emphasized on changes in Turkey's foreign policy since 2002 (coming to power of the Justice and Development Party): revival of the ideology of Pan-Turkism (Neo Pan-Turkism), dissemination of neo-Ottomanism ideas, voicing of claims for regional leadership in the Middle East, etc. It is noted that in the course of these processes, Turkey's Middle East policy is increasingly confronted with the interests of both leading international and political actors. Ain region. The UAE has been identified among those countries with which there is increasing dynamics of differences and tensions. The purpose of the study is therefore to examine the points of conflict of interest of Turkey and the UAE, to identify the fundamental differences between the interests of the two countries in the Middle East region, as well as the consequences of conflicts of interests. It is argued that the current relations between Turkey and the UAE are characterized by a changing combination of rather aggressive ideological and geopolitical competition, on the one hand, and situational strategic cooperation, on the other. It is emphasized that the UAE is in the group of opposing states of the current foreign policy of RT Erdoğan. There has been a decrease since the beginning of the Arab Spring on the cooperation between Turkey and the UAE, with the simultaneous increase of inter-state confrontation. This is despite the absence in the UAE, in contrast to many Middle Eastern states, the Ottoman past and tragically coloured historical memory of the Turks. Differences between states are related to the Muslim Brotherhood movement, the 2013 military coup in Egypt, the blockade of Qatar, the creation of a buffer zone in northeastern Syria, competing interests in the Horn of Africa, relations with the parties to the civil war in Libya, etc. Analysing the specifics of Turkey's relations with the UAE suggest that Turkey's departure from the course is building a "Zero Problems with our Neighbors" policy and, consequently, enhancing Turkey's geopolitical isolation. ; Вивчено еволюцію відносин Туреччини та ОАЕ на тлі комплексу проблем регіону Близького Сходу. Акцентовано на змінах зовнішньополітичного курсу Туреччини, починаючи від 2002 р. (прихід до влади Партії справедливості й розвитку): відродження ідеології пантюркізму (неопантюркізм), розповсюдження ідей неоосманізму, озвучення претензій на регіональне лідерство на Близькому Сході, претендування на роль посередника у вирішенні складних регіональних конфліктів і т. ін. Відзначено, що в ході цих процесів близькосхідна політика Туреччини щораз частіше вступає в конфронтацію з інтересами як провідних акторів міжнародної політики, так і країн регіону. ОАЕ визначено серед тих держав, у відносинах із якими наявна висхідна динаміка розбіжностей та напруги. Відтак мета дослідження – вивчення точок зіткнення інтересів Туреччини та ОАЕ, виявлення принципових відмінностей інтересів двох країн у регіоні Близького Сходу, а також наслідків зіткнень цих інтересів. Аргументовано, що нинішні відносини Туреччини й ОАЕ характеризуються мінливим поєднанням доволі агресивної ідеологічної та геополітичної конкуренції, з одного боку, і ситуативної стратегічної співпраці – з іншого. Підкреслено, що ОАЕ є в групі опозиційно налаштованих до нинішнього зовнішньополітичного курсу Р. Т. Ердогана держав. Констатовано зниження від початку «Арабської весни» показників співпраці Туреччини та ОАЕ за одночасного наростання міждержавної конфронтації. Це відбувається попри відсутність в ОАЕ, на відміну від багатьох держав Близького Сходу, османського минулого й трагічно забарвленої історичної пам'яті щодо турків. Відмінності між державами наявні в частині ставлення до руху «Братів-мусульман», військового перевороту 2013 р. у Єгипті, проблеми блокади Катару, створення буферної зони на північному сході Сирії, конкуренції інтересів у країнах Африканського Рогу, відносин зі сторонами громадянської війни в Лівії тощо. Аналіз специфіки відносин Туреччини з ОАЕ дає підставу припустити про відхід Туреччина від курсу на побудову політики «нуль проблем із сусідами», а відтак – посилення геополітичної ізоляції Туреччини.

The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms does not recognize the right to a healthy environment. I argue that a bottom-up approach to recognizing the right to environmental health in the Canadian constitution will lead to more successful and meaningful changes than possible outcomes of other approaches, given the difficulties of constitutional change. The long-term goal of David Suzuki Foundation's "Right to a Healthy Environment" 2014 Initiative is to inspire constitutional negotiation for environmental health rights, and in the short term, to generate awareness that Canadians do not have the right to a healthy environment. To reach these goals at the most local level, I have been asked to reviews progressive environmental bylaw's strengths and weaknesses and evaluate the role of municipal leadership; this includes the lessons that can be drawn from them, in terms of how municipal bylaws or declarations can have cascading effects up levels of government and/or influence provincial or federal policy. Accordingly, I have conducted a literature review and expert interviews, which prove that environmental bylaws or bylaw propositions have both potential strengths (distinctive competencies) and weaknesses. From this foundation I propose, to those involved in bylaw implementation or revision, the following points will increase chances of success. First, create public education campaigns. A number of successful progressive bylaws, including the Toronto Pesticide Act 2009 and Montreal Sustainable Community Planning bylaw 2005, have included an educational phase as a first step. Second, gain support from strong political, social and/or financial institutions such as the Union of British Columbian Municipalities. By doing so, these environmental initiative will have a venue for voicing concerns, increase their abilities to initiate action, and will benefit from the expertise of staff within these organizations. Third, commission for cooperation from stakeholders. Cooperation may occur between various levels of government institutions within Canada, internationally or between non-governmental organizations. Cooperation may facilitate quicker responses, coordination and data availability. In addition, all experts stated cross-functional team cooperation was a key success factor to bylaw implementation. Lastly, to provide suitable resources and expectations; even the most progressive bylaw plan cannot be executed without proper resources and achievable expectations. On the contrary, bylaw weaknesses include systemic weaknesses in power structures (e.g. misaligned goals between municipal, provincial and federal governments and jurisdiction of municipalities); lack in the public's willingness to participate in bylaw regulations; insufficient implementation and enforcement; budget limitations and responsibilities; and case specific obstacles, which should be acknowledged and avoided where possible. The latter bylaw strengths will increase meaningful change by aiding in the short-term goals of implementing progressive environmental bylaws or revising pre-existing bylaws and benefit the long-term goal of incorporating the right to a healthy environment in the Canadian Constitution. On the role of municipal leadership, I inquired on: 1) what motivates city and council to take leadership on a given environmental, 2) what they deem to be successful and unsuccessful when developing bylaws and 3) information on their awareness of any bottom-up successes, or in other words, proven cases of where a local authority took leadership on a given issue. Results show that role requirements, mandates and regional plans; community and environmental needs; best practice cases from other municipal bodies; and comprehensive and integrated approaches are factors that serve to motivate city council in local municipalities to take leadership on environmental health issues. In terms of bottom-up successes, most experts stated examples of bylaws, regulations or local initiatives within their municipality that have been given best practice status from other municipalities within British Columbia and other provinces. This research is intended to inform six Canadian communities with the "Right to a Healthy Environment" community initiative in 2014. Prior to informing these communities I recommend that the David Suzuki Foundation (DSF) conduct an external analysis (e.g. the political, environmental, social, cultural, and technological context), be weary of public motivational factors (e.g. frame the initiative in a way that is clear for how it stands to benefit the public), and lastly, be open to a variety of solutions (e.g. success may come in the revision of a long-standing bylaw or forms other than new bylaw implementation). In pursuit of arguing for environmental rights in Canada's constitution, I intend to stimulate further research on the possible resolutions to barriers within the environmental-health-related bylaw creation and implementation process; from identifying environmental needs and political and citizen interest and motivation, to implementation and enforcement at all levels of government. ; Arts, Faculty of ; Geography, Department of ; Unreviewed ; Undergraduate

This master thesis is set to explore the political discourse and policy implementation of climate change policies in European Union. As the issue of climate change has been on the international agenda since first scientific observations on the effects of the phenomenon discussed on First World Climate Conference in 1979, the era of climate change discourse has originated also on the political field. With growing attention to the issue worldwide, European Union has been present in the agenda setting of policy creation regarding the phenomenon quite vastly. With introduction of Sustainable Development Strategy in 1997, EU has begun its path towards creation of environment which would not threaten future generations with at the time already known consequences from climate change. Therefore, this paper is concentrated on the policies released by the EU in the field, and most importantly examines how discourse of the union is represented in the speeches of commissioners in the field of environment from the year 1999 and international media outlets, namely: "The New York Times" and "The Guardian" from the year 2009. To attain the goal of the thesis, firstly this master paper presents two main approaches to the climate change and how it is viewed and analyzed in the scientific literature. Consequently, this paper analyses the main steps in creating international climate change regime and what were the main successes and failures of it up to this day. What is more, globalization theory of international relations is used as a framework for the further analysis of reasons why and how European Union have built and executed its policies of climate change. Methods which this thesis have used to attain the final goal was mostly concentrated on two aspects. By using mixed research methods, firstly this master thesis uses qualitative scientific literature analysis of approaches relating to climate change and how the regime itself was evolving, as well as this method is used to explore the globalization theory. Secondly, by using quantitative research method, such as discourse and content analysis this paper examines main concepts relating to climate change and the frequency in usage of them in the discourse of EU leaders (European Commission and European Council Presidents). Lastly, this thesis comes to conclusion, that by voicing their fears and action towards the climate change related consequences, European Union is mostly portrayed as being one of the leaders worldwide in the field. While some concerns such as non-efficient or reluctant involvement of some member states is still present and discussed worldwide, overall political discourse and policy implementation of climate change related policies within the EU is being translated and met on the international level positively ; Šio magistro darbo tikslas yra ištirti politinį diskursą ir klimato kaitos politikos įgyvendinimą Europos Sąjungoje. Kadangi klimato kaitos klausimas buvo pradėtas nagrinėti ir įtrauktas į tarptautinę darbotvarkę nuo pirmųjų mokslinių pastebėjimų bei diskusijų apie galimus fenomeno padarinius, aptartus jau pirmojoje pasaulinėje klimato konferencijoje 1979 m., klimato kaitos diskurso era taip pat prasidėjo ir politinėje erdvėje. Skiriant vis daugiau dėmesio šiam klausimui pasaulyje, Europos Sąjunga nebuvo nuošalyje bei taip pat gana svariai prisidėjo prie šio reiškinio politikos kūrimo. 1997 m., įvedus darnaus vystymosi strategiją, ES pradėjo kurti aplinką, kuri stengtųsi nekelti pavojaus dėl tuo metu jau žinomų klimato kaitos padarinių ateities kartoms. Dėl šių priežasčių šiame darbe daugiausia dėmesio skiriama ES politikai klimato kaitos srityje ir, svarbiausia, nagrinėjama, kaip sąjungos diskursas šiuo klausimu yra perteikiamas aplinkos komisarų nuo 1999 m. bei tarptautinėse žiniasklaidos priemonėse: The New York Times "ir" The Guardian " nuo 2009 m. Norint pasiekti darbo tikslą, pirmiausia, šiame magistro darbe pateikiami du pagrindiniai požiūriai į klimato kaitą ir tai, kaip jie yra vertinami ir analizuojami mokslinėje literatūroje. Taip pat, pirmoje darbo dalyje yra analizuojami pagrindiniai žingsniai, naudojami kuriant tarptautinį klimato kaitos režimą bei analizuojama, kokios buvo pagrindinės jo sėkmės ir nesėkmės iki šios dienos. Pirmosios dalies pabaigoje globalizacijos tarptautinių santykių teorija yra naudojama kaip pagrindas tolimesnei priežasčių analizei, aiškinančiai Europos Sąjungos klimato kaitos politikos kūrimą ir vykdymą. Norint pasiekti galutinį šio darbo tikslą, buvo naudojami keli moksliniai tyrimo metodai. Naudojant mišrius tyrimo metodus, magistro darbe pirmiausia atliekama kokybinės mokslinės literatūros analizė, susijusi su klimato pokyčių metodais ir paties režimo raida. Šis metodas naudojamas ir tiriant globalizacijos teoriją. Antra, naudojant kiekybinius tyrimo metodus, tokius kaip diskurso ir turinio analizė, šiame darbe nagrinėjamos pagrindinės su klimato kaita susijusios sąvokos ir jų vartojimo dažnumas ES lyderių (Europos Komisijos ir Europos Vadovų Tarybos pirmininkų) diskurse. Galiausiai, ši tezė prieina prie išvados, kad išreikšdama savo baimes ir vykdydama veiksmus dėl klimato kaitos sukeltų pasekmių, Europos Sąjunga dažniausiai vaizduojama kaip viena iš lyderių visame pasaulyje. Nors kai kurios problemos, tokios kaip neefektyvus kai kurių valstybių narių dalyvavimas ar nenoras prisidėti prie iniciatyvų, vis dar tebėra aktualus ir aptariamas visame pasaulyje, tačiau politinis diskursas ir su klimato kaita susijusios politikos įgyvendinimas ES yra teigiamai vertinamas tarptautiniu lygmeniu ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakultetas ; Politologijos katedra

In recent years, advances in wireless communication technology have led to the widespread use of cellular phones. Because of noisy environmental conditions and competing surrounding conversations, users tend to speak loudly. As a consequence, private policies and public legislation tend to restrain the use of cellular phone in public places. Silent speech which can only be heard by a limited set of listeners close to the speaker is an attractive solution to this problem if it can effectively be used for quiet and private communication. The motivation of this research thesis was to investigate ways of improving the naturalness and the intelligibility of synthetic speech obtained from the conversion of silent or whispered speech. A Non-audible murmur (NAM) condenser microphone, together with signal-based Gaussian Mixture Model (GMM) mapping, were chosen because promising results were already obtained with this sensor and this approach, and because the size of the NAM sensor is well adapted to mobile communication technology. Several improvements to the speech conversion obtained with this sensor were considered. A first set of improvement concerns characteristics of the voiced source. One of the features missing in whispered or silent speech with respect to loud or modal speech is F0, which is crucial in conveying linguistic (question vs. statement, syntactic grouping, etc.) as well as paralinguistic (attitudes, emotions) information. The proposed estimation of voicing and F0 for converted speech by separate predictors improves both predictions. The naturalness of the converted speech was then further improved by extending the context window of the input feature from phoneme size to syllable size and using a Linear Discriminant Analysis (LDA) instead of a Principal Component Analysis (PCA) for the dimension reduction of input feature vector. The objective positive influence of this new approach of the quality of the output converted speech was confirmed by perceptual tests. Another approach investigated in this thesis consisted in integrating visual information as a complement to the acoustic information in both input and output data. Lip movements which significantly contribute to the intelligibility of visual speech in face-to-face human interaction were explored by using an accurate lip motion capture system from 3D positions of coloured beads glued on the speaker's face. The visual parameters are represented by 5 components related to the rotation of the jaw, to lip rounding, upper and lower lip vertical movements and movements of the throat which is associated with the underlying movements of the larynx and hyoid bone. Including these visual features in the input data significantly improved the quality of the output converted speech, in terms of F0 and spectral features. In addition, the audio output was replaced by an audio-visual output. Subjective perceptual tests confirmed that the investigation of the visual modality in either the input or output data or both, improves the intelligibility of the whispered speech conversion. Both of these improvements are confirmed by subjective tests. Finally, we investigated the technique using a phonetic pivot by combining Hidden Markov Model (HMM)-based speech recognition and HMM-based speech synthesis techniques to convert whispered speech data to audible one in order to compare the performance of the two state-of-the-art approaches. Audiovisual features were used in the input data and audiovisual speech was produced as an output. The objective performance of the HMM-based system was inferior to the direct signal-to-signal system based on a GMM. A few interpretations of this result were proposed together with future lines of research. ; La parole silencieuse ou murmurée est définie comme la production articulée de sons, avec très peu de vibration des cordes vocales dans le cas du chuchotement, et aucune vibration dans le cas du murmure, produite par les mouvements et les interactions des organes de la parole tels que la langue, le voile du palais, les lèvres, etc., dans le but d'éviter d'être entendue par plusieurs personnes. La parole silencieuse ou murmurée est utilisée généralement pour la communication privée et confidentielle ou peut être employée par les personnes présentant un handicap laryngé et qui ne peuvent pas parler normalement. Cependant, il est difficile d'employer directement la parole silencieuse (murmurée) pour la communication face à face ou avec un téléphone portable parce que le contenu linguistique et l'information paralinguistique dans le message prononcé sont dégradés fortement quand le locuteur murmure ou chuchote. Une piste récente de recherche est donc celle de la conversion de la parole silencieuse (ou murmurée) en voix claire afin d'avoir une voix plus intelligible et plus naturelle. Avec une telle conversion, des applications potentielles telles que la téléphonie silencieuse " ou des systèmes d'aides robustes pour les handicaps laryngés deviendraient envisageables. Notre travail dans cette thèse se concentre donc sur cette piste.

In Peru's recent History, violence can first be superficially referred to under the name of Shining Path, or synonyms such as « army » and « paramilitary groups ». Chronologically speaking, this violence can be dated from 1980 until 1992–the year when the Maoist group's undisputed leader, AG, was arrested. One way to denounce such violence has been to use a discursive (though originally legal) form: witness statements. All the witness statements gathered over the years of this dirty war (also named « internal conflict ») and over the following years, have made it possible for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (T. R. C., established in 2003) to highlight mechanisms owing to both the experience of violence and the voicing of such experience. The reality of these decades of terror therefore triggered two reactions: first, a political, journalistic and legal reaction–for example, the committee chaired by MVL in 1984, after some journalists were murdered in Uchurracay; then, an artistic and literary reaction often taking a distance with historical chronology. In both cases, witness statement is the form chosen to best express such commitment. The writing of Peruvian authors, relying on national context, thus wishes to inform the reader through the use of more or less reliable historiographical, journalistic, political and/or personal data. It further intends to ponder over the credibility of politics, the legitimacy of power, and human resistance. The selection from these works we have made in our corpus wishes to question the literary forms such violence can take. Writing in prose, in verse and under the form of comic books, the authors express on the one hand the necessity to say what was seen or heard–the witness of this History often becomes in this case the protagonist of the work – but also, on the other hand, the necessity to guide the reader through the fiction itself. Our selection thus includes ten established or relatively unknown authors whose work partly tackles such issue: three novelists, Mario Vargas Llosa (Lituma en los Andes, 1993), Alonso Cueto (La hora azul, 2005) and Santiago Roncagliolo (Abril rojo, 2007), and three short-story writers, Julián Pérez (Los alzados, 1986), Pilar Dughi (El cazador, 1989) and Sócrates Huaita Zuzunaga (Ayataki, 1989). Poetry is represented through the work of Rodrigo Quijano (Una procesión entera va por dentro, 1998), Rocío Silva Santisteban (Las hijas del terror, 2005) and Luis Rodríguez Castillo (El monstruo de los cerros, 2005), and the comic book we have selected is that of Jesús Cossío, Alfredo Villar and Luis Rossell (Rupay, 2008). ; Dans une approche superficielle de l'Histoire péruvienne récente, la violence a d'abord eu pour nom Sentier Lumineux ; elle s'appelle aussi « armée » et « groupes para-militaires ». Chronologiquement, elle peut être située entre 1980 et 1992 (date de l'arrestation d'Abimael Guzmán, le leader incontesté du groupe maoïste). Une façon de dénoncer cette violence a été de faire appel à une forme discursive dont le premier sens est juridique : le témoignage. Les témoignages, alors réunis du temps de cette guerre sale (appelée aussi « conflit interne ») et dans les années qui ont suivi, ont permis à la Commission de la Vérité et de la Réconciliation (C.V.R., créée en 2001) de mettre en évidence des mécanismes qui tiennent autant à cette expérience de la violence qu'à une mise en mots de cette expérience. La réalité de ces décennies de terreur engendre donc deux réactions. Une réaction politique, journalistique et juridique (par exemple, la commission présidée par Mario Vargas Llosa en 1984, après le massacre de journalistes à Uchuraccay), d'abord. Ensuite, une réaction artistique et littéraire, souvent en décalage par rapport à la chronologie historique. Dans tous les cas, on pourrait dire que le témoignage est une forme privilégiée de ce dire. Ainsi, l'écriture des écrivains péruviens, empreinte du contexte national, tente d'informer le lecteur à l'aide de données historiographiques, journalistiques, politiques et/ou personnelles plus ou moins avérées, et au-delà cherche à réfléchir sur la crédibilité du politique, sur la légitimité du pouvoir, sur la permanence de l'Humain. Dans la plupart de ces œuvres, dont notre corpus est un échantillon, nous nous interrogeons sur les formes littéraires que peut prendre cette violence. Mêlant prose, vers et bande dessinée, on trouve chez les auteurs, d'une part, la nécessité de dire ce que l'on a vu ou entendu -le témoin de cette Histoire s'impose donc souvent comme protagoniste de l'œuvre littéraire- mais aussi, d'autre part, la nécessité de guider le lecteur dans la fiction proposée. Pour ce faire, nous avons choisi dix auteurs, consacrés ou relativement inconnus, dont une partie de l'œuvre traite de cette problématique. Ce sont les romanciers Mario Vargas Llosa (Lituma en los Andes, 1993), Alonso Cueto (La hora azul, 2005) et Santiago Roncagliolo (Abril rojo, 2007). Dans le domaine de la nouvelle, nous avons retenu aussi trois auteurs : Julián Pérez (« Los alzados », 1986), Pilar Dughi (« El cazador », 1989) et Sócrates Huaita Zuzunaga (« Ayataki », 1989). Quant à la poésie, elle est représentée ici par Rodrigo Quijano (Una procesión entera va por dentro, 1998), Rocío Silva Santisteban (Las hijas del terror, 2005) et Luis Rodríguez Castillo (El monstruo de los cerros, 2005). Enfin, nous avons sélectionné la bande dessinée de Jesús Cossío, Alfredo Villar et Luis Rossell (Rupay, 2008).

In this thesis, the first study of its kind, the role of internet specially that of social networking shared devices on web 2.0 is analyzed in the process of emergence of Public Sphere – the notion introduced by Habermas, and ultimately in the process of democratization of civil society in Pakistan. Lawyers' Movement (March 2007 – March 2009) of Pakistan is selected to analyze this role as this successful movement for the rule of law in the country is solely responsible for a fundamental democratic change in the democratic culture and socio-political set up of Pakistan by bringing a vibrant and active civil society in the lime light of country's political and social life.The content in Pakistani press and social communication content in blogs on blog sites during the course of and related to Lawyers' Movement are analyzed using the technique of content analysis as defined by Lasswell Harold, focusing mainly on the content of communication (said what?) for a qualitative as well as quantitative analysis.The fundamental questions of the emergence of Public Sphere with the help of internet found to be true as it enhances the circle and forum of national public debate to the ones who had not been able to take part in it at the same level via the traditional means of mass communication, confirming the concept of Enhanced Public Sphere with the advent of internet presented by Cardon and also the concept of more participative democracy by Oberdorff by providing a platform to the educated middle class for voicing their opinion and ultimately filling the gap between the common people and intelligentsia of the society and taking active part in democratization of the society. The subsequent findings of the study reveal that there exists a freedom of expression not only on the internet but in the Pakistani press as well, that there is a link between the discussion in the press and in blogs and this discussion is concurrent, that internet has not yet presented itself as an alternate and better source for the flow of information confirming the criticism of Breton on the cult of internet and that the internet is instead behaving as complementary to the traditional media. ; Cette recherché a pour objectif d'analyser le rôle d'internet au Pakistan et plus particulièrement son rôle dans l'émergence de la société civile pakistanaise. L'émergence de cette société civile peut-être vue comme un des facteurs de la politisation et de la démocratisation de la société. La société pakistanaise a besoin d'être éduquée, guidée afin que les principes démocratiques soient mieux connus, plus réels et que le pays s'engage plus fermement dans la voie démocratique. L'intelligentsia est engagée dans ce travail depuis longtemps, utilisant les moyens traditionnels de la communication de masse la presse, la radio et la télévision mais la société civile ne peut se réduire aux élites et notamment aux intellectuels, les autres catégories sociales doivent participer au processus, notamment la classe moyenne. Une des conditions de la démocratisation de la société nous semble devoir passer par un élargissement de la société civile, afin de combler l'écart entre les élites et les catégories les plus modestes de la population. Il faut garder à l'esprit que le Pakistan est gouverné depuis sa création d'une manière oligarchique par les militaires même si quelques gouvernement civils animés par des partis politiques ont aussi existé. Mais peu d'études ont été consacrées à la société civile pakistanaise, les études existantes se sont souvent focalisées sur les questions économiques ou sur la chronologie mouvementée de l'histoire politique du Pakistan. Le rôle des médias au sein de la société civile n'a pas non plus donné lieu à des études. C'est pourquoi nous nous sommes intéressés dans cette thèse à l'émergence de la société civile, à ses liens avec la vie politique et le rôle joué par internet dans la politisation de la société pakistanaise. La situation du Pakistan est sensiblement différente de celles des pays arabes qui viennent juste de connaître le « printemps arabe ». Le Pakistan est un de ces nouveaux pays nés de l'effondrement de l'empire colonial britannique, né après un long combat mené par les leaders politiques pakistanais. Sa première constitution a été élaborée 9 ans après l'indépendance et les premières élections démocratiques ont leu lieu. Il a alors connu 4 coups d'Etat dont le dernier a pris fin en 2008 avec les élections de février et l'abdication du régime militaire en août. En dépit de ces obstacles dans le processus démocratique, le pays s'est toujours mobilisé contre les dictateurs, même si les dictateurs ont cherché à légitimer leur pouvoir en s'appuyant sur des référendums et en cherchant le soutien de la Cour suprême. Depuis sa création, le Pakistan a néanmoins des valeurs et une culture démocratiques à la différence de certains pays du printemps arabes qui n'avaient pas de constitution démocratique, qui ont été gouvernés pas des dictatures ou des régimes monarchiques sans interruption. Au Pakistan, la lutte en faveur de la démocratie n'est pas nouvelle, la société a été familiarisée avec une constitution démocratique, ce qui rend la notion de société civile différente de celles de bon nombre de pays arabes.

Americans give higher priority to countering the power and influence of Russia and China and finding a solution to the conflict between Israel and Palestinians than they did six years ago, according to a new survey released Tuesday by the Pew Research Center.Conversely, policies aimed at promoting human rights, protecting refugees, and strengthening the United Nations are not as compelling to many citizens as they were in 2018, according to the survey, which was conducted during the first week of April.At the same time, the survey of 3,600 adults found big differences of opinion between respondents who identified as Democrats and Republicans or as leaning toward either party, and between younger and older respondents of what they consider to be "top priorities" for long-term U.S. foreign policy aims.Democrats and younger participants in the survey were far more likely to rate climate change, defending human rights, and reducing U.S. military commitments overseas as "top priorities." Republicans and older voters, by contrast, were far more likely to rate containing China and Iran, supporting Israel, and "maintaining the U.S. military advantage over all other countries" as "top priorities."At the same time, the survey found that foreign policy did not appear to be as important to the general public this year as it appeared five years ago. Asked which is "more important for President Biden to focus on," 83% of respondents identified "domestic policy" over "foreign policy" (14% ). Asked the same question with respect to former President Trump in July 2019, respondents favored "domestic policy" by a narrower margin – 74% to 23%. A second poll of the same respondents released by Pew Tuesday found that views of the United Nations have become somewhat more negative over the past year, with only a slight majority (52%) voicing an overall "favorable" opinion of the world body, down from 57% one year ago. As in the "priorities" survey, the poll found major differences in political and age differences in opinions about the U.N., with Democrats and Democratic-leaning and younger respondents having significantly more favorable views than their Republican and older counterparts. The poll also found that respondents with more education were also more likely to have a favorable opinion of the U.N. than less educated respondents, although the differences were not nearly as great as the partisan and age gaps.In the first survey, respondents were asked to rate a total of 22 long-range foreign policy goals by whether they should be considered "top priority," "some priority," and "no priority." Of the 22 goals listed this year, six had not been listed in previous surveys by Pew, so comparisons with past sentiment could not be made. Three of the new goals – "strengthening NATO," "supporting Israel," and "supporting Ukraine" – were directly relevant to ongoing conflicts that have dominated headlines but were far less salient three years ago when Pew last conducted a "priorities" poll.As in previous surveys of this kind, particularly since 9/11, two of the three goals that were rated "top priority" the most respondents were "taking measures to protect the U.S. from terrorist attacks" (73%) and "preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction" (63%). "Reducing the flow of illegal drugs into our country" – a new goal not previously listed – was rated as a "top priority" by 64% of respondents (although only 34% of the youngest respondents (18-29 years old) agreed with that assessment).Other goals that were rated by a majority as a "top priority" included "maintaining the U.S. military advantage over all other countries" (53%), "reducing the spread of infectious diseases"(52%), "limiting the power and influence" of Russia (50%) and China (49%). The biggest differences between the latest "top priority" goals and those that Pew found in 2018 included containing China's influence and power, which rose from 32% six years ago to 49% ; finding a solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict (from 18% to 29%); and containing Russia (from 42% to 50%). Support for maintaining U.S. military primacy also rose by a more modest 4% over the six years, although the goal of "getting other countries to assume more of the costs of maintaining world order," also rose two points to 42%.The survey also bolstered the notion that younger Americans are significantly more idealistic than their older counterparts. Besides the goal of staunching the flow of illegal drugs, differences of 40 percentage points or more between the pool of respondents aged 18-29 and the oldest group (65 and older) were found with respect to containing China (28% versus 72%), "limiting the power and influence of Iran" (17% versus 61%), and maintaining U.S. military primacy (31% versus 71%). The youngest respondents were also considerably less concerned about containing Russia and North Korea, and "supporting Israel" was rated a "top priority" by only 7% of the youngest group.Partisan differences were often almost as great, although the 55-percentage point gap between Democrat- and Republican-inclined respondents over "dealing with climate change" as a "top priority" (70% versus 15%) was particularly dramatic. Gaps of 20% or more were found on "supporting Israel" (8% Democratic versus 39% Republican), reducing illegal drugs (51% versus 79%), maintaining military primacy (41% versus 68%, "supporting Ukraine" (37% versus 12%), aiding refugees (30% versus 7%), fighting diseases (63% versus 41%), defending human rights (36% versus 15%), getting other countries to bear costs of maintain world order (54% versus 33%), strengthening the UN (40% versus 20%), and containing Iran (29% versus 49%).

External sanctions are one of the most commonly used foreign policy tools to confront states' undesired behavior and to support democracy as well as human rights. The literature has recurrently identified the impact of sanctions on domestic opposition movements as crucial for such measures' effectiveness. Yet, sanctions research still lacks a detailed understanding of the processes leading to the so-called internal opposition effect of international sanctions. Accordingly, this dissertation examines how and under which conditions domestic opposition is enabled by external sanctions. To address this question, a theoretical framework that integrates insights from two strands of literature that have not been systematically brought together thus far, sanctions research and social movement theory, is developed. In addition to traditional deprivation-based and political opportunity approaches for studying domestic contestation, it highlights how sanctions' signals of regime disapproval and opposition support create perceived opportunities for the voicing of dissent, particularly if communicative linkages between the sanctions senders and the targeted states' societies exist. In contrast to earlier studies, the hypotheses delineate the interplay of these explanatory approaches instead of understanding them as competitive. Empirically, the dissertation employs a multi-method research design that integrates fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), process tracing and structured, focused comparison in an epistemologically coherent way. First, an fsQCA is conducted on the basis of a comprehensive database that covers all 75 EU, US, UN and regional sanctions regimes imposed on Sub-Saharan African countries between 1990 and 2012. Four combinations of conditions that lead to an increase in anti-government activity in regimes under sanctions are identified. In addition to confirming previous knowledge about the importance of deprivation, linkage, and a minimum degree of political openness for anti-regime mobilization, a novel mechanism highlighting the interplay of sanctions' socio-economic consequences and signals is identified. The analysis passes five fundamental robustness checks. Second, two process-tracing analyses serve to reconstruct the causal mechanisms behind the novel configuration, which inter alia explains the trajectory of the opposition movements in Burundi and Zimbabwe according to the fsQCA. The case studies are based on a total of 79 elite interviews conducted during field research in both countries and additional document analyses. The case of Burundi confirms that signals of regime disapproval encourage anti-regime actors domestically. However, sanctions failed to instigate popular mobilization through the creation of socio-economic hardship because regime-critical forces lacked organizational capacities and key constituencies were shielded from the embargo's adverse financial consequences. The Zimbabwe case study also shows that the sanctions' signals of support for protestors and the major opposition party MDC motivated regime-critical actors. As regards the deprivation-based explanation, how the opposition framed the sanctions' socio- economic repercussions rather than their 'tangible' effects appear to be the crucial mechanism. Third, the two case studies are contrasted through a structured, focused comparison, which demonstrates how the power-sharing agreements signed both in Zimbabwe and Burundi affected the sanctions' signaling dimension. Most importantly, power-sharing agreements (re- )legitimize the incumbent regime and thereby undermined the signals of regime disapproval conveyed by sanctions. Moreover, sanctions succeeded in encouraging the broader population in Zimbabwe, where strong societal ties to the sanctions senders exist, whereas the message of regime disapproval and opposition support only reached the well-connected political elite in Burundi. The dissertation concludes by critically reflecting its limits and the findings' generalizability. Finally, policy implications are sketched. To convey coherent signals, coordination among sanctions senders as well as between different foreign policy instruments and monitoring the domestic sanctions discourse within the targeted regime are of key importance. ; Externe Sanktionen sind eines der am häufigsten verwendeten außenpolitischen Instrumente, um auf unerwünschtes Verhalten anderer Staaten zu reagieren und Demokratie sowie Menschenrechte zu fördern. Die Sanktionsliteratur hat die Auswirkungen von Sanktionen auf innerstaatliche Oppositionsbewegungen wiederholt als entscheidend für die Wirksamkeit solcher Maßnahmen charakterisiert. Dennoch fehlt ein detailliertes Verständnis der Prozesse, die interne Oppositionsbewegungen in sanktionierten Staaten stärken. Dementsprechend untersucht die Dissertation, wie und unter welchen Bedingungen internationale Sanktionen internen Oppositionsbewegungen Handlungsspielräume eröffnen. Um diese Frage zu beantworten wird ein theoretisches Framework entwickelt, das systematisch Erkenntnisse der bisher überwiegend voneinander isolierten Forschung zu Sanktionen und zu sozialen Bewegungen verbindet. Neben den traditionellen Erklärungsansätzen, welche die Bedeutung von sozioökonomischer Deprivation und politischen Möglichkeitsstrukturen betonen, wird herausgearbeitet, wie Sanktionssignale wahrgenommene Möglichkeiten für regimekritische Akteure schaffen, vor allem wenn kommunikative Verflechtungen (Linkage) zwischen den Sanktionssendern und der Gesellschaft der Sanktionsziele bestehen. Im Gegensatz zu früheren Studien unterstreichen die Hypothesen das Zusammenspiel dieser verschiedenen Erklärungsfaktoren anstatt sie als konkurrierend zu verstehen. Empirisch wird ein Multimethodenansatz angewandt, der Processtracing, qualitativ- vergleichende Analyse (fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, fsQCA) und die Methode des strukturiert-fokussierenden Vergleichs in epistemologisch kohärenter Weise kombiniert. Als Erstes wird eine fsQCA-Analyse durchgeführt auf der Grundlage eines Datensatzes, der alle 75 seitens der EU, US, UN und Regionalorganisationen zwischen 1990 und 2012 gegen Länder in Subsahara-Afrika verhängten Sanktionsregimen umfasst. Die fsQCA identifiziert vier Kombinationen von Bedingungen, die zu einem Anstieg regimekritischer Aktivitäten in sanktionierten Regimen führen. Diese bestätigen die bisherige Forschung zur Bedeutung von Linkage, einem Mindestmaß an politischer Offenheit und Deprivation für die Mobilisierung von Dissens. Außerdem wird ein neuer Mechanismus identifiziert, der auf dem Zusammenspiel von sozioökonomischer Deprivation und Sanktionssignalen beruht. Die Robustheit der Analyse wird durch fünf Tests validiert. In einem zweiten Schritt werden die kausalen Mechanismen hinter der für die Fallstudien Burundi und Simbabwe entscheidenden Konfiguration, die ein Zusammenspiel von Deprivation und Sanktionssignalen postuliert, mithilfe der Processtracing-Methode nachgezeichnet. Die Analyse basiert auf Eliteninterviews, die während der Feldforschung in beiden Ländern geführt wurden, und zusätzlicher Dokumentenanalyse. Der Fall Burundi bestätigt, dass regimekritische Sanktionssignale die Opposition stärken. Die sozioökonomischen Folgen des Embargos führten jedoch nicht zu Massenprotesten, da regimekritische Kräfte nicht über ausreichende organisatorische Kapazitäten zur Mobilisierung verfügten und es der Regierung außerdem gelang, entscheidende Unterstützergruppen vor den negativen Folgen der Sanktionen zu schützen. Die Simbabwe-Fallstudie bestätigt, dass Sanktionen, die Unterstützung für Demonstranten und die Oppositionspartei MDC signalisierten, regimekritische Akteure stärkten. Hinsichtlich des Deprivationsmechanismus scheint jedoch der Diskurs über die (vermeintlichen) Sanktionsfolgen entscheidend zu sein und nicht deren "greifbare" Auswirkungen. Drittens werden die beiden Fallstudien auf der Grundlage eines strukturiert-fokussierenden Vergleichs kontrastiert. Dieser zeigt, wie Machtteilungsabkommen in beiden Ländern die Signalwirkung der Sanktionen unterminierten. Solche Abkommen legitimieren das herrschende Regime und konterkarierten so die durch Sanktionen gesendeten Signale der Missbilligung. Außerdem zeigt der Vergleich, dass die Sanktionssignale nur in Simbabwe die breitere Bevölkerung erreichten, da enge soziale Bedingungen und Kommunikationskanäle zu den Sanktionssendern existierten, während in Burundi lediglich die gut vernetzte politische Elite erreicht wurde. Die Zusammenfassung reflektiert Grenzen der Forschungserkenntnisse und die Generalisierbarkeit der Ergebnisse kritisch. Abschließend werden Politikempfehlungen skizziert. Um kohärente Sanktionssignale zu senden, sind die Koordination verschiedener Sanktionssender, die Abstimmung zwischen verschiedenen Politikinstrumenten sowie ein genaues Monitoring der Sanktionsdebatte im Zielland entscheidend.

Useiden tutkimusten mukaan köyhyys lisääntyy kehittyvissä maissa, erityisesti Etelä-Aasiassa, jossa asuu noin 40 % koko maailman köyhistä. Erityisesti Nepalissa ongelma on polttava. Tätä ongelmaa yrittävät poistaa monet valtiot, yritykset ja kansalaisjärjestöt. Tässä tutkimuksessa keskitytään kansalaisjärjestöjen rooliin köyhyyden poistamispyrkimyksissä. Se on ensimmäisiä tutkimuksia, joissa kysymystä analysoidaan mikrotasolla, kyläyhteisöissä. Tutkimus keskittyy erityisesti siihen, ovatko juuri kansalaisjärjestöt ja niiden toimintapolitiikat tehokkaita köyhyyden eliminoimisessa. Tutkimuksessa oli mukana kaksi huomattavaa kansainvälistä kansalaisjärjestöä, joiden toimintaa analysoitiin Markhun ja Hekulin kylissä Nepalissa. Useiden toisiaan täydentävien kvalitatiivisten menetelmien avulla rakennettiin kokonaiskuvaa kansalaisjärjestöjen roolista kohdekylissä. Aineistoa täydennettiin kyselyn avulla. Lisäksi haastateltiin kehitysasioista vastaavia valtion virkamiehiä. Tutkimustulokset tuottavat kansalaisjärjestöjen roolista moniaineksisen kuvan. Niiden merkitys puhtaasti taloudellisessa mielessä on marginaalinen. Sen sijaan niiden rooli tiedostamisen ja muutoksen mahdollisuuden ymmärtämisessä on huomattava. Kansalaisjärjestöt pystyvät myös toimimaan muutosagentteina. Erityisesti ne ovat onnistuneet naisten roolin muutosmahdollisuuksien osalta. Kansalaisjärjestöjen toiminnan tulosten kestävyyttä haittaavat eräät ongelmat. Ne yrittävät "tavoittaa kaiken" kylätoiminnassa, mutta eivät aina osaa löytää todellisia taloudellisen kehityksen muutosmahdollisuuksia. Kansalaisjärjestöt kykenevät luomaan positiivisia asenteita säästämiseen, kehitysmahdollisuuksiin jne., mutta eivät välttämättä kykene organisoimaan kestävän kehityksen institutionaalisia edellytyksiä. Yleisesti voidaan tutkimustulosten perusteella arvioida, että kansalaisjärjestöt ovat tehokkaimmillaan ruohonjuuritason ajattelutapojen ja asenteiden herättelyssä. Niiden oma toimintakapasiteetti kuitenkin kaipaisi huomattavaa kehittämistä. ; Several recent studies indicate an alarming increase in the level of poverty in developing countries, particularly in South Asia where 40 percent of the world's poor live. Nepal's poverty problem is more pervasive than most of the South Asian countries, which has been stood as one of the major challenges. To eliminate this problem, the role of various organizations - government, private and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are considered vital. This study is first of its kind to analyse the relationship between NGOs and livelihood issue particularly at the micro-level, i.e., of the village communities. Thus, this study intends to discuss whether NGOs are good institutional and operational options for improving livelihood of the poor people in the Nepalese context. For this, it was designed to see the roles played by the NGOs for handling poverty issues. The study also aims to review the existing policies on NGOs in the improvement of livelihood of the targeted population. This research focuses on livelihood issues, and explores how the findings can best be applied in the amelioration of livelihood both at the conceptual and practical levels. To study the role of NGOs, PLAN International and Backward Society Education (BASE) were selected. These NGOs were working in Markhu, and Hekuli villages located in the mid-hills and southwest part of the country respectively. For this, various methods such as Participatory Research Appraisal (PRA), household survey and interview methods were employed. Some of the selected groups were involved at PRA exercise, while selected household representatives were administered a survey questionnaire. Some key persons from among the government, NGOs and beneficiaries were interviewed to discuss on the research issue. Apart from these, relevant literatures were reviewed to address livelihood issues. The NGOs in question show a mixed picture. Awareness-creation activities have more positive impact on the livelihood condition of the people than the actual income-generating activities. The study also reveals that the NGOs act as change agents to the organisational landscape at grassroots level by organising the people, particularly women. Naturally, such a group approach recognises the key role of women in the household and in society, facilitating their access to resources and thereby contributing to livelihood. This has a good effect on community participation, and in voicing and addressing women's needs. From the gender perspective, NGOs contribute to raising the general status of women, help in realising economic rights, and enhancing new roles to some extent. The income-generating activities put more emphasis on distribution of cash/kind inputs rather than developing human resources, entrepreneurial know-how, and markets. One positive indication was that people have been adopting saving habits, however, the level of credits as against the size of saving was quite far below. This indicates that NGOs have not been successful in stimulating local initiatives for meeting the livelihood of people. As many of the target beneficiaries are deprived and unable to voice their demands, NGOs often define their needs, which represent their own values, interests, and priorities. This situation constrained the NGOs in question by creating demand-led development initiatives. Therefore, there was a common tendency among poor people to seek handouts, thus creating dependency and complaisance instead of creativity and independence. The catch-all approach taken by NGOs was not without shortfall. They lack focus in potential areas of success and more needy areas of action. NGOs often diversify their activities as per their resource collection strategy from foreign grants/supports. This leads to a dependency syndrome by the intervening NGOs themselves, raising question for their long-term sustainability. NGOs as development partners of the government have not been reflected in policy commitment. Lack of clear direction for the functions that should be carried out through NGOs, absence of incorporation of NGOs' income generation activities in the governmental plans and programmes, and lack of co-ordination and monitoring and evaluation of NGO activities are some of the policy shortcomings to streamline the NGOs in the livelihood improvement process. Based on the about findings, it can be said that NGOs can be a better institutional option for the improvement of livelihood only in certain conditions. They must select only those activities that are feasible for intervention at the grassroots level, and which can be managed easily. Similarly, it also requires smooth collaboration and co-ordination among intervening organisations that are working for the same purpose to create a synergy of efforts for implementing different activities successfully. NGOs should also develop their own capability for utilising local resources and implementing their programmes more effectively.