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Issue 45.3 of the Review for Religious, May/June 1986. ; REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS (ISSN 0034-639X), published every two months, is edited in collaboration with the faculty members of the Department of Theological Studies of St. Louis University. The editorial offices are located at Room 428:3601 Lindell Blvd., St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. REview ~oR RELIGIOUS is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute of the Society of Jesus, St. Louis, MO. © 1986 by R~v~w ~oR RELiGiOUS. Composed, printed and manufactured in U,S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, MO. Single copies: $2.50. Subscription U.S.A. $11.00 a year; $20.00 for two years. Other countries: add $4.00 per year (postage). Airmail (Book Rate) $18.00 per year. For subscription orders or change of address, write REVtEW FOIt RELIGIOUS: P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, MN 55806. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Dolores Greeley, R.S.M. Iris Ann Ledden, S.S.N.D. Richard A. Hill, S.J. Jean Read Editor Associate Editor Review Editor Contributing Editor Assistant Editor May/June, 1986 Volume 46 Number 3 Manuscripts, books for review and correspondence with the editor should be sent to REVIEW I~UGtOUS; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd., St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the department "Canonical Counsel" should be addressed to Richard A. Hill, S.J.; J,S.T.B.; 1735 LeRoy Ave.; Berkeley, CA 94709. Back issues and reprints should be ordered from REVIEW Folt RELIGIOUS; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. "Out of print" issues and articles not published as reprints are available from University Microfilms International; 300 N. Zeeb Rd.; Ann Arbor, MI 48106. A major portion of each issue is also available on cassette recordings as a service for the visually impaired. Write to the Xavier Society for the Blind; 154 East 23rd Street; New York, NY 10010. Our Lady of Wisdom Donald Macdonald, S.M.M. ,, Father Macdonald's "The Price of Poverty" appeared in this year's January/February issue. Last May/June saw another Marian article by Father Macdonald entitled "Mary: Our Encouragement in Christ." Father's address rdmains: St. Joseph's: Welling-ton Road: Todmorden: Lancashire OLI4 5HP: England. ~ recall being kindl~, received in a convent, but the longer I stayed there the more uncomfortable I felt, because for apparently aesthetic and liturgical reasons ~there was no room in the chapel for a statue or picttire of Our Lady. It was frankly embarrassing to pass Our Lady presiding over a hymn-board ~n the corridor outside while i was free to go into the chapel without a blush. It°made no sense. One should not exaggerate the place of Our .Lady but neither should she be underrated. So, in a generally compli-mentary book-review, the reviewer remarked that while the author rightly spol~e of devotion to Our "Lady as inseparably part of Christian life he "rather overstresses the idea of Marian m'~sticism." One wonders how he knows that, since mysticism touches levels of e~perience much of which must be left unsaid. Can anyone throw a tight ring around personal expe-rience particularly at those depths? On the day his engagement was announced, G. K. Chesterton wrote the woman he was to marry that "I think it is no exaggeration to say that I never s~iw you in my life without thinking that I underrated you the time before." t This is a superb compliment for anyone to receive, especially from a mindsas rich as Chesterton's. Clearly he saw depths in the girl 321 ~122 / Review for ReligiouMs, ~Iiy-June, 1986 unseen by her butcher or dressmaker. Lo~,e, presumably,' gave him the necessary insight: Such God-gi~en insight is needed to understand anything of Our Lady in the providen.~e of God, particularly if we accept that "insight is an attempt to think in the present a. .breakthrough requiring much intellectual d~smanthng a, nd dislocationa .c.c.ompanied by a sense of surprise., genuine perception . He who thinks that we can see the same object twice has never seen. Paradoxically, insight is knowledge at first sight." 2 This is surely borne out by experience. Father Peyramale, the parish priest of Lourdes, knew more ,of the faith than Bernadette Soub~rous, just ¯ as the superiors of the novice Catherine Labour+ had a wider experience of religiouslife than did she. NO ldoubt, too, biblical scholars in the time of Th~r'ese Martin knew more al6out Scripture than she did, but who today among the contemporaries of!those three girls could claim to approach their insights into the ways of God? Can anyone quantify their subsequent influence for God and for g~od? One spoke patois, another not 9t all publicly .u.ntil shortly before she died; while the third wrote of what she knew in three note-books onl~ because she was as.ked to. Eacti of these women's lives was illumined by a vision of Our Lady who left her distinctive mark on all three, not least in their wholly sane, understated, selfless lives. What Bernadettelsaid of herself could be said of all of them including Our Lady "When 3~ou have finished with the brush you put it behind the door"--except th~at God has other plans. Their influence widens. The risk for thee c,ontempor~ry religious might be in leaving "the brush behind the door." What has been called "chronological snobbery" can obtain here to3. The insights of the latter part of the twentieth century are assumed to be superior to thos~ of peasant, country or middle-class ,y, oung women in nineteenth~entury France. Following the sam~ ~qogic, Our Lady can be dismissed as possil inevitably~limited by her lack today, and by her geographical God is present in each life. It is tliese women are to be conside ~ly a Galilean peasant girl whose insight was of formal ~ducation,~as this is understood locafion~ That assumption should be tested. this that makes the difference and by which red. Of each of the four women it could be said: "She was a woman uprig, ht, outright." "Her will was bent at God'](G. M. Hopkins, "Margaret Clither'ow" an unfinished poeo). The strengthl,.vulnerability and powerful pulse httracting them can be felt in that last monosyllabic line. There is no need of any Cultural baggage in order to sl~are what they see. Neither the water-tables feeding the wells of Nazareth n~or the politics of nineteenth-century France m.atter. Anyone in the company of these~ women may.be drawn by what Our-l_ady of Wisdom / 323 they see, glimpsing in each cage~perhaps "the Christ-ed :beauty of her mind" (G. M. Hopkins op. cir.). They travel light. The will of God is the point: "Let it be done to me according to your word" (Lk 1:38). Perhaps we cannow consider Our Lady as a reflection of the presence of God. The Gift of Wisdom It has always been difficult to speak of the presence of God not least because a finite mind is trying to express an awareness of transcendence. One biblical, tradition which attempted this was the ~Wisdom literature (includihg Job, Proverbs, Qoheleth, Ben Sira, Wisdom and some Psalms), Beginning in cultures outside Israel as basically advice to the young man Who would make his way in the world (a "Young, Upward Mobile Man's Guide to the Galaxy" perhaps), when taken into Israel it was inevitably recast through belief in the underlying presence of God as the basis of reality. So "the fear of God is the beginning of wisdom" (Ws 9:10), that is putting God first as against the practical atheism .of the person for whom '~'there is no fear of God before his eyes" (Ps 36). From this standpoint, God's presence was seen in creation, the history of Israel and in individual lives under the guise of wisdom, latterly personified'in a. female figure. God's presence as expressed in Wisdomwas to be seen everywhere:' "She herself walks about looking for those who are worthy of.her . in every thought of theirs coming to meet the~m" (Ws,6:16-17). "Wisdom is quicker to move than any motion; she is so pure, shepervades and.perrfieates_all things. She is a breath of the power of'God . untarnished mirror of God's power, image of his goodness . Herself unchanging, she makes all things new" (Ws 7:24-27). "l resolved to have her as my bride, I fell in love with her beauty" (Ws 8:2). "My counselor in prosperity, my comfort in care and sorrow. I love those who love me; those who seek me,eagerly shall find me" (Ws~9:17). Slowly to reflect on those lines is to glimpse the intimacy and reality of God's presence in a sacramental world. Such insight is a personal possession. They know of whatthey speak. So in the creation of the universe by God: "I was by his side, a master ~craftsman delighting him day by day, ever at play in his presence, at play everywhere in his world, delighting to be with the sons of men" (Ws 8:30-31). Such a universe, then, is no alien, monolithic force hostile to mankind but a place in which God is present, delighting to be with his creation. Experiencing life in this way, God's presence is seen as delightful, as life now obviously has meaning since it is underwritten by God. "I came forth from the mouth of the Most .High and I covered the earth like mist . Then the creator of all things instructed me . He said, 'Pitch your tent in Jacob'. I have breathed out a scent like choice myrrh. I am like a 324 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 vine putting out graceful shoots. ApprOach me you who desire me, and take your fill of my fruits, for memories of me are sweeter than honey, inheriting me is sweeter than the honeycomb. They who eat me will hunger for more., they who drink me will thirst for more. Whoever listens to me will never have to blush, whoever acts as I dictate will never sin" (Si 24:38, 13, :17, 19-30). Again, such reflection on life in the light of faith findsGod's presence everywhere awesome and mysterious, yet beautifully attractive. As the figure of Wisdom is now personified it might be dismissed as yet another imperfect image, a crutch to lean on when looking for God's presence in the mystifying world. But surely there is no need nor is it intended to imagine anything at all. This is no television commercial with a female figure ,cavorting across the screen advertising some product. The insight given by Wisdom and remember, following Abraham Heschel, that insight is to see for the first time--is so much richer and nuanced and is to be understood on another plane: Insight not eyesight, and imagination is wanted now, to see beyond and above the imagery. The gift of Wisdom is meant to give just this taste for and insight into the presence of God in every aspect of reality. God is there in every moment eager to make his presence known. Having "pitched" his tent among us, his presence is such that once tasted one can only "hunger for more." Obviously:for the Christian this. speaks of Christ in every line, particu. larly as Paul and John present him, but, traditionally this was seen too in the person of Our Lady of Wisdom. Such Wisdom writings were to be found in the liturgy of her feasts. The personified figure of Wisdom was seen in'her, and as expressed in the liturgy, the faithful were invited to delight in her as a. supreme expression of God's presence among us. Cen-turies of meditation on the Wisdom writings instinctively suggested Our Lady. It was a delightful, pleasant, accessible world combining the world of transcendence with the encouraging familiarity of a faithful mother. God's presence as reflected in her indicated that potentially there were no heights we could not scale even though our insight was at best imperfect. It was a lovely atmosphere she brought with her as she was seen among us as one of us, rejoicing in God her Savior (Lk 1:47), and we with her. Few would deny that that is less so now. The atmosphere has changed. In Catholic liturgical, literary and devotional life the lovely, wondering, ever reiidy to be surprised insight of an earlier time seems to have been replaced by the prim, puritan regimentation of an old-fashioned school-room. Instead of an ever-deepening insight needing all the resources of Wisdom literature to try and express what was felt and experienced, today one has the impression that not afew of our pastors, teachers and cate- Our Lady of Wisdom / 325 chists who occupy the commanding heights and lower slopes of everyday teaching in the Church, have seen Mary once--and seen her "plain." They might have come ashore from The Mayflower yesterday. The approach to Our Lady today reeks of the catechical-center and schoolroom. It is all reminiscent of a certain type of teacher so accurately sketched by Charles Dickens, who asked a girl who had spent her young life with horses and knew and loved them, to describe one. She was incapable of coming up with the only answer he would accept: "Quadruped. Gramini-vorous. Forty teeth~ namely twenty-four grinders, four eyeteeth, and twelve incisive. Sheds coat in the spring . Hoofs hard, but requiring to be shod with iron. Age known by marks' in mouth. Thus (and much more).''~ How many of those who flock each year to the Kentucky Derby would recog-nize that either? Though the teacher is perhaps overdrawn, it does not mean that the point is overplayed. The issue was real and perhaps still is. To present Our Lady chiefly in terms of Model Christian or Model of Believers is not wrong but deadens a relationship. To speak of anyone in such categories isolates them from the rest' of us. Models automatically distance themselves. They are to be looked up to, rarely made part of oneself. To speak principally of Our Lady in such terms is to put her on a pedestal in a most damaging way: apart from, static, of yesterday rather than today; whereas traditionally within the Catholic community she was of God and of us, truly a present inspiration as we delighted in her com-pany. So Mary, Model of the Church, while true, is of the classroom not of life. It is, too, not unfair to remark that when she is spoken of as "Woman of~Faith" or "Model of Believers," this carries strong overtones of the contemporary defeatism wherein faith, before it can~be reckoned as authentic, is laced with a strong solution of doubt. None really sees, so the best that can be done is to pool. insecurities, as even the best of us are in the dark. Our Lady, by association, is correspondingly diminished. Yet faith in biblical terms was never the vague hope that Someone might be there to make sense of life in an at times frighteningly puzzling world. Rather was it the bedrock assurance that God is there and we are real to him, even though often unfelt and unknown by us. Trust, therefore, is at the heart of the biblical reality, and on this the Jewish and Christian communities were built. The best of both communities enfleshed it. Our Lady too embodied the prophetic vocation, helping us in the task .of realizing that ~we live in the universe of His [God's] knowing, in the glory of attachment" (Jr 1:5).~ So the community enjoyed her company, welcomed her and delighted to hear anyone speak well of her. She could appeal to anyone, whether from the cachot of Bernadette, the countryside ~126 / ReviewJ'or Religious, May-June, 1986 of Catherine, :or the middle-class household of Th6r~se. Today the colors are subdued, a pale reflection of what they once were. The use of the 'W, isdom writings to express what was felt about her has given way to such warmth as there is to a winter's sunlight. Now she is almost exclusively spoken of as "Mary," and one cannot help feeling that much has been lost in the contemporary would-be organized Church that was freely available to everyone in an earlier, possibly more untidy home. The wonder of insight is missing. ~.It is, of course, explained that one owes it to non,Catholics to be careful in the way we speak of/to her. This is true. Yet it should be recognized that there are real differences between .us both in faith and atmosphere, stemming from faith as a way of life not an academic code. The ethos of the evangelical Protestant, for example, is not easily expressed in terms of Greek Orthodoxy's devotional life. Both are valid traditions, but they are undeniably different. Yet if one has the good fortune of belonging to The Ecumenical Society of.the Blessed Virgin Mary it may prove a revelation to see and hear how easily Christians of every denomi-nation speak of her. I, too, very much value the invitation given me some years ago to belong to the Methodist Preachers' Fellowship, and find within its integrity, respect and support that it is possible to speak of Our Lady. (The Methodist Neville Ward, it will be remembered, wrote in Five for Sorrow, Ten for Joy, a very fine book on the rosary). It is "megaphor~e diplomacy"---publicly shouting at one another--tliat is to be feared, not in expressing how one genuinely bdieves and lives within a context of respect and understanding: I wasat a Protestant school until I was twelve and have,the highest regard .for what I was taught there, The local minister would drive us in his car to Mass, unasked, on really_wet wintry Sundays--and he later became moderator of the Church of Scot-land. So perhaps I may claim first-hand experience of the Protestant ethos and .am far from unsympathetic to it. It is a strange paradox.that while the eighth chapter of Lumen Gentium and the later Marialis Cultus, to say nothing of the present Holy Father, express a recognizably Catholic feeling and continuity, so unlike much of current teaching and. devotional life, somehow there has been a break from what once was, and the person of Our Lady has been almost lost in the concept. To see Our Lady then reflected in the feminine figure of Wisdom is to see in her a transparent reflection of the transcendence and immanence of God's presence, She is n6where and she is everywhere. This may puzzle some who consider in so broadening her significance that it may somehow Our Lady of Wisdom / 327 lessen her value in the'community. This might be so if she is seen as just. one specific piece on the chessboard, somehow .to be welded into aft'overall strategy. But the reality of theoChurch, of course, is of a community created and indwelt by the Spirit of the living God. It is a living organism in which we each relate to'one another in 12hrist through grace-enlightened knowl-edge and love. Our Lady; supremely orie with the will of God, is therefore an influential channel of ttiat life: "And when Elizabeth heard the greeting of Mary, the babe leaped .in her womb; and Elizabeth was filled with the Holy. Spirit" (Ek 1:41). Seen in this light; therefore, coming from the heart of the Christian community, she is never an inquisitive aunt, obtrusive neighbor nor cling-ing friend. Nor is she a static figure with. her own particular niche in the wall, to be referred to now and agai'n. As th6 lovely feminine figure of Wisdom Owing more to insight than eyesight or imagination is lost in the wonder of what she suggests, so too Our Lady. Sowhen G. M. Hopkins in a well-known poem comparing her to the air we breathe, spoke to her as, World-mothering air. a'ir wild . Fold home. fast hold th3~i'child. he is talking of life and limitless freedor~ not limitation. He is not-advocat-ing a stranglehold distancing one from God, caught up in Mary's apron strings in'a state of permanent adolescence. Rather does she, as ~lid Wis-dom, mediate the presence of God that perhaps has to be experienced to be understood. The traditional prayer, "Virgo respice, Mater, adspice, audi nos, O Maria. " perhaps.puts it at its simplest. One scarcely needs a translation to feel that prayer convincingly suggesting on her part atten-tion, anticipation, concern, fellow feeling, x+hich, while relishing her company, is at the same time an act of faiih in the underlying reality that "He who is mighty has done great things for me. and holy is his name"(Lk 1:49). Gift of The Spirit Perhaps the °point may~be further underlined by considering God's presence as expressed in the experience of Spirit,, A thesaurus could find many words to 'express it life, breath, wind describing an intangible reaiity. As an expression-of God's presence it indicates that it can be experienced everywhere but never held. The Spirit of God brought this universe into being, and the: same creative Spirit was responsible for the existence of the community of Israel, inspiring within it particular individ-uals to, perceive the presence and guidance of God~ So "God would speak with Moses face to face, as a man ~peaks to his 'friend" (Ex 33:11). As a result of this intimacy he was instrumental in helping to build the commun- ~121~ / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 ity. Similarly, on receiving the prophetic spirit, "Elijah arose like a fire his word flaming like a torch" (Si.48:1), empowering.,him almost single-handed to hold ca'fly Israel together against colossal! odds. This influence of the Spirit of God suggests that a man is taken out of himself, often despite himself. As Amos, probably the first of the writing prophets, put it: "The lion roars: who can help feeling afraid? The Lord God, speaks: who can refuse to prophesy?" (Am 3:8). Enlightened by the Spirit of God .withinthe community of Israel, such people were given such insightSnto their own age that in the name of God they felt compelled to speak and act. The eyesight of most of their contemporaries was blind to what their God-given insight enabled them to see in a world illumined by~ God's spirit. As the Spirit of God dwelt within the heart-,of Israel so no less emphati-cally says St.~-Paul. was the Spirit present within the Christian cgmmunity. As God was present in the Holy of Holies of the Jerusalem temple so Paul tried to open the eyes of the Corinthians to the° wonder of his presence among .them: "Do you not know that you are God's temple and that God's Spirit dwells in you. God's temple is holy, and that temple you are" (1 Co 3:16-17). God present among s~uch people individually and collectively points the wonder of it all in view of who they we?e: "not many of you were wise according to worldly standards, not many were powerful., of noble birth" (I Co 1:26). Nondescript, marginal people for ~he most part--as was said of the unfortunate boxer. '~not even a household name in his own house'--God evidently "chose what is foolish . . . weak . . . low and despised" (I Co 27-28). Enlightened by the wisdom and Spirit of God as a member of that community, Paul does not apologize for its surface crudi-ties as his insight enables him to see within to the Spirit's indwelling presence. It is a creation of God, and like all his gifts "can only be under-stood by means of the Spirit" (1 Co 2:14). Reflecting long and often as he must have done on what was being created in and around himself, Paul comes to see that "the Spirit reaches the depths of everything, even the depths of God . . . Now. " . fie have received the Spirit that comes from God, to teach us to understand the gifts that he has given us" (1 Co 2:10-12). This is a phenomenal insight as Paul wrestles with the almost inexplicable to aid the Corinthians' self-under-standing. Their lives are radically touched and empowered by God, mo~Jing from the depths of his Spirit to theirs. Meaning little to others in view of their lack of status, they mean everything to God. And it was this same Spirit. which enabled Paul never to be quite beaten by the constant bread and butter inconsistencies, and. to see the reality beneath._ It is all, Paul reflects,, ~eminiscent of the wisdom of God which so often seems to stand logic on its head. lts linchpin is the crucified and risen Christ "whom God Our Lady of Wisdom / 329 made our wisdom" (1 Co 1:30) in the face of a disbelieving world. Such insight~does not come from the schoolroom or marketplace. It is a gift from God enabling "those'who are called. [to see] Christ thepbwer of God and the~visdom of God. For the foolishness of God is wiser than men" (I Co 1:24-25). This same pattern is true of Our Lady. She is to be understood ihen from within the community. An ostensibly nondescript person from unre-markable Nazareth if one considers the circumstances of her calling, yet the inner reality can only be gauged insofar as one is given to see what is meant when "The Holy Spirit will come upon 'you, and the power of the Most Highs:will 6ve'rshadow you" (Lk 1:35-36). The creative spirit of God which once brought this universe'into existence, now through her willing co6per-ation (see Lk'l:38), brings to birth a new creation in her Son. Such is the effect of the Spirit's power and presence that "the child to b~ born will be called holy, the Son of God" (Lk 1:35). This is the defining feature of her life: Mother and Son are inseparably linked. One with him at birth, home and crucifixion, she is found within the early Christian community pray-ing. So it has been for centuries as she ~is seen among us preeminently lovable and faithful, empowered by wisdom and the Spirit. The Christian community has responded accordingly, as in every nation under heaven all generations have called her blessed (see Lk 1:48). Today in much contemporary .teaching and practice, the brush appears to have been put back behind the door. It is not without significance that this has happened at a time when the values of the numinous, transcend-ence, silence and worship are under severe pressure. Mainstream liturgy, teaching and devotion have virtually nothing to say of the contemplative. Such a need is fostered from the edge, not the center. When influential numbers of our pastors, teachers and opinion-formers generally, seem to lack any obvious feeling for the contemplative, it may beno surprise that they display or encourage little warmth for Our Lady, Seat of Wisdom. ~Vhen meaning has to be on the surface and immediately comprehended, it is perhaps inevitable that so rich and varied traditions of the Church, not least as regards Our Lady, have given way to a subdued monochrome world. : Let Your Gaze Become My Prayer Perhaps all of this may be finally summarized in a few lines from a prayer of St. Anselmto St. John the Evangelist, asking for the love of God: "Ifthen, sir, your gaze has more good in it than my prayer has devotion, let your gaze become my prayer."5 This is a very fine expression of the role of Our Lady, the saints and our fellow-Christians in the Church, one person 331~ / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 in Christ. with ourselves (see Ga. 3:25-28). The individual Anselm asks the aid of the evangelist .John, whom he sees in faith to be now wholly caught up in G6d:.So he asks th~it his own self in his prayer be taken up into sharing what St, John sees. °He speaks to John but looks beyond him following the evangelist's gaze. Love has been described as two people looking in the same direction. What they see draws them togetherenabling them to live as one in a new reality. This we have here. Anselm's prayer is felt to be inferior to John's vision so he asks that "your gaze become my prayer." This, inthe main, is what is meant by Our Lady's patronage. Filled from her conception with the ~,isdom and Spirit of God in vieW of her voc~ition as Mother of God, her whole being reflects the Orie who has mad~ her who she is as she rejoices in God her Savior (see Lk 1:47)i One person in Christ with her, the Christian; and anyone genuinely.asking her he!.p._;'_w.a.n._t.s_t_.o~be taken into her being and held by what she sees "Let your gaze become my prayer." So easy to relate to, inviting, the individual to come in his or her own way, her life is givenomeaning by her Unflinching attachment to the will of God in good days and bad. Such a person is no obstacle between us and God if her gaze becomes our prayer, as the words and images drop away before the holiness of God. One can, of course, with the apophatic tradition, which maintains that it is impossible to say anything of God other than that he is, try to put everything that is not God into a "cloud .of forgetting" leaving only a naked intent for God. So our Lord, sacraments, Our Lady, Scripture, saints--:-~ everything must go. "If you see the Buddha kill him." Well yes, but even the Engiish mystic who expressed this so supremely well, giving as the bottom line between oneself and God, "Worship God with all you have got. All-that- you-are-as,you-are worshipping ail-that-he-is-as-he-is," has his reality first defined in Christ, and must recognize therefore that "it is God for his own loving purpose who puts both. the will and the action into you" (Ph 2:13):6 Whether he adverts to it or not, the ontological reality underpinning his:every movement and prayer is Christ in whom "all things were created. :. He isb(fore all things and in him all things hold together. He is the head of the body, the Church,' (Col. 1:16-18). Reality is thus held in the overarching Christ who reconciled us to God by "making peace by the blood of his cross., by his death" (Col 1:20-22): Blood and death together are irrevocable, costly and messy (so much so that the sensitivities of the Jerusalem Bible translators cause them to omit "blobd"), ~butit was precisely in Christ's crucifixion and resurrection that he can now "present you holy and blameless and irreproachable before him [God]"(Col 1:22)? We are unforgettably marked with the sign of the cross, In Christ, therefore, is found 'the very oxygen enabling us to breathe the air Our Lady of Wisdom/~ 331 of God. One admires the climber attempting Everest, but one knows that he could not set foot on the lower slopes, far less reach the summit without-oxygen. It is never seen but it is always there, and in Christ we are sup-ported by a whole ~loud of ~vitnesses, prophets, apostles, saints among whom is preeminently the Mother of God. They interact with us in Christ in every moment of every day whether we are conscious of it or not. There is no need of mental images of Paul, Our Lady, or even Christ himself. Attachment to Our Lady in this context should not be seefi as a limiting form of prayer. To see her so is possibly to have a fixed, static view of Christian reality not unlike the wooden, materialist outlook of popular nineteenth-century science. The truth of science as glimpsed today is so wonderful and mobil~ that much of it cannot even be imagined, yet its beauty clearly enthralls many, light years away from the earlier approach. Immaturity ~s the problem. We are, for the most part, too pedestrian. But in this lies our salvation. Everyone in Christ is for us. It may be a sign of the times that in an .age full of self-assertion we find it hard to believe that anyone can be self-effacing. But the GOspel reality is just that, "For all things are yours." whether Paul, Bernadette, Catherine, Th~rEse or Mary, "or the world or life or death or the present or the future, all are yours; and you are Christ's; and Christ is God's" (1 Co 3:21-23). We are, perhaps most of us, infants in Christ, with at best an.imperfect, grasp of God loving us i.n Christ, unable without wisdom and the Spirit to see the simplicity of ,Paul's insight, holding all of reality in the present moment in-Christ. But we know the claim that the child has on Christ. And in this above all, surely he is at one with his mother. NOTES tMaisie Ward, Return to Chesterton, Sheed and Ward, 1952, p. 34. 2A. Heschel, The Prophets Vol. 1, Harper and Row, 1971, p.x6. 3C. Dickens, Hard Times, Chap. 2. 4A. Heschel, op. cit. Vol. 2, p. 267. 5B. Ward, The Prayqrs and Meditations of St. Anselrn--Pfayer to St. John the Evan- 'gelist (2), Penguin, 1975. ~ 6C. Woltors, The Cloud of Unknowing and Other Works and The Epistle of Privy Counsel, chap. 4, Penguin, 1978 . 7C. A. Anderson Scott's plausible observation with regard to St. Paul in general is instructive: "The allusion to the blood of Christ, here (Rm 3:25) as in other passages~in Paul, is probably connected with.the overwhelming impression which Paul had received as a spectator of the Crucifixion." Footnotes to St'. Paul (CUP, 1935): Personality, and Religious Adjustments in Older Candidates Matthias Neuman, OS.B. Father Neuman, well known to our readers, whose latest contribution, "The Holiness of Saint Francis: Spiritual Vision and' Lived Suffering,, ~appeared in the issue of September/October, 1985, contin'u6s to teach at Saint Meinrad Seminary; Saint Mein-rad, lndiana :47577. For the past four years my primary occupation has involved directing the pre,theology program in our s.,eminary. This special year-long program ffims to prepare a certai:n group of young men for entrance into a regular course of theological studies for priesthood. These are candidates who already possess their college degrees but who have had no course work in philosophy or theology--or any exposure to a regular spiritual formation program, The very existence of college-graduate or pre-theology years in seminaries bears witness to a significant shift in recent vocational patterns. Fifteen years ago my first-year theology course would have had one or two "older" individuals; they were routinely mixed in with the students who had graduated from various college seminaries. In a decade and a half those one or two have swollen to better than half the first-year classes in many theologates around the United States. This means that a significant portion of today's priesthood candidates are waiting to "test" their possible ~voca-tions until after the college years and after some significant work and societal experience, A similar phenomenon appears among applicants for religious orders of women and men. Almost any meeting of formation personnel deals with some issue or problem concerning "older vocations." Indeed it is not uncommon for a formatiOn directress to be younger than several, of her charges. 332 Adjustments in Older Candidales / 333 While many observers applaud this shift in vocational process, and both priestly and religious recruiters have begun to plot ways of casting their nets in these newly-discover6d waters, the formidable challenges of providing a solid and effective regimen of formation should not be glosse~l over quickly. These men and women come to seminaries and religious houses at a considerably different stage in life than do graduates right out of high school or college. It will not suffice to merel~ ~transfer previous spiritual, academic and social formational methods to ~this new wave, for they bring quite different problematics for spiritual formation, academic programs and general adjustment to religious institutional life. The first year of formation in particular needs to pay.close attention to: l) the backgrounds of these people, 2) the life transitions they are experiencing, and 3) the adjustment problems they will most likely encounter. The first three sections of this article ~ill address these topics in more detail,~and the concluding section will offer some suggestions for helping the candidates themselves to manage this initial transition period more effectively. Backgrounds The ages of these older vocations may range from the mid-twenties to the mid-seventies. (Several were even ordained irf their 80s!) However the bulk of such callings has been in the 25-45 age bracket and I will focus most of my comments on that group. *~- ' 0 Perhaps the first major item format.ion personnel should~-~recognize is that these people-~'even at age twenty-five generally possess a somewhat. solidified personality structure. This doesn't necessarily imply that their personality structures are well-shaped oreven healthy, but simply that they have been hardened to an extent by the pressures of work, societal survival and recreational interactions. Educational research has tended to show that the first two years after college exert, a significant hardening, and even. a temporary halt, to attitudinal and conceptual growth. This can be seen as a natural result of mov~ngfrom the more fluid world of college into a societal context where work-pressures demand a~more fixed cast to one's goals, plans and attitudes. Thus, these individuals differ from the far more malleable candidates trained in the seminary or academy systems of years past. Even though they are obviously considering a major career shift by investigating a priest-ly or religious calling, they usually retain a good deal of .their solidified personality structure. They may not-even be aware of how habitual they have become in. patterns 9f relationship, daily routines and general atti-tudes. Those who have lived alone for even two or three years have devel-oped private habits of socializing and personal recreation which mayclash 3~14 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 strongly with the regular demands of community living. These st~rongly formed !ife-patterns also emerge in the realm of spiritu-ality,. It is not unusual for these men and women to have already expe-rienced in a variety of ways a verY powerful presence of Godin their lives, a Eresence that has been both sustaining and nourishing, a divine presence that has been greatly responsible for calling them to a switch of life-tasks. Many older candidates attest to some kind of "conversion experience" that brought them to this new way .of life even if they had been "possibly considering it." for years. This conversion experience and presen~c.e of God usually has shaped.their personal .spiritualities to a great extent. In particu-lar, the styl~es o.f prayer they favor are generally associated.with the qualities of that particular presence of God, e.g., God in nature~and an individual mystical prayer, God° in a conversion from sinfulness and a prayer of penance, God in~ .familial tradition and a structured devotional prayer. Without. being reflectively aware of it,osuch reasong have usually con-jured up an image of either priesthood or religious life that is primarily an intensification of their personal spirituality. (For example, one young man, age 30, who was converted by his reading of the New Testament~defined the primary task of the priest as teaching the Bible to people.) A formation direct_or may find these candidates to have imperceptibly meshed together~a particular style of prayer, a favored presence of God, and an implicit image of priesthood or religious life. The tight interweaving, of these factors .can cause average to severe problems in the adjustment to a formation pro-gram; the tampering with one item (e.g., teaching different prayer styles or a v.ariant image of religious life) may be perceived by candidates as a threat to the spiritual background and religious experience that gave them their new spiritual impulse. Perhaps the most-common example of the above dynamic occurs in trying to instill a sense of the value and importance of common prayer. Few of my priesthood candidates come with much appreciation or experience of the Liturgy of the Hours. Living as individuals in society, they have usually forged strong patterns of private prayer. Introducing them into the common morning and evening prayer of the semin.a.ry occasions a crisis for some each year. Common prayer does not,meet their "personal needS"; it co~mpetes with private prayer; their former sense of closeness to God gets worn away. Some begin to feel very hostile toward the seminary for ruining their intimacy ,with God:and thus threatening their vocation. It will have to be a sensitive formation program that can "deconstruct" a. person's reli-gious background, i.e. break it into its compon.ent parts, so that the indi-vidual may assimilate'in a healthy~way.the spiritual components of a sound priestly, or religious-order spirituality. Adjustments in Older Candidates 335 People who have worked for even a few years at a competitive job in the societal labor force will accumulate some, highly fixed patterns of routine daily life. The schedule of most jobs mandates some regularity. Daily and weekly habits of work, r~creation and friendships give rise to a network of personal supports that soften the challenges of life. These supports, or "strokes" in the recent psychological lingo~ help to carry a person°through ~the down times of regtilar living. Similarly persons who in an-intefise occupational setting, such as a social case worker, personnel rfianag~r or teacher, may have silently linked part of their adult identity to these supports. - One of the standard planks for a personal identity is the positive affir-mation we receive from the,. significant individuals in our lives (family, friends, mrntors, students).We call on this affirmation regularly~if the pressures ~of our job consistently erode bur well-being and identity. The entranize into a seminary or religious house removes persons from both the comforts of their habitual routines and the necessary strokes of signifi-cant others. This abse~ce may give rise'to a profound gense of loneliness or even abandonment. Perirds of confusion and depression soon compliote matters even more. An insightful formation program needs to be con-stantly alert to these possibilities, and d~velop ways of ?egularly informing and assisting candidates to understand and' process these and similar experiences. A report from a meeting of Midwest seminary rectors in 1981 summa~i"- ized nicely a g,bbd numbef of additional background issues which these priestly candidates bring to the seminary (and religious life). ,. Experience indicates that the can~didate who has made applicatipn for theology school without previous seminary experience possesses all or some of tile following characteristics: he has little or~' no experiefice, in community living; he has not had or.has had little experience of spiritual direction and is concerned about his ability to use the direction offered him; he perceives' himself as very much an outsider in the seminary com-munity; he is unfamiliar with the special language employed both in the professional life of the seminary, e.g., academics and liturgical practice, as well as commufiity living experiences; often he is a man of practical expe-rience. with varying ability to deal with issues on a speculative level; if he is older, he might well have an exaggerated sense of his age; he is more conservative in his spirituality particularly if a recent "conversion expe-rience" has led him to ~hear the call to priesthood; he has high anxiety conceriaing the de~cision which he has recently made to enter the seminary.1 Although much more could be said about background, I will limit my observations to the preceding comments. Formation personnel should 356 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 remember that these older candidates may be more mature and worldly-wise than ~th0se fresh .o~ut of college: but they bring their ~unique bevy of problems with them. Many of these difficulties are frequently connected to a hardened personal and religi6us identity and the unconscious manner in which various factors get meshed (e.g., prayer style, validity of conversion, and expectations). Frequently these problems boil to the surface when candidates get fitted into the regulated worlds of the ~eminary or religious community. (NB. Seminaries and religious houses may ~be psychologically highly regulated even without minute daily schedules. Long periods of the day may be free and unstructured, but those hours are also 7"filled" .with pow.erful academic, ministerial and spiritual expectations. Such a day is regulat.ed not by schedule but by official expectation.) None of the above.problems should be considered insoluble. In my experience the great majority of candidates can successfully negotiate these personal and religious challenges. But the formation program as such needs to positively assist.,these men and women to identify accurately what is happening in their lives. These transitional adjustments are not usually vocational crises, and sudden hostility toward the seminary, religious community or individual superior is not always a problem with authority. To understand what is happening emotionally a clear presentation to them of the range of personal transition going on needs to be conveyed. Multiple Transitions As the previous section mentioned, a young man or woman coming to seminary or religious community after several years of work and societal experience will confront a variety of transitions. Usually the candidates are somewhat aware and a bit apprehensive about the challenges ahead and they are ~bgnizant Of what they have "given up." Howeverl up6~ arrival at their new place of r~sidence they can be overwhelmed with the thrill of a new religious start.Having left the world where one struggled to survive religiously in a secular and cynical culture, they begome exhilarated in the environment of a supportive, like-minded community. Even the most dis, tant hopes of spirituality and ministry suddenly seem possible. (Every year each new group ,of candidates within .the first two weeks wants to add even ¯ more prayer services to the school's. Eucharist, morning rand evening prayer.) Thus the man~, transitions of life get forgotten ina tidal wave of religious fervor, but the transitions are still going on silently and relent-lessly. In time they frequently turn that tidal wave into a scorched desert of barren feeling. The transitions' are frequently more complicated and subtle than the Candidate realizes. The first transition is the move from a secular world Adjustments in Older Candidates / 337 with its pockets of popular religiosity into an encompassing ecclesiastical religious world. In the former situation faith and religious practice have served as powerful, value-laden forces ttiat supported, protected and nour-ished the individual; in the latter situation religious practice is :a constant, pervading element of almost every waking activity. An ecclesiastical reli-gious world often fails to separate the trivial and the important, the special and the ordinary, the cynical and the solemn. It's religion twenty'four hours a day! One ~young man said, "I've talked more God-talk in the last six months than in my previous twenty~six years combined. It's blowing my mind!" This religious overload takes its toll on the psychic system: the young man or woman may begin to feel he or she has lost that "something special" which faith provided. When all'is religious, nothing is religious! They may become distressed by their first in-close dealings with religious practices that are, routine, cynical and sometimes blatantly hypocritical. Their inexperience at differentiating motives and practices within a total ecclesiastical world can make them feel that the only way out is global rejection. The formation program needs to regularly help the candidates express and process their feelings towards the total religious community. Individuals obviously vary, but my students generally show signs in three weeks to a month of inner turmoil over their newfound ecclesiastical world. ,The transition to an ecclesiastical world will slowly induce other nega-tive ramifications. Young ,adult candidates begin the initial year with an amount of confidence they have built up in maintaining their faith com-mitment against diverse social presst]res. It is not unusual for some to have had to justify their vocational change to family, friends and coworkers; repeated justifications build in them a certain sense of well-being about their commitment. Other people publicly acknowledge them to be more religiously oriented for going to a seminary or convent. But upon entering the total ecclesiastical world, they soon perceive themselves as complete novices in more.ways than~one, They listen to conversations or classes filled with" church jargon and they soon judge themselves to know practically nothing about faith or religion. Liturgical customs befuddle them and they are embarrassed to ask names of objects, vestments or devotions that ¯ everyone else seems to know"intimately. Three months ago they were explaining many aspects of the Catholic faith to' coworkers; now they can easily perceive themselves as religiously dumb or incompetent. This partic-ular transition may contribute to their conservative stance, which is really a means of salvaging some vestige of religious dignity from their past. This transition, likeo all of them, can be jolting, but it can also be worked through. ~i31~ / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 Another key transition is the movement from one fixed social setting to another. Seminaries and religious communities tend to be enclosed, regu-lated societies (by laws or general expectations or both). Daily schedules and societal routines, such as meals, common prayers and social relation-ships can be vastly different from the social style that older candidates have become accustomed to. The-predominance,of same-sex relationships causes real hardships to some; the absence of children or family settings may be bothersome; the lack of free, unstructured evenings or weekends or the lack of a car and its freedom disrupt.the previous.ways that individuals had dissipated tension. That tension now accumulates and begins to boil within. ¯ I have found that on6 of the largest and most troubling transitions for young adults is the entrance into a trainin.g'program where theend is preparation for a. public role, along with the public evaluation that role requires. The priesthood as public leadership in the Chtirch and the eccle-sial witness of a religious community both demand evaluations of, persons seeking to enter those positions. Many older candidates have never thought of their religious pursuit through this lens,~-having confined their religious practice to a predominantly interior, individual and privatized realm (as is the fashion ofmost religious practice in the United States).2 The communal environment of seminaries and religious communities is saturated by the air of evaluation. Evaluation procedures are everywhere in current practice: academic, personal, spiritual, and so forth. All individuals must evaluate themselves (and others).on an annual basis. Each priesthood candidate will undergo an overall evaluation by faculty, and formation personnel on such matters as intellectual competence, social skills, pastoral abilities and spiritual growth. Externalization of what has often been a highly privatized religious realm can be terribly upsetting for the young adult. Some simply cannot see that,such matters should be evaluated publicly; the intense individualism of their religious background and expe-riences reacts strongly. Others become oversensitized, fearful. They worry about expulsion for unknown: reasons or accusation .by some Grand Inquisitor. Still others .may become hesitant because they°'fail to separate the realm of public behavior and standards from interior faith and direc-tion. A criticism about their lack of social abilities~can be "understood" as a criticism about °the integrity of theif~faith. A good. formation program should work with candidates to help them both understand and interiorize the meaning and demands of assuming a public leadership role, or the public demands of community~belonging. One young man said, "I just don't ~want to. be ste.reotyped~." I responded. "Sorry, it comes with the job." Many of these young adults who grew up in Adjustments in Older Candidates / 339 the age when traditional Catholic distinctions had slipped into shadows do not know the distinctions between "internal" and "external" forum. This must be carefully spelled out, and repeated from time to time. Even with all this, the appreciation of what a public religious leadership role demands does not occur without prayer, struggle and guidance through spiritual direction. The appreciation and interiorization of a public religious respon-sibility (beyond that of a private, personal spirituality) possesses all the elements of a significant conversion experience in life.~ To truly recognize the priestly ministry or the vowed religious life as constituting an ecclesial figureis also to accept thgse lifestyles as embodying~a responsibility to the whole Catholic world and Catholic tradition; this reaches considerably beyond a personal arid private" religious obligation. It requires an accep-tance and interiorization of public behavior, skills and attitudes which relate as much to the community of the Church as to my personal relatiom ship with God. Life transitions do pile up on the young adult who arrives at a seminary or religious community and seeks to discern a prssible calling to priest-hood or vowed life. We have considered several of the major ones: into an encompassing ecclesiastical world, from one fixed social setting into a quite different one, arid into a ~climate of higlfiaiablic evaluation. The anxieties generated by these transitioris can become severe, as the rii~xt section will show. For the l~resent fie simply need to note them and recognize that a Victic of directly addressing these transitions needs ~to be a constant com-ponent of both the formational and spiritual-direction program for these young adults. The Trauma of Transition For more than a decade the Alban Institute in Washington, D.C.I has studied the dynamics of "transition technology" in ministerial situations (e.g. from seminary to par!sh; from associate to pastor,,from one parish to another)) Leaders of the°institute recognized that those occasions when a person moves from one "known" social setting into a new and relatively unknown social setting constitute some of the most ~vulnerable periods in an individual's life. Although many organized-church traditions have fre-q uently moved, individuals from place to place as a matter of policy, little has been.done to help them make effective transitions to their new ministry or enable them to manage the sometimes severe traumas which may occur. (Th'e "grace of obedience"~was thought to effect the desired rebalancing:) The research of the Alban Institute has shown tl~at beginmngs in a pastoral situation are important; that the first months of adjustment frequently determine one's long-range adaptation and effectiveness in a new setting. 340/ Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 (In fact, more and more dioceses and religious houses are coming, to recognize the incredible influence of the first full-time placement.) Much of this research on transition technology becomes extremely relevant to young adults entering seminaries and religious communities for the first time. My particular seminary program deals with about thirty youngmen a year. l.would say it is.common for better than half of each group to feel some uncomfortableness over the transitions the$, experience. Their dis-comfiture may range from mild annoyance to severe personal upheaval. It is not unusual for an enthusiasm of the first weeks to slowly diminish and give wayto a growing diso'rientation. Some begin to.worry that they made a mistake, and the seminary .becomes a fearsome, t~rapping situation because their previous job has.been discontinued and their housing sold or leased. Others just ask over and over, "Why am 1 here?" and can't seem to find a satigfactory answer. A few may worry that their entire faith is crumbling; they can't explain sudden doubts which appeared where only months before there was absolute conviction. This time of doubt and dejection is frequently accompanied~by physical symptoms. Nagging illnesses like colds or upset stomachs pop up; physical weariness becomes the order of the day. Changes in bowel habits or sleep-lessness can increase anxiety. A transition experience cuts across all dimen-sions of life: physical, psychological, social and spiritual. We must understand the effects of social transitions on all these human areas,,and be ready to help people negotiate them. Psychologically, in a period of transition, by definition a young adult coming from secular societal life to the seminary or religious community, his or her daily patterns of life have all been removed, and new patterns do not immediately emerge. In certain aspects these individuals are like.immi-grants, slowly searching and experimenting for new roots. This time change may cause strong internal feelings to erupt. Some individuals Who previously held positions of authority and responsibility in the societal work force now feel the disorientation and worthlessness that lack of authority and status may bring. And there is no work or service in their new life to compensate. The sudden displacement of responsibilit.y may spark feelings of worthlessness or humiliation. (~Karl Marx had a valid insight in saying that a good deal of our personal identity comes from the socially significant work we do.) Lastly, the h~avy outpouring of psychic energy that goes with meeting new people, places and routines day after day leaves everyone tired and feeling a bit drained, and that weariness usually compounds the other negative feelings. This trauma of transition is not unusual, neither is it .a test that will, Adjustments in Older Candidates / 341 necessarily overwhelm a certain percentage of candidates. If these persons understand the probability of its occurrence at some time ~n their first year, do some preparation, and know some techniques of personal management, they are~able to handle it with a modicum of discomfort. One last point.should be watched: there it a quite normal dynamism of expectation which may w6rk havoc in situations of transitions, and I have frequently noticed it in pre-theology candidates. These young men often come from societal settings where they have been able to exercise some Christian service and engage in personal spirituality projects on a limited scale (perhaps in a parish volunteer setting or a Christian social-action group). When they enter the seminary and begin formal preparation for priesthood, their expectations escalate and they "assume" an immediate increase in Christian serviceand spirituality practices. But with full-time classes and school activities they are soon doing less actual ministry than before, and their personal prayer gets mixed up by the communal obliga-tions mentioned before.4 Psychologically their expectations are "gunning" the spiritual motor, so to speak, but socially they are in Park, and they find that they are grinding themselves down. This dynamic needs to be watched and worked with by formation personnel and spiritual directors. Older candidates need to formulate sl6~vly and patiently a "plan of identification" just as the Alban lfistitute counsels new ministers to work gradually towards formulating a plan of ministry for their new pastoral assignment.5 Just as six months is a recommended period of grace bef6re initiating parish changes, it is p]-obably a reasonable time-allotment for new-candi-dates before they attempt to assess (and escalate) any personal expectations they place o'n themselves. Suggestions for Personal and Spiritual Management The perception that older priesthood and religious candidates require qualitatively different kinds of formation programs is an ,idea that has already taken deep root among vocation and formation personnel. Signifi-cant strides have been made in many areas like course instruction and communityqiviiag requirements. I fiaerely hope to add a bit to this growing body of knowledge b~ suggesting some tactics and strategies to assist these individuals working through their initial adjustment or transition phase. These comments are more often applicable within the first six months of entry into seminary or religious community. The first strategy, in the line of preventive medicine, is quite simply knowledge, an awareness that some transition-anxiety will probably occur no matter how fine and enthusiastic the first weeks may be. There will undoubtedly be a great diversity in how individuals manage transitions; for ~149 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 some the adjustments may be slight, but few will have no problems what-ever. Simply to have in one's awareness a basic grasp of the multiple transitions, and how these transitions produce p~rsonal stress will provide guidelines for interpretation and action. To diagnose a difficulty ~icc.urately. is the first essential task in any kind of counseling. In this instance it may offset the further anxiety that can result if the young persgn feel.s that his or her vocation or faith is disintegrating. A second level o.f strategy would articulate a set of tactics that °might assist the young adult inthe midst of transition stresses to cope with these pressures. These tactics are similar to managing any "survival situation.TM They can be briefly summarized: 1) Lowe.rpqrsonal expectations. Instead of escalating their demands upon themselves to pray more fervently, work harder and do more service to others,, efforts should be made to cut back on these eoxpectations temporarily. The key here is to conserve physical and psychological energy for the tasks of psychic self-preservation. These indi-viduals are already operating at a reduced, energy level (due to the drain that social transitions exert), and there is no way they can successfully meet escalatedexpectations. Repeated failures merely compound guilt and nega-tive feelings, 2) Increased rest. The bodily systems are the foundation for psychological and emotional health as well as for making accurate judg- ¯ ments. When emotions are depleted, the body needs rest to coalesce strength and rebuild proper balance. For a time one may have to sacrifice other elements in the daily schedule in order, to get some additional rest time. 3) Pay attention to building daily routines. One of the reasons for high energy drain in transition times is that ever~h.ing is. ne,.w (people, places, schedule, social expectations). An inordinate amount of attentive awareness goes into "meeting" new people and performing even simple daily tasks. Habit or routine is Of value precisely to relieve that constant outpouring. Seek to regularize daily work-times, eating .and rest habits, companions, and so forth. 4) Spiritual direction and counseling. It always helps to talk tlirough problems, especially with a person who can provide a wider frame ~of reference. It does take some humility to asks. for help, particularly when one wanted so much to get off to a fabulous start in a new career. 5) Remind yourself that perserveranc.e is a Christian virtue. The young adult might remember that he or she has ~already made a very significdnt personal decision (to seek a testing of priesthood or religious life) and that decision should be stuck to "in good times and in bad," as any promise ought to be. A third, strategy would be to:recognize that a dynamic similar to the grieving process needs to tran_spire in the person. For many of these older candid~ites there is a break and removal,from friends, supports and joys of Adjustments in Older Candidates living. A sense of loss may strike them~ sharply as the first bloom of seminary or religious-community life wears off. The classic stages of the grieving process denial, anger, bargaining,,depression, acceptance cab find analogues in this context: fighting the onset of discouraging feelings, anger at the institution or superiors, bargaining to find some accomodating way, and so forth. Formation personnel should help candidates to realize that such feelings may be part of the natural adaptive process and not simply a rejection or d~nial of their vocations to priesthood or religious life. At particular moments it helps to say clearly ~hat one must give oneself permission to be discouraged or angry or depressed. That~acceptance may be necessary if an individual is to work the grieving process to a resolution and a newfound balance. Finally, a major theme of the pre-theology or novitiate year, which can be successfully introduced when the candidates are a couple of months into the program, is that of Christian conversion. A goodly number of older candidates arrive at their respective ecclesia~stical institutions as the result of some form of conversion experience, and so they often feel that the major part of the conversion process is behind them. The theological understand-ing of conversion as lifelong, process, with the tougher steps still ahead, becomes more graspable as the first sheen of the year wears off and people settle into the long haul Of personal and ministerial formation, lndeed conversion becomes more challenging the deeper it penetrates into our hearts and souls. Later people may look back and realize-that the expe-rience which brought them to seminary or religious community only cracked the surface. The more difficult and richer stages lie yet in the future. The preceding strategies are some helps I have found in aiding candi-dates to grapple with and conquer the onset of transition anxieties in their first year of seminary or religious community. By no means are they meant to be complete and exclusive. The formation literature that deals with this new form of religious and ministerial candidate grows steadily in breadth and depth; these reflections are intended to be one voice in that continuing conversation. NOTES ~"Candidates Entering Schools of Theology Without Prior Seminary Experie.nce," Report of Midwest Catholic Seminary Rectors (Duplicated Copy-1981), pp. 2-3. 344 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 2John Coleman "The Situation for Modern Faith," Theological Studies 39 (1978), pp. 601-632. 3AIban Institute materials 'include a series of pamphlets and workbooks by Roy M. Oswald: Crossing the Boundary Between Seminary and Parish; The Pastor as New-comer; New Beginn(ngs: Pastorate Start-Up Workbook. 4A similar process can transpire in religious community candidates even though they experience common prayer as a part of their ideal. This happens when an individual has so meshed his or her religious self-identity with a particular form of private prayer, that they are perceived as inseparable. It can be more difficult to unravel these situa-tions in religious community settings because of the difficulty of finding some "sabbati-cal time" to do the rettiinking and revaluing. 5Ro3/M. Oswald, New Beginnings: Pastorate Start-Up Workbook (Washington, D.C.: Alban Institute Publications, 1977), pp: 33-65. 61 have dealt with these dynamics further in " 'I'm Just Making It': Survival as a .Spiritual Value," REVlEW FOR R E~.~G~OUS 37 (1978), pp. 277-278. From Tablet to Heart: Internalizing New Constitutions land II Address: by Patricia Spillane, M. S~ C. Price: 151.25 per copy, plus postage. Review for Religious Rm 428 3601 Lindell Blvd. SL Louis, Missouri 63108 Extremism in Ignatius of Loyola Tad Dunne, S.J. Father Dunne, who previously taught systematic theology at Toronto's Regis College, is now Director of Novices for the Detroit Province. He may be addressed at Loyola House: 2599 Harvard Road: Berkley. Michigan 48072. Retreats can be deceptive. Wewithdraw from our daily0meanderings and ascend to some lofty point from which we can see, from a spiritual perspec-tive, where our journey has taken us and where it is going. We may feel a need for an outlook quite opposite to oar culture's, even extremely so in some sense, if we are to live a vibrant spirituality in the midst of the world. From that vantage point, we search the gospels for some absolute ideal against which to test our everyday activities. And usually we come away with a vision simple and uncompromising. Then we come down from the heights, and before long we start work-ing on a balance between these opposites: not too talkative, but not too silent; not a workaholic, but not lazy; don't jump to conclusions, but don't accept everything mindlessly either. We look back on our retreat from quite a different perspective than we had while we were in it. Then we saw ourselves as refusing to com, promise with the world; but now we feel maybe just a little more faithful or a little more loving, and we count that small gain as our humble best. IS this retreat desire for some spiritual extreme an illusion we amuse ourselves with while p.erc.hed far above the harsh realities of the city? Or is the opposite true: that our adaptations to everyday realities compromise something in us that is precious in the sight of God? Ignatius of Loyola was one person, among many others in our history, who pushed for the no-compromise attitude: ~6 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 Just as people of the world who follow the world love and seek with such great diligence honors, fame, and esteem for a great name on earth, as the world teaches (hem, so those who are progressing i9 the spiritual life and truly following Christ our Lord love and intensely desire everything oppo-site (GE 101).~ This sounds impressive, but many doubt that we can make such a ¯ black/white distinction today. Unlike Ignatius in his day, we perceive a certain continuity between religious values and secular values. Our society's hospitals, its welfare systems, our efforts to eliminate poverty and to estab-lish political grounds for world peace all point to a growing convergence of what "the world" and what Christians intensely desire. Indeed, a case could be made that it is chiefly because of Christian values that the Secular City is gradually taking on humane, even spiritual goals for the human race. So should we regard Ig.natius' contentious approach to life as just a temporary stance made necessary by the chaos of the Church and of society in his time? I would like to argue a strong "No!" Strong, because unless we see some practical usefulness to an "everything opposite,, attitude, we would lose our sense of what is radidal about being Christian. We would gradually grow accustomed to "the world" as it is, and lose our critical 'sense. We w6uld have no razor-edged criterion for weighing practical alter-natiVes in ourapostolates. But what exactly does Ignatius mean by "everything opposite?"Para-doxically, he also counseled balance in many areas of life. So we can legitimately ask in what sense ought we be spiritual extremists, and in what sense men and women of prudent balance? Although I focus m~inly on Ignatius, I have no doubt that most°of the spiritual giants in human history would know what Ignatius was talking about. A Dialectic of Desires First of all, this "everything opposite" attitude does not refer to external social or cultural realities. It does not mCan that we should be opposed to all modern institutions just because they are "of the world." In any cage, these are always a mixed product of intelligence and ~aliqe, of good will and stupidity, and so in their regard we try not to throw out the baby with the bath. What Ignatius is talking about is rather ~ithe inner realities of consciousness. The "everything" which ought to 15e opposite to the "world" means inner desires. The disciple's desires ought to be completely opposite to the worldly penchant in us to "love and seek with such great diligence honors, fame, and esteem for a great name bn earth,~as the world teaches." Let me explain this more .fully. On the one hand, we revel in praise, we take pains to protect our Extremism ih Ignatius of Loyola/347 reputations, and we easily pour our energies into making a name for ourselves. On the other hand, rebukes chasten us, insults sting us, and injuries humble us. However, even when these humiliations are unjustified, we do have to admit that the shock to our pride does have a therapeutic element in it. In some small way, we need a come-uppance now and then. To be "put in one's pldce" can shatter self-defeating illusions we cherish about ourselves. What is very important to notice here is thatwhat honors do to ore: sense of ourselves, and what put-downs do, "are completely opposite. It is these opposing senses of'ourselves, I believe, that Ignatius means°by "everything opposite." Wl~at Ignatius gives in the General Examen, he expands upon in the meditation on the Two Standards (SE 136-148).2 There he shows how different acquired tastes about lifestyle usually lead to quite deep and quite opposite longings abo~t one's self-awareness. On the one hand. the taste for m0ney'leads to a desire for a great name. On the other, the taste for poverty usually leads to a longing for a certain anonymity the kind that frees a person to live without crippling self-concern. And beyond the great name anti th~ little name lie the r~al objects of one's deepest love what Ignatius calls either a.life of pride or a life of humility. Learning the Dialectic of Desires ~ Now few people recognize that, in faCt, they long either for pride or for humility. In"one's everyday choices,, most things seem morally gray, with-out serious consequefices., And yet they do add up to a direction in one's life, a direction that sooner or later reveals whether a person is self-centered or not. So it takes some reI:le~tion to real'ize for oneself that underneath a great number of apparently harmless concerns there lurks one's fundamen-tal inclination to pride. Likewise it takes some measure of self-reflection to notice the interior movements that in fact are a person's desire for humility. Once both these movements are recognized,° we can see that they are entirely opposite pulls in consciousness. Moreover, we can then begin to recognize that this dialectic of desires fihderlies our every activity, and see how it profoundly determines the person we become and the stamp we leave on our world. Given the'importance of this self-education in inner movements, it is no wonder that Ignatius prescribes more meditations on the Two Standards than on any other in the Exercises. ~ Still, we must admit, despite repeated meditations on the Two Stan-dards and nur~erous exhortations on the value of resisting the pull to ownership and to be held in high esteem, even the spiritually mature do not easily maintain.such a dialectical attitu.de toward their inner movements. And so we must ask why an "everything opposite" attitude is so difficult to 348 / Review.['or ReliL, ious~ May-June, 1986 live out. One reason is that we have failed to see the point of the Two Standards meditation. We may shave "done it" during a retreat and felt we got the point. Perhaps we understood Ignatius' view of the spiritual struggle very well and saw its connection toomaking choices in life. So we act as though it is enough to grasp the concept of spiritual struggle; we sincerely hope to bring the concept to bear in our everyday situations. What we forget is that life is concrete, not abstract. The people and the situations around us are a profoundly mysterious jumble of grace and malice, requiring in-depth reflection every day. Mediiation is .not analysis. Nor is =t simply ar~ appreciation of an abstract vision. Rather, meditation should be an ongoing and strenuous exerc=se in understanding the interac-tion between our concrete surroundings and our inner struggles. Ignatius, in fact, appeals very little to the concept of struggle. By that I mean that he does not analyze the meaning of "acting a, gainst" considered as a principle from which actions can be determined. It is one thing to acknowledge that life is a struggle, but quite another to name exactly what we are struggling with each day. In his practice and teaching of discernment Ignatius seldom appeals to an abstract rule of life. Instead, he appeals to imagination and to history to show that life is essentially a dialectic of desires, because he wants us to realize it in our own lives. For example, in the General Examen, he asks that the candidate for the Society of Jesus "ponder" how helpful it is to imitate the humiliated Christ. Does "ponder" mean conceptualize and ar~.lyze here? Not at all. The candidate is asked to imagine spiritually advanced men and womer~ and to notice how in fact they "intensely desire" to be clothed exactly as Christ, because of the love they bear him. lgnatius does not tell the candidate to imitate Christ humiliated and poor. He directs him only t,~ im.agine what the loyal disciple desires. Likewise in the Two Standards, the retreatant imagines the "servants and friends" of Christ, how they are naturally attracted in the direction opposite to pride, and how they attract others in the direction of h~mility.' I believe that ~Igriatius is trying to help the retreatant distinguis~h between several otherwise nameless, interior experiences. By focusing on the disciple instead of the Master, Ignatius clearly means to have us consider which Of our inner experiences, among the many that occur, corresponds to that particular attraction to Christ which the true disciple experiences. In other words, he wants us to discriminate among inner desires, not apply some facile, clean-cut rules about behavior. I said that Ignatius appeals also to history to teach us about these two pulls in consciousness. He does this in two ways. First, he directs a~tention Extremism in Ignatius of Loyola to the purposes which motivated Jesus in his work on earth so that we might better imitate him. True disciples "desire to resemble and imitate our Creator and Lord Jesus Christ. since it was for our spiritual profit that he clothed himself as he did" (GE.101 ). Notice that lgnatius calls Jesus "our Creator." This makes the choices of Jesus for poverty and humiliations a deliberate revelation of how we can best fulfill the purpose of our creation. Our Creator, Jesus Christ, came with this express purpose--to "give us an example that in all things possible we"might seek., to imitate and follow him, since he is the way that leads us to life" (GE 101). For Ignatius, God desired to enter human history in person, taking on the only condition that truly gives life, a condition of poverty and humility. If there was any doubt which inner desire one can depend on, now we see clearly that Jesus Christ freely and wisely chose .poverty and humiliations. History now has a model-member to guide it~ Jesus Christ, not just Lord but Creator as well, in imitation of whose interior .desires we find real life. Ignatius appeals to history in another manner which;although it is less obvious in the texts, underlies everything in the General Examen and the Exercises. Like St. Paul, he boldly sets his own historical experience and that of his first companions as the measure of what abnegation means in the concrete. In Chapter. Four of the General Examen, which Ignatius wrote with the overall intention that novices accept the idea of abnegation,3 we find this reason given: "For where the Society's first members have passed through these necessities and greater bodily wants, the others who come to it should endeavi~r, as far as they can, to reachthe same point as the.earlier ones, or to go farther in our Lord" (GE 81). In other words, the candidate is told that he is entering a community which is not leading itself; it is being led by God. Like Israel, the Society's founding historical expe-rience is normative for the Society's continuing style.Therefore for the simple reason that God moved the early companions to love poverty and humiliations in order to achieve the humility of Jesus, so too shOuld the later companions, because this is not just human work but the very labor of God nbt only in our psyches but in our history too. Isee two kinds of meditations which these reflections should prompt. First, we should learn for ourselves how to recognize when ~we are pulled toward humility and when towards pride. To do this, it may help to compare our~own inner experience to that of deeply spiritual persons. Their outwardly simple and self-effacing lifestyle is a manifestation of a militant obedience, to a deep and steady love within. Authentic people avoid applause, not because they are shy but because they are courageously maintaining a spirit which is very precious to them. Second, we should meditate on the various stories in which God acted ~ / Review for Religious, Ma.v-June, 1986 for the Church through Ignatius, or through any of the men and women who understood the struggle within. Their story is part of our history, and our story draws its meaning from that shared history. God indeed has entered history permanently, not only in the person of Christ Jesus but also in the hearts of our spiritual ancestors. Ignatius and his companions, in particular, recognized that their experience of begging and mockery gave them great joy. And why? Because they felt a concrete share in the expe-rience of their~Creat0r and Lord. Once they decided to form a community, they wrote constitutions with the purpose of structuring, as far as possible. a continual reenactment by its members of their'often difficult yet greatly joyful desires. We can read Scripture in the same way. By attending to the inner experiences which lay behind the texts of Scripture, we can recognize the two pulls of consciousness and the meamng of each, For example, when Jesus heard the woman cry out, "Happy is the womb that bore you and the breasts that nursedyou!" he replied, "Not as happy as those who hear the Word of God and keep it!" (Lk 11:27-28). As I read it, this text says that the ~hief concern of a happy consciousness is inner obedience, not family loyalty nor pride in the fruits of one's labor.- For another example, we hear the reading from Wisdom, "I esteemed her [wisdom] more than scepters and thrones:. I loved her more than health or beauty" (7:8-10). What else is this wisdom but, the constant desire to live with ,the regular humiliations that come with living in the truth? Once we understand that what we call "salvation" is in fact the outcome of a tension in consciousness, we can read any scriptural stories and recognize familiar inner movements in ourselves. In this fashion, by seeing our pres-ent experience in the light of the gospels, we can grow to love the humble, self-transcending path. An Empirical View of the Dialectic Having said all that, there .still remains a nagging question. Many deeply spiritual men and women in fact have meditated in this way, have lived in actual poverty, have been stung by the insults, and know the joy that can accompany these experiences, but they regard this as a persono! asceticism only. They possess only vague notions of what the humble way has to do with peace in the world and the ongoing struggle of cultural and political leaders, to achieve it. Perhaps they believe in the~principle that pride pulls down nations, but they have no mental frameworkfor under-standing how it does so. Nor do they perceive how anyone~'s humility might everbuild up a nation. As a result, while they may live out a dialectical attitude ih their personal.lives, they can make no connections between it Ertremism in Ignatius of" Loyola / 351 and contemporary political science, psychology, sociology and economics. And so they seem to ache for the world but know nothing about how to improve it. Our world, after all, is thoroughly empirical, unlike Ignatius' world. which it seems, doted more on eternal verities. Were Ignatius alive today, 1 believe that besides appealing to imagination and to history, he would add a functional explanation of how the dialectic of desires underlies social progress and decline. That is, he would seek to explain how an inner penchant for doing without funds or fame works to bring about a redemp-tion in Christ Jesus that would mean something to this world. Or. to use his terms, he would explain what role ',discernment of spirits" plays in "redeeming" the world: To work out that functional explanation of how discernment of spirits facilitates redemption, we have to express the movements of the good and bad angels in terms that the average person can find in experience; °There are two experi.ences in particular which we must point out. each repr_esent-ing a pull or drawing in consciousness on the side of Christ's standard. First- is the experience of intending the truth. This experience relates to an extremely broad range of objects, and yet, as experience, it is quite distinct from many other kinds of inner experience. To "intend the truth" means to want to know reality, to search for answers to questions, and to respect the truth when we find it. This intending, this search, this respect, pulls against a counter-drift in us which settles for simple answers, for impressive words, for tricky, solutions, and for comforting illusions. Second is the experience of intending the good. This too relates to a ¯ broad range~ of objects and yet is quite a distinct feeling in consciousness. We ;'intend the good" when we weigh options for the sake of discovering what is objectively the best choice. In doing so, .we pull against ~ counter-tendency which seeks the merely satisfying, the subjectively comfortable. To want the truly good often means to choose a more painful path, but a better .one. And the criterion we use .to tell which is better is not only an examination of pros and cons.but also and chiefly, I believean expe-rience of fulfilled,or frustrated desire in our hearts. With these two experiences in mind--the intention of truth and the intention of good we can analyze how an "everything opposite" attitude works redemption in concrete situations, and how a failure to be strongly contentious prevents redemption from taking over. Let me illustrate this in several different areas of life. Some Illustrations To a great extent we all have difficulty with our feelings. Speaking for 352 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 myself, whenever I meet a stranger at a party, I seem to listen to our conversation with one ear and to my inner apprehensions with the other. It doesn't work very well because I often say things I immediately feel foolish about. Just when I hope to make a good impression, 1 feel I make a bad one. This happens because my mind was not fully on what we were talking about. I was also thinking about how to feel accepted, and so I blurted out things unrelated tothe topic of our conversation. Things are not much better with friends either, particularly when it comes to dealing with anger. When a friend gets angry with 'me, I want to strike back or at least defend myself. But neither reaction helps me under- 'stand what has gone wrong, and this failure to understand only makes it that much harder to work out an amicable solution. The ideal, of course, is to be able to acknowledge the truth of my own feelings and the feelings of others. This means workifig both to name the feelings and to pinpoint what the feelings are focused on--not an easy task for anybody. Negative feelings in particular are often repressed, and yet they are our best indicators that something of value is going ~ wrong. Because they are meant to alert us to harm, we should take them seriously, making every attempt first to acknowledge them and then to understand what they are all about. But this requires a no-compror~ise attitude towards those, pulls inside us which spring to "defend our poor egos. Those pulls create illusions which seduce us and cushion us against taking the sometimes painful responsibility~of facing the truth and doing our real best. For another illustraton of how dedication to reality and to objective worth helps bring order and sense into an ot.herwise ch~aotic situation, consider how communities tend by nature to be self-centered. As a com-munity we may be very realistic and quite responsible where each other are concerned, but this does nothing to prevent us from being aloof and oblivious to outsiders. Every community tends to reinforce its owri biases, to congratulate itself on its victories, and to speak a language full of value judgments 'that no one questions. Members seldom wonder whence its resources come and where its garbage goes. They seldom question whether or not its enjoyments are paid for by the sweat and malnutrition of foreigners. Unfortunately, for all the values inherent in community, there is very little in community itself that directs it beyond itself. These powerful gravi-tational forces toward self-centeredness can be found in communities of all sizes: couples in love, large families, ethnic groups, labor unions, nations-- and even religions. But all such communities live among other communi-ties. They contain subgroups, and they belong to larger groups. Wittiout some cultural commitment to the larger, more common good, subgroups Extremism in Ignatius of Loyola / 353 cut back their good will and limit their creativity to what benefits them-selves alone. So the normal demand for large-scale cooperationis regularly sacrificed for some small-scale gain: first for this and then for that faction. Sadly and ironically, once this game of competition between groups begins, none of the groups benefits as much as each of them might have, had they all shared their wits and their good will with one another. Historically, self-centered communities have enlarged their vision and commitments only when they have been provoked from within by a prophet. Usually.the prophet gathers a select community of like-minded people together to become the leaven in the dough. But before the prophet speaks a single word or calls a single disciple, he or she bbeysan inner pull toward truths and values that run counter to the prevailing attitudes. Prophets have reputations for being contentious. They get that way because they already fight an interior battle between illusions that are familiar and truths that are strange, between old, accepted ways of treating people and new, more dignified ways. So they cry out to the people they love, calling them to realize that they are playing a no-win game with other groups. When prophets are successful, a reform movement will get under, way only insofar as it deals with the community's concrete relations to other groups. The measure of its success will be the degree to which it demolishes any self-centered myths which its own authorities may propagate in the name of community strength or unity. But its members have to wake up intellectually. Only when they recognize these myths in themselves and wage an interior war against them will this peaceful revolution be~in. For my final illustration, I want to highlight the inner struggle that takes place in what we call the deep thinkers--scientists, historians, philo-sophers, and theologians, both the professional and the amateur. Contrary to popular opinion, deep thinkers often do not have an astronomically high I.Q. They work slowly but steadily. Nor are they born "bright;" they become aware of long-range implications and complex problems only by a steady fight against their minds' drift toward the easy answers. Again, you can see my point. On the one hand, we all experience a pull " toward a bogus form of knowing; the kind that relies on memory, rhetoric and bluffing. On the other, we also experience an "entirely opposite" pull towards asking honest questions, and searching for the best explanations, fighting against any worry that someone else .might beat us to a solution. We all have felt the desire to belittle intellectual inquiry and to disregard journals of opinion; even as we secretly wish we had the staying power to work for a more than surface understanding of the world around us. We cannot excuse our anti-intellectualism on the grounds of mental 3~4 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 dullness. The so-called "dull" can be extremely bright when it comes to practical and immediate concerns, Here lies the road to pride again. On its own power alone; our intelligence would n~ver stop asking questions about anything, no matter how remote. But when, the fruits of our reflections are not immediate and palpable, then a prideful concern for our own welfare forces its way in and compels our intelligence to surrender. We yield to the forces in our consciousness that move us toward easy answers, silly responses, and. make-believe solutions. While we all recognize these pulls in ourselves, we should notice what happens when psychologists, histbriians, political scientists, economists and the like give in to them. Their shortsighted solutions to human crises 'make life more miserable not just for themselves but for countless other human beings. Yet no jury indicts them for malpractice. No preacher denounces them from the pulpit. Instead, we give them the benefit of the doubt that ~'they did their best." But upon their interior obedience to the canons of truth--an obedience monitored by themselves alone--hangs the future of anyone whom their theories, and policies' touch. From this large-scale perspective, we can see better that every time someone settles for'merely partial answers to problems, he or she usually introduces a solution which itself needs fixing by someone else. Of course, this is only a general explanation of how bad situations get worse, but it does explain how a contentious spirituality can work to better the world we live in. Only an "everything opposite" attitude towards this downhill intel-lectual slide will regularly bring about .intelligent and long-range solutions to the problems that beset God's people. Conversion to the Dialectical Attitude "Everything opposite" means a conversion--one that requires some-times anger but often gentleness to maintain. It means recognizing that oners interior is a battleground of two opposing kinds of movements, whose :outcome has direct manifestations in one's psychic health, one's prophetic spirit, and one's intellectual freedom. These, in turn~, have a direct .effect on:family harmony, social justice and on the broad philosophies and theories that shape out: human institutions. The conversion ought to be total,.because there is no event in our everyday lives which does not derive its meaning from how we responded to it. As Christians, we stand in a peculiar relationship to.~this conversion to a dialectical .attitude. The functional explanation givrn above, of how dis-cernment of spirits works to create a better world, could stand on its own without any~reference to Christ Jesus. This is an asset insofar as Christians can share a vision, a language, and a praxis with non-Christians--which Extremism in Ignatius of, Loyola we must certainly do if we are to tackle issues of social justice with any seriousness. Such cooperation can even be the beginning of a dialogue about ultimates in truth and goodness leading to the Good News of Christ Jesus. But a functional explanation by itself is also a liability insofar as Christians might forget to name just who it is who moves the soul to face the truth and do one's true best. So it seems incumbent upon theologians and catechists to express the age-old doctrine of redemption in Christ Jesus and the Spirit in functional categories drawn from the dynamic~ of con-sciousness and the workings of history. This is a large order, but fortu-nately one already, being taken up by many today. A final word of caution: Such an "everything opposite" attitude is not learned overnight. It takes time to name which inner experiences corres-pond to "intending the truth" and which to wishful thinking; which to "inte,,nding the good" and which to securing the merely comfortable for ourselves. And we learn by our mistakes. But Without the slightest exag-geration we can say that in this matter there should be no compromise. Only an extremism about our inner movements can give us the day-to-day balanced judgment and love that redeem the world. ~ NO~ES ~ General Examen. This document was written by Ignatius for the purpose of teaching candidates for the Society, of Jesus what Jesuit life Would require. It was meant to be given:in a retreat setting, requiring some serious meditation. See George E. Ganss, ed., The Constitutions of the ~Society of Jesus (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1970) pp. 75-118. My references above refer to paragraph numbers. 2Spiritual Exercises. See Louis 3. Puhl, ed., The Spiritual~Exercises of St. Ignatius (Wes.tminister, MD: The Newman Press, 1959), References are to paragraph numbers. 3Joseph de Guibert, The Jesuits: Their St~iritual Doctrine and Practice (Chicago: Loyola UniverSity Press; St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1964) p. 141. The Spirit of Holiness Living in Us E. A. Ruch, 0 M.L Father Ruch teaches philosophy, at the National University of Lesotho (P.O. Roma 180; Southern Africa). He has just completed a study leave in France. Spiritual theology distinguishes three stages in our progress towards holiness: The purgative (cleaning) stage which consists essentially in a breaking-away from sin, not merely out of fear of divine punish-ment, but out of a God-given awareness of God's love for us; The illuminative stage in which we grow in a personal understanding of who God is, an awareness which always culminates in the realiza-tion that "God is love"; The unitivestage which is a personal love-response to God's love for us and thus a gradual transformation of ourselves into true children of God sharing in his divine nature. Holiness is infinitely more than just being a good man, someone who meticulously obeys the law of God. We live in a redeemed world, a world already reconciled with God, but in which we are called to "become the goodness of God" (2 Co 5:21). This is why the standards of holiness which Christ sets us are much higher than those of "the Scribes and the Pharisees" (see Mt 5:20-47). Jesu~ has come to complete the law, to raise it io a level which we cannot attain by our human strength. Indeed, he expects us to be "perfect as (our) heavenly Father is perfect" (Mt 5:48). He wants us to become "fully developed, complete, with nothing missing" (Jm 1:4). He wants us to "be holy in all [we] do, since it is the Holy One who has called [us], and Scripture says: be holy, for I am holy" (I P 1:IS). We must not, therefore, confuse a high standard of moral purity with holiness. Moral purity is only the starting poittl on our way to holiness. The Spirit of Holiness / 357 Beyond our human struggle for justice and goodness, there is a gift from God which transcends all human limits. Let me try to exploin this by means of a parable. Let us suppose a diver who, having stripped off his everyday clothing, is preparing tb plunge into the pool. Undressing does not make a diver. It is only when he has left terra firma and confided himself tothe new element, viz. water, that his life as a diver begins; for it is only a beginning. Let us now follow the diver's experience under water. He begins to discover the marvels of the underwater flora and fauna: a truly new world opens: to him. True, he also begins to discover the dangers of this life, but the beauties he discovers are more than a match for the risks incurred. More and more he finds pleasure in diving and in exploring this new world. And yet, every once in a while he has to return to dry land to refill his compressed air cylinders and to take a rest in his own, more familiar world. Let us now imagine such a diver being gradually transformed into an "aquatic animal," i,e, into a kind of new man, capable of living, breathing and working under water in perfect ease, not even wishing to return to his formerly familiar, yet highly toxic atmosphere of nitrogen, oxygen and carbon dioxide. Life under water has become a "second nature": it is now his "real" life and his original one would be considered as "abnormal." He is now a new creature "fully developed, complete, with nothing missing" who no longer wants to leave his newly acquired mode of existence, and who finds "life outside" meaningless, boring, heavy and poisonous. He now "lives and moves and has his being" in God. He has "become like him, because he sees him as he really is" (1 Jn 3:2). We have here a neat image of growth in holiness. First of all, God, through his Spirit living in me, prompts me, urges me to "take the plunge" and to be '~baptized in the Spirit." He then begins the long process of revealing the beauties and risks of life in and with God. Finally he initiates that transformation into his own life which will only be completed in eternal beatitude, but which is already partially shared through faith in the joy of discovering the life of God in us. I would now like to show the role of the Holy Spirit in these three stages. The Purification When John the Baptist preached the metanoia; q.e. the "turning-around," the "about-face" which is required in our sinful life, he strength-ened his preaching with the effective symbol of immersion into the water of the Jordan as a sign of personal cleansing. But John also knows that he cannot achieve more than mere moral purity. He is still a man of the Old ~1511/ Review for Religious; May-June, 1986 Testament ("The least in the kingdom of heaven is greater than he is" (Mt 11:11))~ We are called to much more than moral purity and John proclaims his role as Precursor of the one who will baptize "with the Holy~Spirit and withfire" (Mt 3:11). The symbol of fire a~ an element of purification is well known throughout the Scriptures: More effectively than water, because it goes to the hearvof the matter and not only to its surface, fire cleanses from within. It burns away the impurities as one,burns the chaff after winnowing (Mt 3:11-12).~ .~ Fire as a ~ymbol of the Holy Spirit is, of course, well known from the Pentecost event and the "tongues of fire." Another purifying force in spiritual life is the loneline.ss, suffering and silence of,the "desert experience." Like the people of Israel who have to be purified of their Egyptian habits through their forty years of wandering through the desert, so also Jesus himself was "led by the Spirit out into the wilderness to-be tempted by the devil" (Mr 4::1; Mk 1:12 and ~Lk 4:1). The Spirit will invite us too from time to time to retire into solitude and silence, because this is the precondition for hearing the voice of God which would become inaudible in. the hustle and bustle of our daily, life in our,~nervous and tension-filled world. And just as fire is painful when it burns away impurities, so ~the solitude of the desert is frightening. St. Teresa of Avila insists very strongly on the importance of "the grace of quiet" for spiritual life (Way of Perfection, ch. 33). St.John also points at another necessary purification: to bring the desires of the flesh under th~ control of the spirit: Unless ~ man is borfi through water and the Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of heaven. What is born of the flesh is flesh; what is born of the ,.Spirit is spirit (Jn 3:5-6). Thus purification is part of a p(~ocess of acq~iiring a new life (see v. 3). "l:he real life is not the one given by the flesh; only'"the Spirit. gives life" (J~n 6:63). Above all, purification from sin is a condition for receiving the gift of ¯ theo~Holy Spirit. Therefore Peter announces to the people at Pentecost: You must repent .and everyone of you must be baptized in the name of Jesus 'Christ for the forgiveness of your sins, and you will receive the gift of the Holy Spirit (Ac 2:38). In reverse, the Holy Spirit is specifically given to the Apostles to,enable them to forgive sins: Receive~the Holy Spirit. For those whose sins you forgive they are for-given; ofor those whose sins you retain, they are retained (Jn 20:22). ~' We are fighting a running battle against the forces of evil. We are the The Spirit of Holiness / 359 accused in an endless courtcase in which Satan is "the accuser of'our brethren., who accuses them day and night before God"(Rv 12:10). But this a~:cuser has been "thrown down" (ibid) by the Holy Spirit who is our Advocate. Because the Holy Spirit is the Spirit of Truth while the devil is the "spirit of disorder" ( I Jn 4:6) and of "falsehooi:l ~ind murder" (Jn 8:44).~ In our fight with the spirit of evil who tries to turn us away from God. the Advocate "will be with you forever, he will be continually at your. side. he will be m you" (Jn 14:17). ~hus the Holy Spirit appears also as the one who sustains us in our temptations, who provides us with arguments to beat the devil. Even when we fire facing evil earthly powers, we need have no worry, because "ttib Spirit of your Father will be speakir~g in you" (Mt 10:!8-20). Like a good advocate he will prove the "opposition" wrong(see Jn 1~:9-11), by convict-ing the world ofits sinfulness and consequently of the fact that without Christ's victory the world is meaningless and lacks all ultimate purpose. In his epistle to the Romans St. Paulexplains this purifyi~ng role of the Holy Spirit by stating that the Hrly Spirit takes people who are living by "the law of sin and death" which is characterized by "the misdeeds of the body" (Rm 8:1, 13)and he makes them "spiritual": Your ~nterests. however, are not in the unspiritual, but in the spiritual. since the Spirit of God has made his home in you. In 'fact. unless you possessed the Spirit of Christ you would not belong to hire. Tl~ough your ¯ body may be dead it is because of sin; but if Christ is in you, then your spirit is life itself because you have been justified: and if the Spirit of him who raised Jesus from the dead is living in you, then he who raised Jesus from the dead will give life to your own mortal bodies through his Spirit living in you (Rm 8:9-10). The Spirit does not only transform our soul and cleanse our mental habits our thoughts, our feelings, our emotions he also "spiritualizes" our bodies to prepare them for the resurrection. Our bodies became mortal "because of sin"; the cleansing from sin through Christ's "Spirit living in us" is the cause of our immortality.~ What are the spiritual transformations which the Spirit operates in our souls? St. Paul opposes the spirituality and holiness of the Old Testament and that brought about by Christ's Spirit living in us. The Spirit transforms our "spirit of slaves" livingin fear, into a "spirit of.sons" who have been "set free"(Rm 8:14-23; see 1 Jn 4:17-18). It is a new attitude with regard to the law that takes hold of us: we do right not because_ we are afraid, but because we love. On the other hand, and for the same reason, i.e. love, this freedom is never licentiousness, because we are living in the Spirit: If you are guided by the Spirit you will be in no danger of yielding to 360 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 self-indulgence, since self-indulgence is the opposite of the Spirit . . (Ga 5:16). In other words: the presence of the Spirit in us does not justify bad behav-ior, but should enable us to avoid bad behavior. Hence also Paul's claim to the Corinthians that no on~ can curse Jesus and be in the Spirit of Jesus (1 Co 12:3). Paul's whole apostolic life was dominated by his struggle to make the new converts realize this new dimension brought about by faith in Christ: an externally imposed Law is replaced by the promptings of the Spirit from within (see Ezk 36:26-27; Jr 31:33). The true Christian is doing good because the Spirit moves him from within his very freedom. Even our faith in the Gospel is the work of the Spirit and it is this faith, rather than outward observances that justify us (Ga 3:2). It is a pagan (or an Old Testament) attitude to do good or to refrain from doing evil out of fear of hell, or in order to curry God's "favors," rather than out of inner convic-tions growihg out of love. A Christian attitude stems from the Spirit within us and from our readiness to let the Spirit become active and effective in us and through us. Since the Spirit is our life. let us be directed by the Spirit. We must stop being conceited,, provocative and envious. (Ga 5:25). The Spirit which he sent to live in us wants us for himself alone (Jm 4:5); (literally: 'The Spirit. yearns, earnestly for our love'). No one who has been begotten by God sins: because God's seed remains inside him. he cannot sin when he has been begotten by God (1 Jn 3:9).2 But God will not sanctify us without us. It is from within our freedom that God acts and lives in us. We must collaborate with his promptings, for God has an infinite respect for our free will. Nor is it sufficient to have received, the Holy Spirit once and for all, like some kind of seal, medal or honorific title. He has to live in us. We have to grow in him by letting his influence in our lives become more and more continuous and pervasive. It is precisely this growth which supposes an inner cleansing. We cannot serve two master~; at the same time: one must diminish if the other is to grow. As long as our life is cluttered with worries, with sins, with ourselves, with the world, with pleasures and so forth, there is little room for God to grow in us. He is not going to sneak into our life, as we gradually clean out the house just ahead of him. We have to make a clean sweep before God arrives. But we are afraid of the apparent spiritual poverty, of the empti-ness, of the echoing hollowness within us. The Spirit gives us the courage to empty ourselves (see Ph 2:7) so.that we might experience God making irruption into our life. The blood of Christ, who offered himself as the perfect sacrifice to God The. Spirit of Holiness / 361 through the eternal Spirit, can purify our inner self from dead actions so that we do our service to the living God (Heb 9:14). In short: the first level of the Spirit's action demands, but also produ-ces an inner cleansing, a reorientation of our lives, an openness to the guidance of the Spirit and a readiness to be transformed. Without this there simply cannot be any.growth in spiritual life, because without it we are not capable of putting ourselves into a listening attitude towards God, and without_ this listening attitude there will not be that inner enlighten-. ment whereby God wants to make' himself personallY known to us. Enlightenment and Learning Si. John presents us the Holy Spirit as the'Spirit of truth: "I shall ask the Father, and he will give you another Advocate3 to be with you forever, the Spirit of truth whom the world cannot receive since it neither sees nor knows him; but you know him, becauSe he is with yo.u, he is in you. [he] will teach you everything and remind you of all 1 have said to you" (Jn 14:15-16, 26). This theme of the "world" which cannot see God ,recurs often in John. The world is blind to God because it is too much concerned with other, rela, tively unimportant things. The Word of God is the true light which many people refused to receive (Jn 1:9-13). But there are also those whb, throughout the history of salvation, have let themselves be enlightened by the Spirit of God. The Holy Spirit inspired the prophets (see Lk 1:67; Ac 21:4; 28:25;.) and the writers of Scripture. He guides the lives of those he inhabits (see Lk 2:25-26) and he leads Jesus himself through his ministry (Lk 4:14, 18)oand makes him,utter prophetic words (Lk 10:21). Indeed it is the Spirit who, in the form of a dove, points at the Messiah as the voice of the Father is heard at.Jesus' baptism (Mt 3:16-17; Mk 2:10; Lk 3:21-22i Jn 1:32-34; ~1 Tm 3:16). It is by the Holy Spirit that Jesus performs his m.iracles (Mt 12:28). In short: the Holy Spirit makes us become aware of Jesus,as the Messiah and of his redemptive role. This is why the Gospels are so 6utspoken against those who "sin against the Holy Spirit" (Mt 12:32; Mk 3:28; Lk 12:10) because this sin blinds us to the revealing and illuminating role of the Holy Spirit without which we cannot reach God nor pr.ogress in holiness. ("No one can say 'Jesus is Lord' except by the Holy Spirit" 1 Co 12:3). In other words, the sin against the Holy Spirit makes God's essential work in our life, viz. our sanctification, impotent. Jesus has proclaimed the Good News to us: he is the Good News, but we are incapable of fully grasping what this means unless the .Spirit opens our eyes: It is for your own good that I am going, because unless I go, the Advocate 369/ Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 will not come t6 you; l~tit if I do go, I will send him to you . I still have many things to say to you, but they would be too' mucfi for you now. But " when'~the Spirit of trt~th comes he will leadyou to the complete truth, since he will not be speaking as from himselfbut will only say what he has learnt . Jn 16:7-15 (passim). ~ " ~- We clearly see the effect of the Spirit on the apostles at the moment of the Pentecost event!~ Now, the coming of the Holy Spiritdoes not imply the revelation of neff doctrines, but the creation of an inner receptivity and capacity for underst~hding the Good N~ws of Christ in a more personal way:. You have been anointed by the Holy One, and have all recei'bed the knowledge'., you do not need anyone to teach you; the anoiming he gave you teaches you everything; you are anointed with truth, not with a lie. (1 Jn 2:20, 27). Thus the Holy Spirit generates faith, the ability to listen and to hear, in us and she convicts the "world" of its basicsin of unbelief (see Jn 8:21, 24, 26; 15:22). In reverse he convinces the believers of Christ's divinity (see Jn 10:33; 19:7) because l~y returning to the Father in his human bo.dy, Jesus shows that his true home is in heaven (see .In 13~ 1; 20:17). Finally the Spirit gives to the believer the unshakable confidence in the power of God who has overcome the empire 6f evil. Thus, by revealing the glory of Christ and enabliiig us to b~elieve in Christ, he makes us listen to him who reveals to us the glory of the Father. The Acts of the Apostles have been called the "Gospel of the Holy spirit." They are full of incidents in which the Spirit illuminates the minds and heart~of~the apostles and of the believers. Let us me~'ely'mention a few of them almost at random. He gives to the believers the gift of speech in foreign tohgues (Ac 2:4), he inspires the words of the apostles (Ac 4:8.31), he gives Stephen an, irresistible power of argumentation against his detrac-tors (Ac 6:10) as Jesus himself had predicted (Mk 13:11; Lk 12:H-12). On several occasions the Spirit gives people the ability of predicting the future (Ac 21i,~; 11:28); he guides the decisions of the Church in admitting pagans (Ac-8:29, 40; ~10:19, 44-47; 11:12-16; 15:8),'in limiting the relevance of the Jewish laff (Ac 15:28) and in determining the mission of Paul to the pagans (Ac 13:2 sq; 16:6-7; 19:1). Occasionally he gives very precise g~uidelines for th~ apostolate (Ac 8:28). But ~bove all the Holy Spirit reveals himself internally to those who receive him, usually in baptism, by giving them the power of praising God in words-inspired by God himself [the gift of tongues](see Rm 8:26-27; Ac 9:31; 10:44; 19:1-7.). Indeed one could say that the Holy Spirit was clearly the power behind the expansion of the ~early Church. The Spirit of Holiness / 363 This power is usually revealed and released in a prayerful atmosphere. Throughout Acts, one gets the impression of a people moving about in an inner spiritual dynamism, open to God, ready to expect any kind of mira-cles. Of course they are_ ordinary human beings like you and me. They sometimes become almost obsessively enthusiastic (like the Corinthians), while others (like the Gala~tians) remain fearfully attached to traditions. In this they do not differ all that much from the Churchof today! But there does seem to be a genuine desire throughout the early Church to let the Spirit rule the life of the faithful. St. Paul himself tells us that he is not bothered by his weakness, precisely because he" knows that he can always let ttie Spirit and the power of God Speak and pray in and through him (Rm 8:26-27). He knows that he is not preaching his own ideas nor by his own power, but by the power of God (1 CO 2:3) and that "the Spirit reaches the' depth of evet:ything, even the depth of God" (1 Co 2:10). This is why he chides Timothy for his timidity: God's gilt was not a spirit of timidity, but the Spirit of power, and love. and self-control (2 Tm 1:7).~ And~just as the Spirit give~'to the preacher the words to preach, to the prophet the message to proclaim and to the teacher the doctrine to teach, so also he gives to the listeners the inner .power to understand with heart and mind, and the wisdom to apply what has been taught in their personal life: May the God of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of ~lory, g~ve you a spirit of wisdom and perception of what is revealed, to bring you to full knowledge of him (Ep 1:17,). Out of his infinite glory, may he give'you the power through his Spii'it for your hidden self to grow strong, so that Christ .may live in you through faith, and then, planted in love and built on love. you will with all the saints have strength to grasp the breadth and the length, the height and the depth . (Ep 3:16-19). By thus gradually growing, in God's wisdom, we will be filled with the '~utter fullness of Ggd" (ibid v. l~J). ,, But God ca~ only fill us with his wisdom, !f we have let ourselves be emptied of the wisdom of the "~orld." Hence,the purification stage.must precede and will itself grow in _proportion to the gradual~growth in "enlightenment." We can only grow "little by little" (Ws 12: !-2). Secondly we mus~ play our fa,irt by taking a humble, listening and receptive attitude in sile~ace ~nd. patience. And thirdly, the Holy Spir!t comes to each one of us personally, but always within the context of and for the sake of the whole Church, the Body of Christ (see 1 Co 14), because "God is Love" and v~hatever he does in us and through us,~in on13~ take place within a 364 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 love-relationship, This is why love is the greatest commandment, but also the greatest of all gifts of the Spirit: the gift which not only includes all others, but also the only one which is to remain forever (1 Co 13). We 'do not receive the Holy Spirit for our exclusive personal enjoyment, but for sharing him with others through apostolic action. As Jesus says to his apostles: You will r~ceive power when the Holy Spirit comes on you, and t~en you will be my'witnesses (Ac 1:8). More than half the passages in the Acts which speak about the Holy Spirit mention him in a directly apostolic context. This is also why the Holy Spirit is presented in such an intimate relationship with the Church that Peter can say: "It has been decided by the Holy Spirit and by ourselves." (Ac 13:28), while the Book of Revelation affirms: "The Spirit and the Bride [= the Church] say: 'Come'"-(Rv 22:17). A final point worth mentioning in the present context: If it is true that the illumination by the Spirit is proportional to our emptying ourselves of our own ideas, then it is easily understandable why the poor in spii-it are given preference in the kingdom of heaven (Mt 5:3),~ why "these things" have been hidden frrm the worldly wise and revealed to children (Mt 11:25) and why only children can enter the kingdom of heaven (Mt 18: !-4). Union in Love The Christian religion is not merely an ethics, i.e. a list of actions to be done or avoided. Jesus' struggle with the Pharisees (see Mt 5:17 sq and 23:13-32), as well as St. Paul's arguments to show the powerlessness of the Law to save us (e:g. Rm I-7) are proof enough of this. Nor is Christianity merely a beautiful doctrine dogmatically proclaimed a~d faithfully but blindly accepted: If I knew all the mysteries and all science, and if I had the fullness of faith. but without love, lam nothing (! Co 13:2). God wants to call us to a new life. I~e wants to change our identity from within, not merely our mode of external behavior. He wants us to be reborn "through water and the'Spirit'' (Jn 3:5) so as to enable us to enter into the kingdom of heaven. It is through the Spirit of Goal that this "rebirth" as children of God takes place: The Spirit himself and our spirit bear united witness that we are children of God. And if we are children we are heirs as well: heirs of God and coheirs with Christ, sharing his 'suffering so as to share in his glory (Rm 8:!4-17; see Ga 4:6~7). The Spirit is our passport for our new. "ciiizenship," because we have been The Spirit of Holiness / 365 stamped with the seal of the Holy Spirit of the promise, the pledge of our inheritance which brings freedom to those whom God has taken for his own to make his glory praised (Ep 1:13-14). Of course in this life we still know God only "dimly, as in a mirror" (1 Co 13:12), and yet e~,en in this limited way, God already reveals himself to us from within, from his presence in us through the Spirit: We know that he lives in us by the Spirit that he has given us (! Jn 3:24). We can know that we are li~ing in him and he is living in us, because he lets us share his Spirit (! .In 4:13). The Spirit is .an" experienced reality. Even the places and buildings where the early Church was gathering "were shaken" when they were "filled with the Holy Spirit" (Ac 4:3 I) and the Holy Spirit is often described as "falling on" people (Ac 10:44; 11:15). It is like falling in love: it is an experience difficult to explain to someone who has never experienced it. The kingdom of God is therefore not merely something to be expected in the life to come. We are already living in this kingdom, which can be identified with equal right with the Holy Spirit and with the Church, provided the Church is not merely seen as an administrative structure. St. Paul refers to our transformation into children of God as something already realized: We were buried with [Christ] in baptism [and we]'have been raised up with him" (Col 2:12-13). However, this new reality demands, right here and now, a new mode of life: Put off your old nature which belongs to your former manner of life. and be renewed in the spirit of your minds, and put on the new nature, created after the likeness of God iri true righteousness and holiness (Ep 4:22-24). We are incorporated into the Spirit (Rm 8:1, 9. We are "temples of God"( 1 Co 3:16; 6:19). We have been 'Zraised up with Christ" (Col 3:1). It is for this reason that all "Paul's moral instructions are so severe. Moral instructions and calls to holiness are one and the same for Paul, and they center, as .one can expect, on the two commandments of love of God and~ love of neighbor. Because of the Spirit dwelling in us, we are able to love God and to love our neighbor with the same kind of love with which God himself loves us: The love of God is poured out into our hearts by the Holy Spirit who is given to us (Rm 5:5). The first thing that changes in our new, Spirit-filled life, is our relation- ~166 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1986 ship with God in prayer: The book of Genesis tells u.s .of Enoch~ who was livinga life of such 'intimacy with God that he was absorbed into God, that he vanished in him (Gn 5:24). The original familiarity with God as des-cribed in paradise is re,stored. We learn to relate to God truly a~ our Father because ,"God has Se.nt the Spirit of hi~ Son into our hearts crying 'A~bba! Father!'" (Ga 4:6; .see Rm 8:26). Our ~vorship is no longer tied to places, times, rituals, and'words, but becomes "worship in0 spirit a.n~d in truth (b~ecause) God is °soirit" (Jn 4:24). Above' all, our worship ~s no longer dominated by fear because ° love will come ~o perfection in us when we can face the day of judgment without fear; because eVen in this worm we have 'become as he is. In love ~there is no fear', but fear is driven out by perfect love" (1 J'n 4:17-18; she "~ Rm 8~21~29)~ So to pray in the Spirit of God (see Ep 6:18) means to pray in an attitude of fearless love: God is love and anyone who lives in love lives in God and God lives in him (l Jn 4:16).~ This means thaLGod lives in us-and we live in him, but also that as a result weare transformed into God's essentially loving nature. This transforma, tion will not only reveal itself in our relationship with God, but also in our relationship with our fellowman. We are living a lie if we claim to love God, to be a child of God, while not loving our neighbor: We can ,be sure that we are in God only when the one who claims to be living in him is living the same kind of life as Christ lived (1 Jn 2:5-6). Now God's love for us was revealed when God sent into ,the world his' only Son so that we could have life through him . Since God loved us' so much~ we, too should love one another . As long as we love one another, God will live in us ~'nd h~s love will be complete in us. (I Jn 4:10-12). This whole,newdoving relationship is planted inu~ by the Holy Spirit living in us and e.nabling us to grow in him and thus to become more and more ,like Christ whose .Spirii he is. ¯ If we live by the truth .and in love, we shall "grow in all ways into- Christ ~, who is the head by whom:the whole body is fitted and joined together. "~ So the body grows until it has built itself up in love (Ep 4:15-16):~ . This body,,building itself up and. growing in love, is the Church. This is also why the gifts and charisms are to be used for "the common good" (see 1 Co 12:7; 14:3r4, 26) and are of no account without the cha,rity which~gives The Spirit of Holiness / 367 them meaning (1 Co 13). Jesus wanted us to be perfect "as our heavenly Father is perfect" (Mt 5:48) and he summarizes the whole Law and the Prophets in the commandments of love (Mt 22:40). Our growth in perfec, tion can therefore only be a growth in this twofold, love and this growth is essentially God's work because we have been chosen by the prox)ident purpose of God the Father to be made holy by the Spirit, obedient to Jesus Christ and sprinkled by his blood (I P 1:2). The lives of the Saints are beautiful illustrations of this powerful and effective dwelling of the Holy Spirit in the soul. In all their differences, they have struggled through these three stages of growth in holiness. Some have put more emphasis, on their sinfulness and on the need for inner purifica-tion; others have spent most of their life trying to penetrate deeper and deeper into the knowledge of the mysteries of God, not only with their intellect but with their heart and their whole being: All have been led towards a life of intimate

Con la presente Tesis Doctoral abordamos críticamente la visión ilustrada del indígena de la frontera meridional chilena como marco geográfico y la centuria de la Ilustración como coordenada temporal, especialmente su segunda mitad. Un análisis de sus tres familias básicas que no contempla por razones cronológicas a los picunches o gentes del norte, pero sí a los mapuches –gente de la tierra–, huilliches –gente del sur o sector meridional mapuche– y los pehuenches cordilleranos –gente del pehuén o pino chileno–. Esta división horizontal en razón de su distribución latitudinal se complementa necesariamente con la clásica repartición cuatripartita longitudinal de los butalmapus o distritos indígenas. Así, la frontera araucana, entre el río Bío-Bío y la plaza de Valdivia, se dividía en: costa, llanos, precordillera y la Cordillera propiamente, barrera que no fue obstáculo para unas relaciones fluidas. Además, al sur de la misma se extendía la frontera huilliche, que abarcaba desde el presidio valdiviano hasta Chiloé. Y, por supuesto, los pehuenches, que enseñoreaban ambas vertientes andinas. La naturaleza del estudio parte de un enfoque metodológico multidisciplinar histórico y antropológico, y supone un análisis de media duración del espacio fronterizo, en especial de su actor indígena, que con la Ilustración va a ver revalorizado en su papel. Asimismo, destacamos un aspecto básico transversal a todo el trabajo de aproximación a la realidad fronteriza araucana y hulliche, como es el proceso de cambio cultural, cuando al choque inicial le sucede un sistema complejo de relaciones. El surgimiento de una cultura de frontera se realiza dentro de unos parámetros de comportamiento social relativamente compartidos por ambas comunidades en contacto prolongado. Un proceso de aculturación con fases de aceleración y retroceso, y bidireccional en cuanto a los elementos culturales cedidos y adaptados; aunque sea la cultura hispana la principal donadora. Pretendemos observar si la historia de la frontera chilena es una historia que supera el mero enfrentamiento para convertirse en una frontera dinámica, donde la convergencia de protagonistas colectivos alcanzó en el siglo XVIII una dimensión propia como espacio compartido y nuevo en sus interrelaciones. Comprobar si la nueva fisonomía social y mestizaje de elementos culturales heredados de la implantación hispana y legatarios del habitante nativo, dieron lugar a una sociedad que rompía el ciclo de lucha y se ofrecía mestiza y original. Igualmente, procuramos comprobar si el resultado más significativo del contacto secular fue el conocimiento y la integración de ambas comunidades por encima de conflictos cerrados. Nuestra principal contribución, que matizamos más abajo, va en la línea de reivindicar el espacio fronterizo chileno como un territorio de confluencia e intercambio, superando la visión de choque continuado de una parte de la historiografía más interesada en la consagración de mitos "incuestionables", que ignora la complejidad de un fenómeno mucho más rico y cambiante. Si bien esta corriente interpretativa ya está marcada por la historiografía reciente de la mano de autores como Gertrudis Payás, José Manuel Zavala, Jorge Pinto, Leonardo León, Jaime Valenzuela y Jimena Obregón, entre otros estudiados exhaustivamente en el presente texto, hemos querido profundizar en la misma y analizar el progresivo proceso de secularización de la frontera más allá de los intercambios comerciales y el mestizaje. Aquí radica nuestro aporte más sustancial y personal, mencionado anteriormente. Siguiendo las orientaciones de Guillaume Boccara al respecto y añadiendo al comercio el elemento simbólico, las representaciones culturales, el universo de las mentalidades y los imaginarios colectivos junto a los recursos, semántica y otros elementos de apropiación. El estudio de la frontera nos lleva ineludiblemente a las formas de contacto violentas y pacíficas entre sociedades, y la génesis de una nueva entidad diferenciada. Esta idea cenital de la literatura producida por los estudios fronterizos desde las aportaciones del profesor Sergio Villalobos y sus discípulos ha quedado matizada o, mejor, enriquecida por el análisis de los procesos de interacción étnica, podemos recordar a Rolf Foerster o José Bengoa, por ejemplo. En este sentido, recordamos la clarividente idea de Pinto Rodríguez en relación a los intercambios mutuos, aparte de los circuitos comerciales locales o regionales –incluso de una futura proyección imperial–. Los cambios fueron simultáneos y obedecieron a factores de índole externa e interna. Desde el punto de vista indígena, no solo la resistencia y sus derivaciones contribuyeron a conformar una sociedad fronteriza, sino también las transformaciones operadas en el propio seno del mundo nativo a consecuencia del contacto sostenido en eltiempo con los españoles. El tema es de una gran relevancia y actualidad, objeto de debates y polémicas sobre la inserción en la sociedad chilena, a los cuales no han permanecido ajenos los historiadores, muy al contrario. El conflicto que mantiene el pueblo mapuche con el gobierno chileno arranca de la misma constitución del Estado, así lo hemos contemplado, aunque sucintamente por su contemporaneidad, al hablar de las categorías semánticas y especialmente del debate historiográfico fronterizo, en consecuencia emplazamos al capítulo correspondiente de la primera parte. Las escuelas de estudios fronterizos y de relaciones interétnicas quedan contrastadas en dicho apartado de la Tesis con un estado de la cuestión bibliográfica, así como las soluciones de síntesis más novedosas y actuales. Todos estos valiosos aportes historiográficos y antropológicos enhebran el trabajo y son comentados recurrentemente, pues sin tales cimientos no se podría seguir construyendo una ciencia histórica capaz de explicar y comprender el presente desde la reconstrucción del pasado, según la "Escuela de los Annales" y en palabras de Braudel. De igual manera, al final del trabajo hemos incluido un comentario acerca de las fuentes consultadas, que manifiestan la colaboración interdisciplinar metodológica y cruce de testimonios de naturaleza variada, al cual remitimos para una lectura más amplia y pormenorizada. Tan solo anticipar su diversidad documental y de centros de investigación a lo largo de tres estancias en Chile. Asimismo, en orden a la temporalidad, queremos realizar dos matizaciones previas. En primer lugar, hemos analizado la cuestión mapuche actual someramente allí donde ha sido necesario para comprender el presente desde su raíces históricas, en concreto el reformismo tardío de Carlos III y Carlos IV. En segundo lugar, igualmente analizamos la primera mitad de la centuria ilustrada cuando sirve al conocimiento del periodo tardocolonial, pues aunque somos conscientes del inicio de la política reformadora desde Felipe V, nuestro interés se centra en el marco cronológico finisecular, precisamente donde el vacío historiográfico es mayor o requiere de nuevas interpretaciones de cara al próximo movimiento emancipador. Respecto al indígena, se trata de rescatar la diversidad de sus respuestas frente a la forzada homogeneidad y las valoraciones de los ilustrados que plasmaban esa nueva realidad desde premisas novedosas. Interrogando a los testimonios de españoles y extranjeros sobre sus estrategias de subsistencia, realidad política, estructura social y valores o patrones culturales, podremos captar las continuidades y los cambios de los indígenas y las transformaciones en las visiones de los observadores europeos. Las hipótesis de trabajo planteadas y sujetas a verificación se centran en la nueva situación de la frontera ilustrada. Es decir, si hubo una nueva concepción global fronteriza desde la metrópoli y sus autoridades indianas delegadas tendente a reforzar territorios en movimiento de expansión y el control efectivo de los integrados en la Monarquía Hispánica por temor a las repercusiones de la cambiante política europea. Si quedó ratificado de facto lo consagrado de iure, esto es, la soberanía efectiva sobre la frontera. ¿Pudieron operar factores exógenos como la amenaza real de asentamiento foráneo en puntos clave geoestratégicos de la América española que llevaran al replanteamiento acerca de los "salvajes" o "bárbaros" por los hombres del absolutismo ilustrado? Si fue así, ¿enfocaron la cuestión con métodos propios o se insertaron en la cadena de soluciones heredada frente al fenómeno fronterizo? ¿Se implementaron dispositivos y mecanismos de contenido cultural y fondo político como estrategias novedosas? La frontera del reformismo debe abrirse a otros protagonistas, como los agentes de intermediación, en especial las mujeres. En este sentido nos planteamos cuál fue el verdadero alcance de su papel, olvidado entre el ruido de las armas, al igual que la importancia de los recursos en la apropiación del medio y sus habitantes. Además de verificar esta política oficial intencionada y planificada durante el XVIII, de modo acentuado en su segunda mitad, comprobaremos si pudo obedecer igualmente a la influencia de respuestas locales que condicionaran la dinámica interna y hasta qué grado son posibles los análisis comparativos con otras fronteras indianas. El uso del universo simbólico para la inclusión y su verdadero alcance constituye una hipótesis primordial de nuestro enfoque antropológico. Asimismo, planteamos la nueva visión del "otro" indígena, que por encima de enfrentamientos bélicos los presenta como hombres en última instancia súbditos del rey distante, que es necesario reintegrar por vías de la asimilación cultural a su verdadera condición de vasallos del rey católico. Un acercamiento que supera mitos nacionales consagrados por la historiografía en muchos casos y en proceso de revisión, que deja atrás la idea del indio rebelde y lo contempla como elemento en sí mismo, integrado más o menos según la variedad de respuestas y los tiempos de las mismas. Igualmente, en conclusión lógica de lo anterior, entre los objetivos que perseguimos está contemplar la frontera mucho más allá de la dinámica de enfrentamiento, optando por la concepción de un espacio total e integrador, eso sí, de personalidad propia y diferenciada. Un espacio de confluencias que se abre paso gracias al progresivo entendimiento fruto del conocimiento y de necesidades mutuas. Finalmente, otra hipótesis de trabajo observa la frontera secularizada de finales del siglo XVIII no solo como un proceso de aculturación inicial y posterior transculturación, sino también como un medio aprovechado por los españoles de cara a la movilidad social ascendente. De ahí que el conocimiento sobre el indígena sea objeto de variadas reflexiones que coloquen al nativo como elemento clave del desarrollo regional y camino de la promoción político-administrativa. La reconstrucción del pasado debe cumplir la función social de mejorar el presente, si consideramos que somos lo que fuimos, dicha comprensión retrospectiva sirve para reconocer que seremos lo que somos, de ahí la importancia de reflexionar sobre espacios de encuentro, de mediación intercultural entre europeos y americanos. Partimos de la premisa de que toda historia es historia contemporánea, como Benedetto Croce apuntó. Escribimos y leemos Historia para comprender y mejorar nuestro presente, para adquirir el bagaje suficiente que nos permita hacer frente a los retos de nuestro tiempo, como los desafíos de las migraciones y contactos o la diversidad cultural, por otra parte tan añejos como la dispersión de nuestra especie por el planeta. No es el camino emprendido colocar datos en secuencia por la mera información por sí mismos aportada, sino que la posición que adoptemos ante el pasado y sus relaciones con el presente son vitales para la sociedad entera y no solo para los historiadores, albaceas de la memoria de la experiencia colectiva. Nos preguntamos, siguiendo al maestro Hobsbawm: "¿Qué puede decirnos la historia sobre la sociedad contemporánea?". El contexto económico, político y sociocultural de aquella lejana frontera debe considerarse relativo al punto de vista del observador, por ello adoptamos una perspectiva inclusiva desde la historia social. La historiografía tradicional iberoamericana se caracterizó por fijar la atención en el Estado-nación y su historia broncínea de héroes epónimos fundadores. Hoy en día, ante los retos de la globalización resulta inexcusable una historia regional integradora y comparada, en línea con las nuevas rutas abiertas por la historia atlántica. América ha adoptado una postura crítica como marco intelectual, aceptar las "certezas supuestas" suele ser cómodo, pero resulta muy discutible cuando falta la investigación que acredite dicha certidumbre. Las polémicas, en la raíz americana, avivaron una autocrítica histórica que bien puede transformarse en sano criterio de búsqueda actual, sin llegar a la iconoclasia, pues construimos historia sobre lo preexistente. Al fin y al cabo, "no es la Historia campo de curiosidades (…) En este gran Theatro no se entra à especulaciones infructuosas", sino a interpretar los cambios y permanencias que explican su continua construcción en beneficio personal y social: "asi por lo que mira à su persona, como al gobierno de otros". Los contactos entre pueblos son tan antiguos como la historia misma de la humanidad, sin embargo, aunque mantienen similitudes, también operan divergencias, siempre dentro del proceso general de cambio experimentado, pues "transición es todo en la Historia hasta el punto que puede definirse la Historia como la ciencia de la transición". La frontera es un escenario privilegiado en este sentido y se constituye como un espacio geográfico y cultural de choque y encuentro entre mundos diferentes que interactúan recíprocamente por medio de procesos de aculturación o transculturación. Respecto al primero, entendemos el término como un proceso complejo de contacto cultural, cuyo fruto consiste en la asimilación o recepción por un grupo social de rasgos de otra sociedad mediante la imposición, física o simbólica. Mientras que en relación al segundo, partimos del proceso dibujado por Fernando Ortiz e inspirado por José Martí y la idea de integración cultural, según el cual sería la gradual recepción por un pueblo o grupo social de formas culturales ajenas, que terminan sustituyendo a las propias. Ambas partes resultan modificadas, pues siempre se da algo a cambio de lo que se recibe, en palabras de Bronislaw Malinowski14. En las fronteras chilenas analizadas –araucana, cordillerana y huilliche– se intentó lo primero, pero operó lo segundo. Los préstamos culturales circularon reciproca pero desigualmente entre ambas comunidades. El hecho fronterizo –tanto humano como territorial– puesto ante los procesos globales del tiempo presente puede, sin duda, acometerse con mayores posibilidades de éxito gracias al conocimiento de ámbitos de contacto pasados. La globalización no significa homogeneidad, pues la diversidad etnológica y cultural es patrimonio de todos, pero sí es oportunidad para una mayor solidaridad y cooperación entre pueblos, máxime si mantienen fuertes lazos históricos y afectivos. Por otra parte, permite el análisis crítico sobre la interculturalidad en relación a la colonialidad del poder, aunque no es nuestra intención actual. América es un continente multicultural por obra del mosaico de pueblos que lo habitan con sus respectivas culturas, la mirada no-indígena define desde fuera su realidad, lo cual significa la construcción de un sujeto ajeno a la propia identidad indígena. La identidad étnica es un concepto dinámico que tiene un punto referencial en su propia historia. Una visión lineal impuso el recorrido de "salvajes" a "bárbaros" y de aquí a "vasallos", luego vendrían los "ciudadanos", pero tal recorrido fue dispar en cuanto a una comunicación constructiva entre ambos a pesar de la interacción permanente. El conocimiento mutuo entre españoles y mapuche-araucanos vino de la mano de nuevas relaciones y perspectivas hacia el otro diferente nacidas de la visión reformista, y sirvió de enlace entre unos y otros vía complementariedad o interdependencia. Por otra parte, la naturaleza de la interacción y la ordenación de las relaciones interétnicas deben contemplar la existencia de límites identitarios a las asociaciones y adaptaciones. El interés ilustrado por el indígena y el medio americanos ofrece una abundante posibilidad de consulta documental de múltiples orígenes y con variadas finalidades que describen e interpretan el mundo indígena desde la etnografía y la ecohistoria en larga duración. Nos ha parecido vital partir del cruce de testimonios oficiales y privados –políticos, religiosos y científicos– y de las reflexiones etnológicas así de españoles como de viajeros extranjeros. De igual manera, acudir a archivos americanos y españoles de diferente naturaleza resulta necesario para el conocimiento de diversos tipos documentales. Asimismo, la bibliografía especializada consultada ha permitido establecer el estado de la cuestión y adentrarnos en los debates historiográficos de nuestro enfoque sociocultural. Las interpretaciones acerca del indígena de la frontera sur chilena son variadas, según el cambio de percepción operado con el transcurso del tiempo. Sin duda, en el siglo XVIII las diversas visiones posibles tienen en común el tamiz, en mayor o menor grado, del pensamiento ilustrado. Aunque algunas referencias constituyen fenómenos de continuidad, el cambio aparece no solo en la propia evolución nativa sino también en el resultado de la observación europea. Españoles, criollos y extranjeros no dejaron iguales testimonios acerca de los araucanos, si bien es verdad que los rasgos distintivos básicos son comunes en sus escritos. Las distintas visiones se nos presentan dispares pero no por ello incompatibles; al contrario, son complementarias. No hay oposición entre sus testimonios más allá de los diversos objetivos de cada colectivo. Con el análisis del enfoque que dieron españoles o criollos al aborigen, se podrán observar sus diversos intereses, lo que la frontera y sus habitantes significaban para el español americano y el peninsular. Además, militares, misioneros o pobladores diferirán en sus resultados al partir de premisas variadas; divergencia que se repetirá en las observaciones del hombre que vive en la frontera con respecto al que la contempla desde la lejanía. Pero el acercamiento al indio desde la visión ilustrada quedaría incompleto sin el estudio de los testimonios dejados por los extranjeros que, aunque parten del mismo patrón cultural occidental, resultan también enriquecedores para configurar un esquema interpretativo del mapuche-araucano en el siglo XVIII. Cada grupo fija su atención primordial en un aspecto, por lo que la conjunción de todos conformará una aproximación adecuada al panorama general de la vida indígena y sus relaciones con los demás protagonistas de la frontera chilena del Setecientos. La actuación y visión de todos los agentes fronterizos nos permitirá comprender la dinámica de cambio en el análisis de un espacio físico y cultural que contempla no sólo las potencialidades del medio sino también la incorporación del indio, mediante la aculturación entre otras estrategias, a la sociedad hispánica. No podemos valorar las visiones del indio y su incorporación como vasallos de la mano del reformismo borbónico, sin partir de la dualidad básica del mundo fronterizo, esto es, la relación hispano-indígena. Pero fueron más los agentes histórico-sociales que intervinieron, no sólo los europeos de distintas procedencias y por ende con acervos particulares, sino los propios indígenas, fragmentados en sus respuestas al choque cultural. Así pues, consideramos vital estudiar el mundo amerindio en su diversidad de desarrollos y adaptaciones al medio y de actitudes respecto al hispano-criollo. Tampoco podemos olvidar los actores culturales de intermediación entre ambas comunidades. Para abordar las relaciones entre españoles y nativos partimos de los sistemas de valores de las sociedades en contacto y del marco físico como condicionante en cuanto a la adaptación cultural del hombre al medio. Un medio que merece un estudio en sí mismo junto a los grupos humanos que lo habitaron y las interrelaciones que tejieron con las demás colectividades que confluían en un mismo territorio. Hay que observar la frontera como lugar físico de confluencia y como proceso de cambio cultural. Estudiar si el inicial rechazo evolucionó con el tiempo hacia el contacto humano fluido, el intercambio de elementos culturales y la creación de un espacio resultante de las interacciones continuadas. Además, el tiempo ilustrado resulta óptimo para un balance de las posibles continuidades y cambios, así como para fijar la naturaleza de la evolución del pensamiento respecto al indio "bárbaro" de las fronteras imperiales. A mediados de la centuria ilustrada, Rousseau rescataba en su "Discurso sobre las ciencias y las artes" una idea clásica y a la vez novedosa –que enlazaba con el ideal cosmopolita de la época– sobre la barbarie. De manos de Ovidio recogía: Barbarus hic ego sum, quia non intelligor illis ("Aquí soy un bárbaro porque no me entienden"). La diferencia convertía en extraño a cualquiera en función del posicionamiento o la mirada ajena. La mutua observación entre ilustrados e indígenas nos ofrece las visiones de unos y otros. Recuperada esta percepción más amable y recíproca de la alteridad y el poder, faltaba la segunda premisa para comprender el contexto en lo relativo a la configuración de las fronteras: el pacto. Otro destacado pensador, no en balde estamos en el "Siglo de la Filosofía", aportó su comprensión al respecto: "debe buscarse la paz allí donde pueda encontrarse", tan precisa era la primera ley de naturaleza. Desde Clío, aunque con un enfoque interdisciplinario, podemos acercarnos a esta realidad en transformación, pues "la Historia no solo es una valiosa parte del conocimiento, sino que abre la puerta a muchas otras partes y aporta materiales a la mayoría de las ciencias". El fenómeno de la frontera chilena en el siglo XVIII centra el contenido de nuestra Tesis Doctoral. La naturaleza de este estudio parte de un enfoque interdisciplinario y de un análisis de media duración del proceso fronterizo y sus consecuencias desde una metodología histórica y etnológica. Aplicamos el método etnohistórico a las fuentes documentales en un marco de análisis del hecho fronterizo chileno desde sus orígenes hasta sus resultados más significativos y enriquecedores durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII, cuando el contacto secular entre españoles e indígenas desembocó en una nueva realidad distinta de las anteriores pero fruto de ellas. El encuentro entre sociedades de niveles socioculturales dispares originó la formación de una "frontera" en cuanto espacio físico y proceso cultural. A su vez esta frontera es variada dependiendo del actor fronterizo desde el que se analice, en este sentido los testimonios marcan las distintas visiones del "otro" en base a su situación en el entramado de relaciones. El estudio de la frontera chilena, como objetivo general, se inicia con el análisis global de lo que la frontera ha significado en la historia humana en cuanto espacio de confluencia de realidades y generadora de mitos. Los precedentes peninsulares medievales se prestan especialmente al tratamiento comparativo entre fronteras en cuanto contacto prolongado, pues junto a las convergencias encontramos divergencias que permiten establecer una tipología del fenómeno en el espacio indiano y remarcar la singularidad de las fronteras americanas. Las similitudes y los desencuentros permiten un extenso abanico interpretativo –lato sensu– de respuestas desde la historia y la antropología. La capitanía general chilena estaba circundada al norte por el desierto de Atacama, que la separaba de la matriz peruana, al oeste por el océano Pacífico, al este por la cordillera andina, y al sur por la Araucanía y el archipiélago de Chiloé. Esta región política y natural claramente delimitada era un espacio peculiar en el orden físico y étnico, que ejercía su influencia sobre el imaginario de los españoles asentados en el valle central. La frontera del reino de Chile, desde el río Bío-Bío hasta el archipiélago chilote, constituyó una zona fronteriza –en analogía con las marcas carolingias–, temparana en su problemática y tardía en su resolución. Una frontera inestable, marcada por el medio natural y la posición periférica. Los cronistas y los primeros investigadores han dejado testimonio de la singularidad de un espacio que se resistió a su inclusión en el engranaje de la Monarquía Hispánica en Indias, empresa cargada de dificultades y trabajos, y que originó un mito conformador de la identidad chilena. El debate historiográfico sobre la frontera chilena y sus aborígenes en relación con la zona plenamente hispanizada central y septentrional ha originado posicionamientos diversos que interpretan su evolución histórica de forma dispar. La complejidad viene del cambio y la continuidad en el mundo fronterizo que terminó por originar un fenómeno modificable en el proceso y sujeto a reajustes; además de la imagen fraguada desde el inicio, que se debate entre la realidad y el mito. Los protagonistas que interactuaron en la frontera meridional chilena, objetivo específico de la Tesis junto a los cambios culturales experimentados, tenían diferentes intereses y estrategias, en relación con su cometido y función respecto al "otro" y el territorio. El distinto nivel de complejidad social de cacicazgos y estatalidad se reflejaba en la apropiación de los recursos mediante un menor o mayor grado tecnológico y acumulación excedentaria. Como pueblo nativo y ágrafo, los araucano-mapuches poseían un conocimiento exacto del medio. Además, según la visión coetánea sobre el origen de la desigualdad, los "salvajes" estaban acostumbrados a fatigas, rigores y "forzados a defenderse". Entre españoles e indios el sistema de relaciones fue un continuum, recurrentemente la presencia de europeos amigos o enemigos de la monarquía española aumentaba la complejidad de visiones de la dinámica fronteriza. Los ojos que observaban la cultura aborigen eran múltiples y variados, consecuentemente las formas de mirarla también lo serían. Pero todos dejaron constancia de su capacidad pragmática de adaptación y tránsito de la autarquía al intercambio. En definitiva, la cultura es producto del aprendizaje más que de la herencia, de la asimilación de unos hábitos compartidos por miembros de una misma sociedad que podemos conceptuar paulatinamente de fronteriza en su conjunto. Tras el choque inicial de la conquista los hispanos se establecieron en el valle central, agrícola y ganadero, preocupados por la estabilización más al sur de una frontera conflictiva que escapaba al control efectivo de la hispanización política y cultural. Durante la época de los Austrias y en el tránsito al siglo XVIII, los españoles y criollos, alejados ya de su interés por enlazar con los fundadores hispanos y próximos a reivindicar los orígenes y medio americano como elemento diferenciador, asumieron una nueva actitud hacia el mundo fronterizo. Durante la primera mitad del Setecientos se reestructuró la acción sobre el indígena en base a reforzar la política de "parlamentos", factor de continuidad y proyección. Eran encuentros transfronterizos entre los representantes de ambas comunidades, a la cabeza hispano-criolla iban las autoridades político-militares y eclesiásticas, mientras que los jefes tribales –caciques o loncos– de las parcialidades indígenas encarnaban la autoridad nativa. Los dos interlocutores se hacían acompañar, respectivamente, de un gran número de tropa e indios –capitanejos y mocetones–, que participaban de una ceremonia ritualizada junto a grandes banquetes y ofrendas de regalos que concluían con un articulado que establecía las normas del juego fronterizo y el reconocimiento de vasallaje al monarca español. Con el tiempo, este corpus contractual se convirtió en un estatuto fronterizo que consagraba igualmente la representación mapuche-araucana tras su presentación ante la autoridad hispana delegada en el territorio. Posteriormente, durante los reinados de Carlos III y Carlos IV, la visión ilustrada llevó al descubrimiento científico del indígena, al conocimiento del medio y a una política integradora encaminada a preservar aquellos espacios de la amenaza exterior mediante ideas de asimilación cultural y su control práctico bajo soberanía española. Esta etapa de los dos Carlos es la que ha centrado nuestra atención, respecto al primero las razones son tan obvias como su protagonismo a la cabeza del reformismo borbónico ilustrado. En relación a su hijo, a pesar del pánico de Floridablanca ante la deriva de los sucesos revolucionarios franceses, las reformas tuvieron durante su reinado hasta 1808 cierta posibilidad de implementación y, sobre todo, de comprobación de sus resultados. Además, se trata de periodo relativamente olvidado por la historiografía y que es preciso poner en valor, apremio mayor en Indias. La imagen colectiva del indómito y resistente araucano es fruto del sistema de valores y creencias compartidos por los colonizadores españoles y transmitida a la historiografía posterior, sin olvidar su gran proyección literaria. La visión del "otro" difería de la realidad pues estaba condicionada por el subjetivismo y limitada por la dificultad de percibir una cultura en construcción que, por otra parte, tomaría carta de naturaleza precisamente gracias al observador ajeno. Observaremos en nuestro estudio a los grupos genéricamente englobados bajo la denominación de araucanos por parte de los conquistadores, extrapolando una singularidad a un conjunto de familias étnicas que quedaron arrinconadas al sur del Bío-Bío, en la zona de contacto fronterizo desde la Araucanía hasta la isla grande de Chiloé. Con pautas culturales sedentarias agropecuarias en estadios poco evolucionados y comportamientos que iban del enfrentamiento abierto con los españoles a la alianza o entendimiento, pasando por las actitudes ajustables según la coyuntura. Muy brevemente, estos son los grupos de nuestra atención: huilliches, con cierto desarrollo cultural agrícola y ganadero, además de la pesca en torno al archipiélago chilote, límite frente a los juncos o cuncos. Los mapuches, reacios a la colonización y enemigos de los hispano-criollos, que con el tiempo y por medio de cauces indirectos quedaron englobados en el mundo mestizo de la frontera. Por otra parte, los pehuenches u hombres del pehuén, fruto o piñón de la araucaria con el cual elaboraban una harina base de su alimentación y fácil de transportar en sus desplazamientos por ambas bandas cordilleranas. Asentados en la zona centro-sur y desplazados progresivamente hacia el sur y la Cordillera, eran recolectores y cazadores que atravesaban los Andes en dirección a los grandes espacios rioplatenses donde se les conocía por indios pampa araucanizados. La incorporación del caballo aumentó su área de desplazamiento e incidió en sus pautas nómadas. Se dedicaban a la venta de sal, animales y manufacturas de piel, fueron aliados de los españoles, especial y definitivamente a partir de las campaña de 1770. Otros grupos étnicos menores cualitativa o cuantitativamente son contemplados en relación a los anteriores. En conjunto, unos pueblos de diferente nivel de desarrollo sociocultural y contrastadas respuestas a la presencia española que, progresivamente, fueron uniformándose a ojos extraños por la aceptación del orden colonial cuando no implicándose en su mantenimiento. La percepción ilustrada del indio entre "bárbaro" y "buen salvaje", o los afanes del reformismo borbónico por integrar a estos súbditos díscolos definitivamente, se articuló en varias líneas de actuación: el poblamiento fronterizo, la transición de la guerra defensiva a ofensiva y los mecanismos de asimilación y encuentro dieron dinámica propia a una frontera extrema. Cabe recordar que el pensamiento antropológico de la Ilustración está en el origen de una visión clasificadora de otras sociedades humanas al diferenciarlas y situarlas, en su afán taxonómico, en la historia. Un tercer agente fronterizo en la América meridional englobaría la presencia europea: holandesa, francesa e inglesa fundamentalmente, también de centroeuropeos, situados fuera de la relación bidireccional español-indígena, ambos nominalmente súbditos de la Corona. La percepción europea ilustrada proporciona valiosa información sobre la visión externa de las relaciones y vías de integración, así como de los factores del rechazo, por encima de la impresión de la época centrada en la posible alteración del equilibrio y entendimiento forzado entre españoles e indígenas. Como sabemos, la segunda mitad del XVIII contempló choques reales o temidos entre las potencias europeas en América. Estas fronteras imperiales en expansión propiciaron el encuentro europeo en escenarios americanos, y los cambios o permanencias de soberanía que en el caso chileno quedaron en el pánico defensivo y la asunción de una geopolítica revalorizadora de la frontera por obra de sus potencialidades y de las amenazas políticas. Las relaciones de viajeros extranjeros que no compartían la escala de valores de eclesiásticos y militares españoles o criollos afrontaban la conducta indígena desde otras perspectivas. Su formación científica ilustrada, el espíritu crítico y la desvinculación con el medio social indiano les llevaron a otra valoración complementaria de las interrelaciones. La frontera meridional chilena fue objeto de atención por la metrópoli en una doble vertiente: la problemática doméstica y la amenaza exterior. El control del territorio y el definitivo abandono del statu quo que había permitido en la práctica, parcialmente, el desarrollo en paralelo de ambas comunidades dejaron paso finalmente, merced al contacto continuado, a una nueva realidad en aquel espacio. En segundo lugar, por la urgente defensa del territorio amenazado por los ecos revolucionarios franceses y las ambiciones inglesas de asentamiento, es decir, la proyección americana del juego de relaciones políticas europeas. Por otra parte, actuó como factor endógeno de la sociedad hispanochilena la percepción del mundo fronterizo no solo como un elemento diferenciador, sino como un cauce u oportunidad de servir al rey y cimentar un cursus honorum. La vida militar y la carrera político-administrativo propiciaron la movilidad social ascendente de unos hombres que, con espíritu ilustrado, quisieron reformar y racionalizar las estructuras de gobierno y administración. En repetidas ocasiones el paso por la capitanía general chilena fue fase previa a la promoción al virreinato peruano y momento de aplicación de políticas de infraestructuras y desarrollo regional. La fidelidad jugó un papel importante en aquel distante territorio y se plasmó en imágenes colectivas de lealtad. Volviendo a la realidad fronteriza desde Chile, un aspecto básico es el intercambio cultural entre agentes donadores y receptores en ambas direcciones. Tras el choque, los agentes fronterizos entraron en un largo periodo de contacto que terminó originando con sus múltiples transformaciones un cambio cultural. Una nueva cultura de frontera surgió en base a unos parámetros de comportamiento social compartidos relativamente por indígenas y españoles. El proceso de aculturación, sostenido en el tiempo pero con fases de aceleración y de estancamiento, va más allá de la mera integración del indígena en las pautas socioculturales españolas. Los métodos de los misioneros por asimilar o de los agentes de la administración civil y militar por controlar difieren no sólo por el diferente talante de las órdenes religiosas o de los funcionarios, sino por los momentos de actuación. La frontera era vista también desde la metrópoli. Una visión que podía llegar por los informes de hombres de frontera plasmando sus experiencias y aportando sus remedios, por los miembros de las múltiples expediciones ilustradas preocupados en el avance científico y la conservación del territorio o por las propuestas oficiales de la práctica de gobierno fronterizo. Gobernantes reformistas afrontaron la inclusión de la alteridad y la integración del limes chileno como prioridad, lo que alteraría la visión tradicional del otro e incluso de sí mismos. El estudio del hecho fronterizo chileno implica una gran complejidad metodológica respecto a la investigación a ambos lados del Atlántico y el cruce de testimonios. Asimismo, respecto del establecimiento de unas notas comunes y diferenciadoras que al tiempo que inserten el fenómeno en la casuística indiana y lo singularicen, presenten un análisis dual y paralelo de dos comunidades de desarrollo sociocultural dispar que chocan en un mismo espacio físico, que está vivo, en movimiento y flujo constante por la presión de la cultura donadora y que origina la resistencia de la receptora que merced a los elementos de integración queda asociada a una misma realidad compartida. La variedad de visiones y tiempos en la evolución de las mismas trae consigo la multiplicidad de relaciones que debemos observar y contrastar en sus testimonios. A la información de los españoles y criollos se suma la presencia de agentes externos a los vínculos originarios hispano-indígenas. Además, unos y otros ofrecen una división interna a tenor de sus intereses. Autoridades, militares, misioneros, colonos se relacionaban de distinto modo con el indio según sus objetivos. Incluso un último nivel de complicación lo ofrece la pertenencia a una u otra orden religiosa, al origen del gobernante o a la misión del extranjero. No cabe duda de que los métodos misionales diferían no sólo por la marcha del tiempo, sino por la pertenencia a la orden seráfica o ignaciana, por ejemplo. De igual modo, un gobernante o militar español no percibía el mundo indígena como lo hacía un extranjero, también dependía del tiempo de permanencia y grado de adaptación al país, y diferente visión ofrecía el criollo al peninsular. Por último, está la problemática de la visión del mapuche-araucano acerca del español. Si bien por condicionantes de su desarrollo cultural no contamos con textos directos, sí pretendemos analizar los testimonios indirectos de los misioneros, defensores del indio y compiladores de sus tradiciones, así como de los extranjeros que tomaron nota de su situación, quejas y actitud ante los hispanos. Además, debemos partir desde la percepción del propio pasado, es decir, desde el sistema de valores culturales y de conducta de los grupos que interactuaron en la frontera. Se hace imprescindible una consulta documental contrastada de opiniones diferentes sobre una misma realidad múltiple para intentar reconstruir los valores y patrones socioculturales de la dinámica fronteriza. La documentación archivística oficial ha pasado ya por un primer tamiz de elaboración consciente por el informante que ha transformado la realidad según el destino de la misma e incluso su valoración personal de los hechos; por ello debe filtrarse mediante la interpretación metodológica. Por el contrario, la información primaria que se originó sin fin prefijado, fruto de la interacción sociocultural fronteriza y con la finalidad de canalizar las relaciones entre comunidades, lo que no evita la exégesis, sí posee el valor de una relativa espontaneidad. Con la investigación sobre el indio de la frontera meridional chilena durante el siglo XVIII pretendemos adentrarnos en la realidad nativa por sí misma y en relación con la visión que tuvieron del mundo indígena los ilustrados españoles –peninsulares o americanos– y los europeos. En nuestro análisis utilizamos complementariamente los métodos del historiador y de la antropología, más exactamente la etnohistoria, mediante la consulta de numerosos repositorios archivísticos europeos y americanos y de una amplia bibliografía especializada, producto de la historiografía atlántica. Nuestra idea-clave es "frontera", entendida como marco físico y mental de confluencia de sociedades con niveles socioculturales dispares. Creemos que este concepto aporta una visión global del proceso superadora de mitos historiográficos y análisis compartimentados. Por otra parte, el estudio en secuencia de tiempo medio, permite valorar las continuidades; y lo que es más importante: los cambios. Pasar de una imagen de indio rebelde y de resistencia secular a otra en la que termina integrándose cuando no colaborando con los españoles. Tras un primer choque se establecieron mecanismos de relaciones en ambas direcciones de las que surgió una cultura de frontera que era fruto de la aculturación y del contacto prolongado y pacífico, aunque con episodios bélicos. Además, la historiografía chilena mantiene una visión más centrada en el marco geográfico concreto y en los agentes que actuaron en el mismo. Pensamos que desde una perspectiva mucho más amplia se observa la frontera en toda su dimensión en cuanto a espacio, actores y líneas de investigación, lo que enriquece el estudio histórico del área. Igualmente, la comparación entre fronteras meridionales y septentrionales permite situar en sus justos términos lo común y lo original local. De nuevo la historiografía chilena es reticente a los análisis comparativos indianos, lastre que actúa en la mayoría de los países hispanoamericanos e impide estudios de conjunto. Nuestra proposición contempla la frontera chilena del Setecientos, que ya ha superado el conflicto de centurias precedentes, dejando paso a un nuevo y consolidado sistema de relaciones políticas, económicas, sociales y culturales. Los parlamentos, las fluidas y complementarias relaciones comerciales, y los elementos culturales donados mayoritariamente por los españoles y adoptados por los indígenas, confirman un mundo de intercambios que dejaban atrás la dinámica de enfrentamientos. La sociedad mestiza de frontera, resultante de la confluencia del aporte hispánico y la herencia amerindia, gracias al conocimiento mutuo propició la síntesis de culturas en un espacio fronterizo. Como fenómeno complejo y en evolución, se dieron variadas actitudes indígenas desde la resistencia a la alianza. El mundo mapuche estaba fragmentado y en muchas ocasiones enfrentado. Las valoraciones de los ilustrados reflejan una nueva concepción del indígena y del medio. Las estrategias de subsistencia y las realidades políticas y socioculturales evidencian fenómenos de continuidad y de cambio que van a ser considerados de diferente forma, según los intereses del observador. Las interpretaciones, aun teniendo un común denominador, responden a una rica variedad de testimonios que cruzados fraguan una imagen del indio y una frontera novedosa en relación a siglos anteriores. La obra de misioneros, militares y gobernantes que con un nuevo prisma observaron al araucano, iba encaminada a la evangelización del indio, pero igualmente a su hispanización, entendida como transmisión de pautas de comportamiento social e individual: el sedentarismo que superara el nomadismo, rasgo claramente "bárbaro" a ojos ilustrados; la inclusión de los indígenas como vasallos efectivos de la monarquía y el control territorial soberano frente a la injerencia de potencias rivales. Todo ello configura un marco de nuevas relaciones. Las visiones confluentes de españoles y otros europeos acerca de la vida material y creencias araucanas desde la crítica ilustrada de la realidad, ofrecen además de un balance de recuperación etnográfica, un panorama de las propias creencias por contraposición a las ajenas. De hecho el "otro" sirvió para definir y tomar conciencia del "yo", pues la noción de diferencia o alteridad implica la de mismidad. No obstante, los comportamientos indígenas quedan matizados por el descubrimiento científico del hombre y su entorno, lo que revaloriza su papel y la necesidad de su conocimiento e integración. La visión del "otro" resulta mucho más enriquecedora y novedosa con la Ilustración que la mera observación del indio de frontera desde postulados de conflicto. Pretendemos igualmente observar el estado de la cuestión del hecho fronterizo chileno y su aportación a la conformación de su identidad y mitos nacionales. Una aproximación sin apriorismos condicionantes consagrados por el transcurso del tiempo, los cuales además deben ser matizadas a la luz de los resultados de la investigación histórica y antropológica sobre el papel del indígena en la sociedad colonial. Nuestra principal contribución va en la línea de reivindicar el espacio fronterizo chileno como un territorio de confluencia e intercambio, superada la visión de choque continuado frente a la complejidad de un fenómeno mucho más rico y cambiante. Respecto del indígena, se trata de rescatar la diversidad de sus respuestas y las valoraciones de los ilustrados que plasmaban esa nueva realidad desde premisas novedosas. Interrogando a los testimonios de españoles y extranjeros sobre sus estrategias de subsistencia, realidad política, estructura social y valores o patrones culturales, podremos captar las continuidades y los cambios de los aborígenes. Así como también las transformaciones en las visiones de los observadores europeos. Abordamos el análisis fronterizo desde un enfoque centrado en la existencia de varias fronteras a tenor de su propia evolución y de las distintas visiones de la misma, tan dispares como los intereses y objetivos de militares, civiles, pobladores o misioneros españoles y criollos; las actitudes de indios amigos o enemigos; y las percepciones de ambos por los extranjeros. Por encima de la frontera imaginada, la frontera real fue un proceso de confluencias y aportes variados que permite una clasificación tipológica gracias a su abundante casuística. Las visiones e interpretaciones del fenómeno fronterizo no se oponen, sino que se complementan; aparentemente cada una fija su atención primordial en un aspecto pero entre todas conforman un acercamiento al hecho fronterizo, un intento por vislumbrar sus complejas interrelaciones. Analizar la frontera chilena ilustrada en razón del cambio de percepción de la misma por parte de todos sus agentes puede ayudar a comprender los elementos de continuidad y su dinámica de cambio. Además, un enfoque maximalista de sus protagonistas y espacios puede superar tópicos anclados en una visión reduccionista. La frontera chilena temáticamente se ha circunscrito a la relación hispano-indígena, pero fueron más los agentes histórico-sociales que intervinieron y es necesario contar con sus testimonios; por otra parte, los marginados de la sociedad colonial o los indios amigos de la misma en cuanto agentes culturales de intermediación merecen atención con la finalidad de estudiar los puntos de conexión que terminaron imponiéndose en la vida cotidiana. Examinar el área y el fenómeno fronterizo interpretando su dinámica sociocultural propia partiendo del sistema de valores de las sociedades en contacto y del marco físico como condicionante en cuanto a la adaptación cultural del hombre al medio. Este enfoque nos podrá poner en el camino de la comprensión global de la frontera, física y humana, en cuanto espacio y proceso. Se trata de observar la frontera como territorio y como proceso desde variados puntos de vista, no sólo desde América sino también desde España, con un horizonte que contemple la diversidad indígena y sus respuestas al impacto o choque cultural; así como las relaciones que se establecieron y los resultados de las interacciones. El tiempo ilustrado resulta el más adecuado para hacer balance de las continuidades y de los cambios y fijar la naturaleza de la frontera y sus actores. Además, ese tiempo histórico presenció un intento planificado y general de ocupación de espacios no sólo por motivos internos de la sociedad colonial en articulación con el mundo indígena fronterizo, sino también por la presión de los extranjeros. El interés ilustrado por el indígena y el medio americano ofrece una abundante posibilidad de consulta documental de múltiples orígenes y finalidades que describen e interpretan desde la etnografía o la ecohistoria. Además, durante el siglo de la Ilustración y el reformismo se aplicó una política indiana que interrogaba al otro e instaba a su asimilación, reconocida ya su variedad étnica y en proceso de formación científica de su nueva imagen. La defensa y ocupación de la frontera, la relación directa con el indio y la convicción como instrumento de integración son elementos de una política de frontera ilustrada que en el caso chileno discurre por un pactismo entre comunidades de diferentes niveles socioculturales. A pesar de la supremacía española sobre la indígena en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII, se busca no sólo el acatamiento de los postulados impuestos en los parlamentos sino también su reconocimiento como medio para solucionar conflictos y lograr la definitiva pacificación. La diplomacia no se desgajó de la acción a sangre y fuego cuando se consideraba necesario, pero sí ocupó un lugar importante en el entramado de relaciones. Posiblemente esta política intencionada y continuada de parlamentos o encuentros, de facto institucionalizada en medio de ceremoniales, reviste importancia no únicamente como paradigma de acercamiento y conocimiento, sino como vía compartida de resolución de conflictos y ejemplo extrapolable a otras fronteras americanas de parecida problemática étnica y espacial. De ahí que el estudio de los mecanismos desplegados en los parlamentos nos resulte una línea de trabajo primordial y base de hipótesis sobre la confirmación o negación de estos instrumentos político-jurídicos como ideas-fuerza para interpretar las relaciones fronterizas. La historia de la frontera chilena bajo el reformismo borbónico es, obviamente, una historia de contactos que se inician con la conquista y que van a tener una larga vida y amplia proyección. Una frontera dinámica que retrocede al empuje cambiante de los colonizadores, donde la confluencia de los protagonistas colectivos fue temprana y rápida para ralentizarse y alcanzar el estancamiento después. Al centrarnos en la etapa de finales del siglo XVIII buscamos el objetivo de interpretar la frontera cuando toma dimensión propia como espacio objeto de atención y adquiere ya unas características que le otorgan una marcada personalidad. ¿Podemos considerar sus parámetros culturales y sociales como herederos de la implantación hispana al tiempo que legatarios de los usos y costumbres de sus habitantes nativos? ¿Se observan elementos de continuidad que ceden ante los factores de integración que paulatinamente se van imponiendo? Los cambios traen en todo caso una nueva sociedad original y mestiza que tiene sus raíces en lo que un día fue un choque y que por obra del contacto prolongado y el progresivo conocimiento del "otro", plasmado en varias visiones, percepciones e interpretaciones, se transforma en un espacio sincrético fruto de un proceso de aculturación; enfoque global que consideramos nuestro verdadero objetivo. Como concepto básico y transversal del marco teórico y metodológico hemos situado la idea de frontera, en cuanto a espacio y proceso al mismo tiempo. Partimos de una introducción conceptual y metodológica acerca de las realidades de frontera y su dinámica, naturaleza y alcance; estableciendo puntos de convergencia y de divergencia en el marco de un tratamiento comparativo entre las fronteras a nivel universal y las fronteras indianas en particular. La teoría de las fronteras centra su atención en la periferia distante y marginal respecto al centro de poder metropolitano, de ahí la diversidad de enfoques según se contemple la frontera desde América o España. En todo caso nos parece que ambos proporcionan una visión complementaria. Como consecuencia de las premisas anteriores, utilizamos el método histórico stricto sensu: planteamiento de objetivos e hipótesis de trabajo, prospección archivística, selección, crítica, análisis e interpretación, para finalmente llegar a unas conclusiones fruto de la investigación que validen o no las hipótesis planteadas; de igual modo contamos complementariamente con los instrumentos de la etnohistoria como método. Establecemos tres tiempos que nos permiten analizar la evolución de la frontera sur chilena, en proximidad creciente Estos se corresponden al choque inicial entre españoles y araucanos, a los primeros contactos relativamente pacíficos y reglamentados, y al cambio cultural operado desde entonces y que desembocó en una nueva realidad. En cuanto al tiempo, se insertan sin delimitaciones precisas en los tres siglos de presencia española. Como ya hemos señalado, el momento histórico privilegiado por nuestra investigación es el siglo XVIII, con especial hincapié en su segunda mitad, por lo que dentro del período colonial la época ilustrada se nos presenta como la más acertada para establecer balances generales, y no sólo por la simple cronología, sino sustancialmente por la transformación de actitudes de los españoles y criollos y de los araucanos. Además, los fenómenos de continuidad y cambio, como hilo conductor de la investigación, muestran sus resultados coincidiendo con los prolegómenos de la Independencia. Respecto al cuerpo de la Tesis Doctoral y su contenido, queda estructurado en dos partes bien delimitadas en tres capítulos cada una, pero con una continuidad tan clara como necesaria: el medio físico y humano junto a las políticas de inclusión. Además, consideramos imprescindible que junto a la introducción y conclusiones figure un glosario de términos araucanos y un apéndice documental e índice gráfico, pues hemos prestado especial atención a las representaciones iconográficas y a la cartografía. Nuestro trabajo se estructura en seis capítulos, si bien el todo es más que la suma de sus partes. En primer lugar abordaremos el marco físico de la frontera meridional pacífico-americana en sus dos escenarios básicos: continental o Araucanía e insular o archipiélago de Chiloé. Poniendo énfasis, según ojos ilustrados, en sus recursos. Seguidamente, los grupos indígenas y sus divisiones internas, así como sus imágenes y representaciones por medio de la indumentaria y el lenguaje. Sin olvidar el contexto conceptual y metodológico acerca de la realidad fronteriza e indígena y su tratamiento por la historiografía chilena que nos introduce en la temática de la identidad y la variedad de corrientes historiográficas y líneas de investigación. Del mito configurador de la nacionalidad al estudio del paulatino roce que generó una realidad nueva alejada de simplificaciones. A continuación, las visiones cercanas y extrañas de la alteridad y los procesos socioculturales de integración frente al rechazo. En el cuarto capítulo, abordamos el cambio en la percepción del indio que de "salvaje" se pretende pase a "vasallo", y los esfuerzos del reformismo ilustrado fronterizo, teórico y práctico, por absorberlo. Todo gracias a una nueva interpretación del "otro" por parte de los misioneros y políticos ilustrados, fruto del pensamiento, las necesidades y los temores a la incursión foránea. La necesidad de su integración efectiva en la Monarquía mediante mecanismos simbólicos y estrategias de asimilación varias, entre las cuales destacamos el papel de las mujeres y agentes de mediación intercultural. También la obra evangelizadora de frontera llevada a cabo por jesuitas y franciscanos que, junto a las poblaciones y los caminos que reorganizan el espacio fronterizo, articulan las relaciones con el indígena. En el panorama de fronteras imperiales en expansión y su nuevo papel en las rivalidades europeas, no se puede soslayar la secularización de la frontera desde finales del siglo XVIII. Por último, la estratégica plaza de Valdivia, como paradigma central entre las dos fronteras septentrional y austral, la proyección transitoria del levantamiento andino tupamarista en la frontera de Concepción y la interacción étnica pactista vía parlamentos, especialmente útil a la hora de confirmar o no hipótesis de trabajo. Finalmente, la selección bibliográfica nos ayuda a entender un tiempo histórico concreto y nos sitúa en el estado de la cuestión. Así pues, respecto a las investigaciones precedentes, partimos de una bibliografía que encuadra el tema en su contexto histórico y nos presenta sus aspectos más amplios y esenciales, para acudir, posteriormente, en busca de una visión más profunda a una bibliografía especializada. Respecto a las fuentes utilizadas corresponden a archivos chilenos, peruanos y españoles, entre otros, en una amplia variedad documental, cruzando documentación de diversa procedencia y que, complementariamente, proporciona la base de este acercamiento a las fronteras chilenas del siglo XVIII tardío. Enfoque interdisciplinar y análisis que se nutre de miradas cruzadas locales, regionales y metropolitanas en íntima conexión con el contexto europeo y americano, siempre en línea con la renovación historiográfica de la denominada historia atlántica. El apartado de las siglas utilizadas en la presente Tesis Doctoral pone de manifiesto la gran variedad de fondos documentales y diversidad de instituciones archivísticas consultadas, casi siempre in situ, ya fuera en España o América. Tales fuentes han permitido profundizar con material inédito en el objeto de nuestra investigación, que continúa abierta y sujeta a crítica. Por último, aportamos una breve selección, pero significativa, de textos en el Apéndice Documental en orden cronológico y un índice de las ilustraciones que apoyan el texto y refuerzan su contenido de modo visual.

The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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[Accessed on 23 August 2020]. Xiang Y, Yang Y, Li W, Zhang L, Zhang Q, Cheung T, et al. Timely mental health care for the 2019 novel coronavirus outbreak is urgently needed. The Lancet Psychiatry 2020;(3):228–229. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2215-0366(20)30046-8. Van Bortel T, Basnayake A, Wurie F, Jambai M, Koroma A, Muana A, et al. Psychosocial effects of an Ebola outbreak at individual, community and international levels. Bull World Health Organ. 2016;94(3):210–214. https://dx.doi.org/10.2471%2FBLT.15.158543. Kumar A, Nayar KR. COVID 19 and its mental health consequences. Journal of Mental Health. 2020; ahead of print:1-2. https://doi.org/10.1080/09638237.2020.1757052. Gupta R, Grover S, Basu A, Krishnan V, Tripathi A, Subramanyam A, et al. Changes in sleep pattern and sleep quality during COVID-19 lockdown. Indian J Psychiatry. 2020; 62(4):370-8. https://doi.org/10.4103/psychiatry.indianjpsychiatry_523_20. Duan L, Zhu G. Psychological interventions for people affected by the COVID-19 epidemic. Lancet Psychiatry. 2020;7(4): P300-302. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2215-0366(20)30073-0. Dubey S, Biswas P, Ghosh R, Chatterjee S, Dubey MJ, Chatterjee S et al. Psychosocial impact of COVID-19. Diabetes Metab Syndr. 2020; 14(5): 779–788. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.dsx.2020.05.035. Wright R. The world's largest coronavirus lockdown is having a dramatic impact on pollution in India. CNN World; 2020. Available at: https://edition.cnn.com/2020/03/31/asia/coronavirus-lockdown-impact-pollution-india-intl-hnk/index.html. [Accessed on 23 August 2020] Foster O. 'Lockdown made me Realise What's Important': Meet the Families Reconnecting Remotely. The Guardian; 2020. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/keep-connected/2020/apr/23/lockdown-made-me-realise-whats-important-meet-the-families-reconnecting-remotely. (Accessed on 23 August 2020) Bilefsky D, Yeginsu C. 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Esta investigación tiene como objeto de estudio la indumentaria como elemento simbólico de la construcción de imágenes de poder político de la mujer en Argentina.
La relación entre imagen y poder no es algo nuevo. Ya en 1513, Maquiavelo describe en 'El Príncipe' la importancia de la imagen para la legitimación del poder por el soberano. El uso de la indumentaria en la construcción de la imagen como elemento legitimador de poder puede ser observado también en innumerables personajes históricos y mucho se escribió al respecto. El rey francés Luis XIV1 , el famoso "Rey Sol", se hizo conocido por su extremada atención al construir su imagen política. Haciendo uso de instrumentos como la vestimenta, el maquillaje y de accesorios como pelucas y tacones, Luis XIV disfrazó su pequeña estatura y logró formar una imagen altiva, coherente a su ambición de soberanía. (Burke, 2009). Otro ejemplo célebre históricamente del uso político de la indumentaria es el de la reina francesa María Antonieta2 . Conocida actualmente como la reina de la moda, María Antonieta, de origen austríaco, era pariente distante de Luis XIV y así como su ancestro, tuvo en sus vestes y sus excéntricos peinados la herramienta para legitimar su posición como monárquica francesa. Aunque la reina creó un estilo particular e hizo de su personal gusto estético una tendencia para el vestir de la época, irónicamente la indumentaria también le sirvió como objeto de persecución política. Según la escritora Caroline Weber (2008), su placard de ropa fue uno de los estopines que la llevó a tal fin trágico. Acusada de gastar fortunas de los fondos públicos para mantener su imagen, en 1793 como consecuencia de la violenta Revolución Francesa, fue llevada a la guillotina juntamente con su marido e hijos. Aún en la actualidad, su peculiar gusto indumentario sirve de objeto para estudios e investigaciones académicas. (Weber, 2008).
En la sociedad argentina, los personajes Eva Duarte de Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner son fuertes ejemplos de cómo está presente la indumentaria como elemento constructor de imágenes de poder político. Ambas, además de compartir una posición excepcional de poder político en la historia del país, son frecuentemente citadas por sus peculiares gustos por la moda. Sus elecciones estéticas son comúnmente usadas como delatoras de la legitimidad (o ilegitimidad) de esta posición de poder.
Esta investigación analiza cómo esas imágenes de poder político se construyen a partir de la indumentaria, es decir, cómo los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como las vestimentas, los peinados, el maquillaje, los calzados y los accesorios, constituyen el "cuerpo representación"3 del poder político de los personajes estudiados.
Al considerar ese cuerpo representación no como algo natural, ofrecido biológicamente o como un don divino, sino como consecuencia de un "cuerpo" que se construye a partir de las relaciones sociales, del contexto histórico y cultural, articulado con los capitales simbólicos aprendidos durante la trayectoria de vida, es necesario entender el contexto histórico y cultural tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Kirchner y la posición de poder político de ambas.

Eva Duarte de Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner
El 10 de diciembre del 2007, con más del 45% de los votos, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner fue la primera mujer que fue elegida presidenta del país mediante el voto popular4 .
Los cargos femeninos en los organismos públicos del país se deben mucho a las luchas y conquistas de Eva Perón.
Desde finales del siglo XIX, los movimientos feministas en Argentina lucharon por la conquista de los derechos políticos de las mujeres, pero el derecho al voto femenino sólo fue logrado en el primer período del peronismo, a fines de la década de 1940. El 9 de septiembre de 1947, Eva Perón, conocida como Evita, esposa del entonces presidente Juan Domingo Perón, con su empeñada campaña, logró el derecho civil para las mujeres argentinas; ahora podían votar y ser candidatas a cargos gubernamentales. La actuación de Eva en el poder fue un factor fundamental para el cambio de la sociedad argentina, no sólo político, sino también cultural, principalmente en lo relacionado con los derechos femeninos5.
Hay que destacar que Eva Perón nunca fue feminista. Su actuación en el tema del sufragio tenía como meta el apoyo a Perón para llegar a las capas sociales hasta entonces olvidadas de la escena política. Así, la actuación de Evita en cuestiones políticas de Argentina, fue de gran importancia para asegurar no sólo los derechos civiles de las mujeres, sino también insertarlas en la escena social y política, esas capas sociales nunca antes habían tenido participación en acciones del Estado6.
La participación activa de Eva Perón en cuestiones sociales, culturales y políticas la situó como uno de los personajes históricos más importantes del siglo XX. Su actuación era mucho más importante que la de "esposa del presidente", de primera dama. Algo muy distinto del papel "usual" que la mujer asumía en la vida pública hasta ese momento; aunque algunas ya habían tenido una actuación en el mercado de trabajo, la imagen femenina ligada al poder que Eva construyó constituía un hecho inédito en la sociedad latinoamericana7.
Sesenta años después de la muerte de Evita, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner es la presidenta de la Nación. De militante actuante en La Juventud Peronista en la década de 1970 a una carrera política notoria como diputada y senadora, Cristina Kirchner es elegida en 2007 presidenta del país con el más alto índice de votación desde la apertura democrática en 1983. Ambas, Cristina y Evita no sólo comparten una posición excepcional de la mujer en la historia política del país, sino que también las dos tuvieron un éxito extraordinario cuando construyeron su imagen política en una sociedad sin muchas referencias de iguales. En la actualidad, América Latina, con sus treinta y tres países, posee apenas tres mujeres al frente de gobiernos8 .

Eva Perón, Cristina Kirchner y la indumentaria
Los dos personajes estudiados, además de compartir un mismo movimiento político, el peronismo, son frecuentemente referidos con énfasis por sus gustos por la moda.
Eva Perón, sesenta años después de su muerte, sigue presente en un sinfín de exposiciones acerca de su vida y de su "estilo". Hay una cantidad innumerable de material periodístico tanto como de estudios académicos al respecto que buscan explicar cómo la primeradama argentina se comunicaba a través de su apariencia, de su peculiar y reconocido gusto por la moda, en el intento de (re)construir o (re)descubrir el mito a través del simbolismo de la indumentaria.
Refiriéndose a Evita, no todo es elogio en lo relacionado con su imagen. Muchos de sus adversarios políticos resaltaban la discrepancia que existía entre sus discursos en defensa de los menos favorecidos sociales y su exagerado gusto por los artículos de lujo. (Sarlo, 2003). Medio siglo separa a Cristina Kirchner de Eva Perón. El contexto en el que Cristina Kirchner se convirtió en presidenta y construyó su imagen es muy distinto al de la primeradama del peronismo. Pero la atención dada por los medios sobre cómo ella articula su apariencia y su gusto por la moda no se diferencia de la dedicada en su tiempo, o incluso en la actualidad, a Eva Perón.
Así, hay mucho material periodístico en el que el tema es la crítica a Cristina Fernández de Kirchner por la marca de sus vestidos, los excesivos y distintos modelos de zapatos con los que se presenta en público o el gasto que desprende en carteras o joyas. (Castañeda y Veiga ,2012; Vecino, 2011).
Pero, lo que interesa a esta investigación es el peculiar interés de una gran parte de los medios y del ciudadano en general por su gusto, siendo muchas veces descrito como ostentoso y demasiado superfluo, por sus adversarios políticos, o de extremo "buen gusto" por aquellos que la admiran. Lo que se detecta en todas las críticas, elogiosas, exaltadoras o peyorativas sobre la apariencia de los personajes estudiados es el recurrente uso del "gusto" como instrumento denunciador de la legitimidad o ilegitimidad de la posición de poder. Así, como describe Lipovetsky (1989), es verdad que: "(…) desde la Antigüedad, existe una tradición de difamación de la futilidad, de los artificios y del maquillaje" (p. 37). La indumentaria como instrumento representativo de estéticas de una época, de contextos sociales e históricos pasa a recibir juicios de valor, puesto que los elementos estéticos de la apariencia se vuelven instrumentos de auto-expresión, de representación de individualidades9 . Ya en el final del siglo XIX Georg Simmel (2010) señala que "el adorno (…) es parte 'artificial' de la apariencia: se trata de una manipulación de las señales relativas a los vestuarios o a los cosméticos, que apuntan a causar una determinada impresión" (p. 35). Lo cierto es que esta "impresión" suscitada por los personajes estudiados a través de sus indumentarias está a merced de juicios que buscan aprobar o desaprobar la inserción de estas mujeres en su posición de poder. Así, los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, puestos en la "esfera de los gustos" son objetos simbólicos que pueden ser usados como artificios para la aprobación o reproche social, teniendo así un carácter de "juicio" que evidencia lo que verdaderamente está en juego, como las tensiones sociales relativas a los valores morales, religiosos, políticos, culturales y de posición de género.
Para Frédéric Godart (2010) la indumentaria reafirma constantemente la inclusión o no de los individuos en los grupos sociales. En esa misma línea, Pierre Bourdieu (2010) clasifica las elecciones estéticas10, lo que él llama "gustos", como un marcador privilegiado de "clase"11.
Por lo tanto, se puede explicar el gusto peculiar de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner a través de su posición social, su capital cultural y simbólico que fueron construidos a partir de sus historias sociales y de sus trayectorias de vida. El gusto sirve como instrumento de lucha, usado para legitimar o deslegitimar sus posiciones de poder. Un claro ejemplo son las críticas, mucha veces ofensivas acerca de la apariencia de estas mujeres, frecuentemente acusatorias de "no pertenencia" (el consumo de ciertos productos de moda como piezas de alta costura o de grandes casas de diseño consideradas "legítimas" del "buen gusto", por su exclusividad económica (no es para todos) o distintivas ( solamente para quién entiende y conoce), reservadas al consumo de ciertas clases sociales es usado como evidencia de "apropiación" ilegítima de mecanismos simbólicos de distinción). Así, sus indumentarias sirven, en la mayoría de los casos, como evidencia de expresión de lucha de clases, disputas políticas y acusaciones de no pertenencia12.
La investigación sostiene que, además de la cuestión de clase (es decir, el capital cultural y simbólico que es el resultado de la trayectoria social), la indumentaria también evidencia las cuestiones de género. La posición social y de poder tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Kirchner son excepcionales, pues no se "encuadran" en los estereotipos sociales, históricos y culturales de posición de género. Ocupar una posición de poder político, que históricamente y culturalmente está asociado al universo masculino, hace que el excesivo gusto por los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como la indumentaria, asociada a la moda que está socialmente y culturalmente encuadrada en el universo femenino, sea visto, en algunos contextos basados en juicios estereotipados de género, como una inadecuada representación de poder.
"Ella era excepcional, tanto como lo era el escenario del peronismo". Tomando el término de Beatriz Sarlo (2003, p. 70) acerca de la posición excepcional que Eva Perón ocupaba como primera dama. Como una mujer de pasado artístico poco expresivo, de raíces nada aristocráticas y en un contexto donde la posición de género era muy definida, la posición de poder político de Eva Perón, más allá de su ideología, fue, sin dudas, transgresora para la época.
Así, la investigación define a Evita y a Cristina Kirchner de acuerdo con la posición de poder de ambas. Mujeres que, aparte de su condición social de género, supieron construir, de manera "excepcional", sus peculiares trayectorias políticas.
Por lo tanto, "el gusto" de los personajes estudiados debe ser tomado de acuerdo a su lugar excepcional, "el buen" o "el mal gusto" está clasificado y juzgado según la posición social de los individuos, y seguramente sus posiciones estén dentro de la excepción para la mujer en la historia política de América Latina.
Beatriz Sarlo (2003) describe acerca de la posición excepcional de Eva Perón representada en su vestir: "Sus trajes de ceremonia pueden ser excesivos porque su lugar no tiene medida, ni se compara con ningún otro lugar institucional. El exceso queda adherido a un cuerpo donde se ha invertido el poder" (p. 100).
Lo que se detecta es que "el cuerpo construido" de los personajes es objeto de representación material y estética donde "se ha invertido el poder" (Sarlo, 2003). El término "construir" está relacionado con el uso de la indumentaria como elemento simbólico material donde ese poder está representado. La investigación defiende que dicha representación no es algo ofrecido naturalmente como un don, sino como consecuencia de un "cuerpo" que se construye a partir de las relaciones sociales, de los contextos históricos y culturales articulados a los capitales simbólicos13 adquiridos en sus trayectorias de vida.
A partir del cuestionamiento de estos "cuerpos" como representaciones de poder político, capital simbólico y cultural, sus trayectorias sociales y sus posiciones excepcionales, es que la investigación propone pensar la indumentaria como elemento simbólico de representación del poder político de Eva Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Como ya fue dicho anteriormente, los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como la indumentaria, cumplen un papel simbólico de representación de la disposición social, por eso la investigación cuestiona cuáles son los indicios materiales delatores de las trayectorias sociales y si esas trayectorias sociales condicionan sus "gustos" acerca del vestir, se indaga cuál sería el rol de la excepcionalidad de sus posiciones de poder en la construcción de sus imágenes políticas. Son muchas las preguntas acerca del papel de la indumentaria como tema simbólico de representación del poder político. Pero, a través del análisis no de su significado, sino de su construcción, el objetivo es iluminar las cuestiones que puedan esclarecer cómo esas mujeres articularon sus culturas, sus contextos y sus posiciones excepcionales para lograr una representación estética y concreta de sus trayectorias políticas.

Hipótesis
Como hipótesis se propone que Eva Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner articularon su trayectoria social, su capital simbólico y cultural recurriendo a su posición excepcional como instrumento de transcendencia del lugar de los gustos para construir su imagen a través de la indumentaria, personificando, material y estéticamente, su poder político.

Objetivo general
La investigación tiene como objetivo, a través de la indumentaria tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, ampliar la comprensión de cómo ambos personajes articuló su cultura, su contexto social y su posición excepcional para una representación estética y concreta de su poder político.

Objetivos específicos
Como objetivos específicos se plantea investigar cómo la representación estética de poder político de la mujer es construida a través de la indumentaria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner; analizar cómo los indicios materiales de la trayectoria social presente en las indumentarias de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner están relacionados con la posición excepcional de poder femenino en la construcción de la imagen de poder político; y ampliar la comprensión del papel de los elementos estéticos, es decir, de la indumentaria en la construcción de imágenes políticas de la mujer.

Antecedentes y estado de la cuestión
La indumentaria, como producto de la cultura, lleva inscripta a través de su materia prima, de su modo de producción, de sus colores, estilo, entre otros ítems, las formas de organización y jerarquización de la sociedad en la cual está inserta, funcionando como marcadora privilegiada de la posición social de quien la porta. (Nery, 2007; Saulquin, 2006; Godart, 2010, Bourdieu, 2010).
Beatriz Sarlo en el libro La pasión y la excepción sigue justamente la trayectoria social de Eva Perón y la relación de ésta con la construcción de un "cuerpo excepcional", en el aspecto simbólico de su apariencia, por lo tanto, también de su indumentaria, analiza histórica y filosóficamente cómo la actriz se convierte en la "incorporación" del régimen peronista.
El mismo trayecto a través de la indumentaria se encuentra en El saco de Marx de Peter Stallybrass (2008). La vida de Karl Marx14 y su trayectoria social e intelectual a través de la historia de su saco es narrada a partir de los múltiples empeños de la pieza que no sólo ponían en evidencia los problemas financieros de Marx, sino también determinaban, limitando o posibilitando, su vida social; ya que era su único traje "elegante", e incluso adecuado para el frío de Alemania. El autor también relaciona la formulación de la teoría marxista con "los dolores" y "las memorias" que resultaban de la relación de Marx con el saco. Como indica Stallybrass: "Pensar sobre la ropa, sobre ropas, significa pensar no sólo sobre la memoria, sino también sobre el poder y la posesión". (p. 12).
Muchos investigadores ya estudiaron la relación del poder con la imagen de grandes personajes históricos. Peter Burke (2009) en Fabricación del Rey enfoca, a partir de la historia, las elecciones estéticas del rey Luis XIV para la fabricación de su imagen pública, y Caroline Weber (2007) en Reina de la Moda analiza cómo la reina francesa María Antonieta hacía uso político de la indumentaria. Ambos estudios priorizan un análisis historiográfico del traje y su carácter de memoria.
Volviendo a las mujeres estudiadas, Eva Perón por su distancia temporal posee diferentes enfoques de análisis que pone en primer plano su biografía, su relación con el peronismo y la cuestión de género. Esta última también en relación con la política, con el poder y las representaciones sobre los mitos de su imagen (Zanatta, 2011; Masson, 2004; Lagos, 2006; Carlson, 1988; Sarlo, 2010; Pron, 2007; Rosano, 2005). Debido a su figura "atemporal", parafraseando a Sarlo (2010), su aspecto estético y su fuerte construcción de imagen ligada a la moda, existe un enfoque muy explorado de la indumentaria en materias del área de diseño, siendo la misma, en la mayoría de los casos, un objeto para un análisis semiológico (Sarlo, 2010) o histórico del vestir (Guedes y Teixeira, 2010; Saulquin, 2006).
En el caso de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, los materiales disponibles se focalizan en el estudio de sus estratégicas políticas (Levitsky y Murillo, 2008; Castañeda y Veiga, 2013; Araújo Ribeiro, 2010; Correa da Silva, 2012; Corigliano, 2013) y en libros biográficos (Russo, 2011). Cuando aparecen análisis dirigidos a su apariencia, están restringidos casi mayoritariamente a los registros periodísticos y a las llamadas "revistas femeninas" que priorizan los temas considerados amenos, por lo tanto, estereotipados por su condición de mujer, con lo cual sirven mucho más como instrumento de crítica o de apoyo a su gobierno que como material útil para pensar la materia.
La investigación entiende la indumentaria no como un elemento que "expresa" los poderes políticos de las mujeres estudiadas, ni como un tratado que busca "develar" los mitos construidos en torno a sus imágenes, sino como elemento significante que conforma de manera material, esto es, concretamente, tales posiciones alcanzadas. Así, sus indumentarias cargan sus trayectorias sociales y sus contextos, funcionando como objetos materializados de sus posiciones sociales. Es en la materialidad de cada elección estética que sus "cuerpos" se conforman, de manera particular; en un mundo cultural, social y político específico.

Orden del trabajo
En el primer capítulo será tratada la cuestión del género, su construcción social y cultural, los estereotipos y su "corporificación" y la relación de la posición de la mujer en el contexto de la sociedad argentina con la política y la trayectoria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner.
El segundo capítulo trata de la indumentaria en el ámbito social, su aspecto cultural e histórico, delineando el contexto de las mujeres estudiadas y la importancia del elemento estético para la construcción de la imagen política. Como bien define Godart (2010) parafraseando al filósofo francés Jean Baudrillard: "La función de los objetos es apenas la de una "caución" para su dimensión principal, que es la de "valor de cambio de signo", o sea, para simplificar, su significación sociocultural" (p. 31). Pierre Bourdieu (2010) pone al vestir, las elecciones, el gusto estético de la apariencia como definido por posiciones de clase. La educación institucionalizada, esto es, el grado de escolaridad, la herencia cultural, cuánto el sujeto está familiarizado con distintos tipos de cultura, obras de arte, estilos musicales y vivencias sociales, así como también su capital económico que son los responsables de su "formación". La estilización de la vida, la elección de la comida, el estilo de decoración de la casa, cómo cuida el sujeto su cuerpo, sus preferencias deportivas, su elección estética de la apariencia, es decir, sus indumentarias, entre otros, reflejarían la posición social.
El tercer capítulo trata, teóricamente, acerca del gusto como reflejo de la trayectoria social de las mujeres estudiadas, la cuestión del juicio como elemento "legitimador" de la posición de poder y la trascendencia del "buen y el mal gusto" a través de sus lugares excepcionales para la construcción de sus cuerpos representación. La materialidad de la indumentaria remite e interactúa con sus contextos sociales y culturales, con la posición de la mujer y su trayectoria, constituyendo de forma estética y concreta su cuerpo de poder político. Por lo tanto, la investigación discurre sobre la "personificación" estética de la posición de poder político de la mujer, esto es, cómo algunos aspectos de la construcción social y cultural del género en el contexto general latinoamericano, y en particular argentino, está presente en el cuerpo, en el accionar político, en las representaciones sociales y en las formas de constituir los gustos y cómo se corporifican estéticamente a través de la indumentaria.

Notas
1. Louis XIV (1638 -1715), conocido como "Rey-Sol", fue un monarca absolutista de Francia, reinó de 1643 a 1715. (Burke, 2009).
2. Marie Antoinette Josèphe Jeanne de Habsbourg-Lorraine (1755-1793) - fue una archiduquesa de Austria y reina consorte de Francia y Navarra. Murió decapitada en 16 de octubre de 1793 junto con su marido, el Rey Luís XVI e hijos, como resultado de la Revolución Francesa. (Weber, 2008).
3. A partir de la definición de Joanne Entwistle (2002) de que el cuerpo social es necesariamente un cuerpo vestido, constituido socialmente y siempre ubicado en la cultura, se desprende la idea de que la indumentaria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner hace parte y es formado a partir de su contexto histórico y cultural, por lo tanto también de su posición social. Así, la investigación defiende que sus imágenes personifican, material y estéticamente sus posiciones de poder político
4. No obstante, es la segunda en ejercer ese cargo. La primera presidenta del país fue María Estela Martínez de Perón; como era vicepresidenta de su marido, Juan Domingo Perón, termina asumiendo la presidencia después de su muerte y gobierna el país entre 1974 y 1976. "Isabelita", como le decían, fue la primera mujer que ocupó la presidencia en toda América Latina.
5. Cerca de dos años después, el 26 de julio de 1949, Evita fundó el Partido Peronista Femenino. En las elecciones de 1951, por primera vez, las mujeres pudieron votar y la sociedad eligió a seis senadoras y quince diputadas peronistas. (Zanatta, 2011).
6. Como lo explica Susana Rosano (2005): Por primera vez en la historia del país se otorgaba, y con estatuto legal, no sólo importantes reivindicaciones a los trabajadores, sino la "dignidad" como seres humanos de que habían sido privados por los anteriores gobiernos, para quienes no eran más que los "cabecitas negras" dejando en ellos la impronta de la conciliación de clases es posible. (p. 04).
7. Como expone Beatriz Sarlo (2003): "En 1946, Evita Duarte se convirtió en la primera dama Eva Duarte de Perón. A partir de ese momento, su cara, su cuerpo, sus ropas y sus poses no se compararon solo con las de las actrices fotografiadas en las revistas del espectáculo sino con las de las señoras, cuya imagen aparecía en otras revistas. El escándalo de Eva se medía respecto de esas mujeres de políticos y de militares, muchas de ellas pertenecientes a la buena sociedad, otras burguesas acomodadas. Esas mujeres ocuparon siempre un plano secundario a respecto del círculo de poder o de las prelaciones institucionales que rodeaban a sus maridos. Ninguna esposa de mandatario o representante se había convertido nunca en una pieza central en la construcción y la consolidación del poder" (p. 69).
8. Cristina Kirchner (Electa en el 2007 y 2010) en Argentina, Laura Chinchilla (2010) en Costa Rica y Dilma Rousseff (2011) en Brasil. (Observatório de Gênero - Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres da Presidência da República do Brasil, octubre de 2011).
9. Según Lipovetsky (1989): " (...) El vestuario permite al individuo desprenderse de las normas antiguas, apreciar más individualmente a las formas, afirmar un gusto más personal, sin embargo, se puede juzgar más libremente a los trajes de los otros, su buen o mal gusto, sus "faltas" o su desgracia." (p. 38)
10. Que abarca no sólo la indumentaria, sino las elecciones cotidianas como por ejemplo un mobiliario o un menú.
11. María Claudia Bonadio (Almeida e Wajnman, 2012) resume algunas consideraciones de Bourdieu sobre el tema: "(...) O gosto como um consumo estético, pertencente a esfera do cotidiano e presente na escolha, pelo indivíduo, de uma música, uma decoração ou alimentação por exemplo. (...) Bourdieu vê uma 'homologia' entre hierarquia de bens e a hierarquia de consumidores, de tal modo que, a seu ver, as preferências estéticas refletem, em sua organização, a estrutura do espaço social". (p. 72).
12. Para Mezzia y Pozzi (2004) "el gusto legítimo se concreta en el consumo de unos objetos simbólicos (de la no-vulgaridad, es decir, de la distinción), consumo que otorga a las personas eso que Erving Goffman llamó "el sentido del lugar que uno ocupa" en el mundo ("sense of one´s place"), (…)se construye por oposición o aproximación al "sentido del lugar que los otros ocupan" en el mundo ("sense of other´s place").
13. Para profundizar los conceptos de gusto y capitales simbólicos ver Bourdieu (2006). 14. Karl Heinrich Marx fue un pensador político alemán. Nacido el 5 de mayo de 1818 en Berlín. Estudió filosofía, derecho e historia. Seguidor de Hegel, crítico del capitalismo, desarrolla una doctrina llamada marxista la cual sirve para la idealización del socialismo. (Wheen, 2001).

Esta investigación tiene como objeto de estudio la indumentaria como elemento simbólico de la construcción de imágenes de poder político de la mujer en Argentina. La relación entre imagen y poder no es algo nuevo. Ya en 1513, Maquiavelo describe en 'El Príncipe' la importancia de la imagen para la legitimación del poder por el soberano. El uso de la indumentaria en la construcción de la imagen como elemento legitimador de poder puede ser observado también en innumerables personajes históricos y mucho se escribió al respecto. El rey francés Luis XIV1 , el famoso "Rey Sol", se hizo conocido por su extremada atención al construir su imagen política. Haciendo uso de instrumentos como la vestimenta, el maquillaje y de accesorios como pelucas y tacones, Luis XIV disfrazó su pequeña estatura y logró formar una imagen altiva, coherente a su ambición de soberanía. (Burke, 2009). Otro ejemplo célebre históricamente del uso político de la indumentaria es el de la reina francesa María Antonieta2 . Conocida actualmente como la reina de la moda, María Antonieta, de origen austríaco, era pariente distante de Luis XIV y así como su ancestro, tuvo en sus vestes y sus excéntricos peinados la herramienta para legitimar su posición como monárquica francesa. Aunque la reina creó un estilo particular e hizo de su personal gusto estético una tendencia para el vestir de la época, irónicamente la indumentaria también le sirvió como objeto de persecución política. Según la escritora Caroline Weber (2008), su placard de ropa fue uno de los estopines que la llevó a tal fin trágico. Acusada de gastar fortunas de los fondos públicos para mantener su imagen, en 1793 como consecuencia de la violenta Revolución Francesa, fue llevada a la guillotina juntamente con su marido e hijos. Aún en la actualidad, su peculiar gusto indumentario sirve de objeto para estudios e investigaciones académicas. (Weber, 2008). En la sociedad argentina, los personajes Eva Duarte de Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner son fuertes ejemplos de cómo está presente la indumentaria como elemento constructor de imágenes de poder político. Ambas, además de compartir una posición excepcional de poder político en la historia del país, son frecuentemente citadas por sus peculiares gustos por la moda. Sus elecciones estéticas son comúnmente usadas como delatoras de la legitimidad (o ilegitimidad) de esta posición de poder. Esta investigación analiza cómo esas imágenes de poder político se construyen a partir de la indumentaria, es decir, cómo los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como las vestimentas, los peinados, el maquillaje, los calzados y los accesorios, constituyen el "cuerpo representación"3 del poder político de los personajes estudiados. Al considerar ese cuerpo representación no como algo natural, ofrecido biológicamente o como un don divino, sino como consecuencia de un "cuerpo" que se construye a partir de las relaciones sociales, del contexto histórico y cultural, articulado con los capitales simbólicos aprendidos durante la trayectoria de vida, es necesario entender el contexto histórico y cultural tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Kirchner y la posición de poder político de ambas. Eva Duarte de Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner El 10 de diciembre del 2007, con más del 45% de los votos, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner fue la primera mujer que fue elegida presidenta del país mediante el voto popular4 . Los cargos femeninos en los organismos públicos del país se deben mucho a las luchas y conquistas de Eva Perón. Desde finales del siglo XIX, los movimientos feministas en Argentina lucharon por la conquista de los derechos políticos de las mujeres, pero el derecho al voto femenino sólo fue logrado en el primer período del peronismo, a fines de la década de 1940. El 9 de septiembre de 1947, Eva Perón, conocida como Evita, esposa del entonces presidente Juan Domingo Perón, con su empeñada campaña, logró el derecho civil para las mujeres argentinas; ahora podían votar y ser candidatas a cargos gubernamentales. La actuación de Eva en el poder fue un factor fundamental para el cambio de la sociedad argentina, no sólo político, sino también cultural, principalmente en lo relacionado con los derechos femeninos5. Hay que destacar que Eva Perón nunca fue feminista. Su actuación en el tema del sufragio tenía como meta el apoyo a Perón para llegar a las capas sociales hasta entonces olvidadas de la escena política. Así, la actuación de Evita en cuestiones políticas de Argentina, fue de gran importancia para asegurar no sólo los derechos civiles de las mujeres, sino también insertarlas en la escena social y política, esas capas sociales nunca antes habían tenido participación en acciones del Estado6. La participación activa de Eva Perón en cuestiones sociales, culturales y políticas la situó como uno de los personajes históricos más importantes del siglo XX. Su actuación era mucho más importante que la de "esposa del presidente", de primera dama. Algo muy distinto del papel "usual" que la mujer asumía en la vida pública hasta ese momento; aunque algunas ya habían tenido una actuación en el mercado de trabajo, la imagen femenina ligada al poder que Eva construyó constituía un hecho inédito en la sociedad latinoamericana7. Sesenta años después de la muerte de Evita, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner es la presidenta de la Nación. De militante actuante en La Juventud Peronista en la década de 1970 a una carrera política notoria como diputada y senadora, Cristina Kirchner es elegida en 2007 presidenta del país con el más alto índice de votación desde la apertura democrática en 1983. Ambas, Cristina y Evita no sólo comparten una posición excepcional de la mujer en la historia política del país, sino que también las dos tuvieron un éxito extraordinario cuando construyeron su imagen política en una sociedad sin muchas referencias de iguales. En la actualidad, América Latina, con sus treinta y tres países, posee apenas tres mujeres al frente de gobiernos8 . Eva Perón, Cristina Kirchner y la indumentaria Los dos personajes estudiados, además de compartir un mismo movimiento político, el peronismo, son frecuentemente referidos con énfasis por sus gustos por la moda. Eva Perón, sesenta años después de su muerte, sigue presente en un sinfín de exposiciones acerca de su vida y de su "estilo". Hay una cantidad innumerable de material periodístico tanto como de estudios académicos al respecto que buscan explicar cómo la primeradama argentina se comunicaba a través de su apariencia, de su peculiar y reconocido gusto por la moda, en el intento de (re)construir o (re)descubrir el mito a través del simbolismo de la indumentaria. Refiriéndose a Evita, no todo es elogio en lo relacionado con su imagen. Muchos de sus adversarios políticos resaltaban la discrepancia que existía entre sus discursos en defensa de los menos favorecidos sociales y su exagerado gusto por los artículos de lujo. (Sarlo, 2003). Medio siglo separa a Cristina Kirchner de Eva Perón. El contexto en el que Cristina Kirchner se convirtió en presidenta y construyó su imagen es muy distinto al de la primeradama del peronismo. Pero la atención dada por los medios sobre cómo ella articula su apariencia y su gusto por la moda no se diferencia de la dedicada en su tiempo, o incluso en la actualidad, a Eva Perón. Así, hay mucho material periodístico en el que el tema es la crítica a Cristina Fernández de Kirchner por la marca de sus vestidos, los excesivos y distintos modelos de zapatos con los que se presenta en público o el gasto que desprende en carteras o joyas. (Castañeda y Veiga ,2012; Vecino, 2011). Pero, lo que interesa a esta investigación es el peculiar interés de una gran parte de los medios y del ciudadano en general por su gusto, siendo muchas veces descrito como ostentoso y demasiado superfluo, por sus adversarios políticos, o de extremo "buen gusto" por aquellos que la admiran. Lo que se detecta en todas las críticas, elogiosas, exaltadoras o peyorativas sobre la apariencia de los personajes estudiados es el recurrente uso del "gusto" como instrumento denunciador de la legitimidad o ilegitimidad de la posición de poder. Así, como describe Lipovetsky (1989), es verdad que: "(…) desde la Antigüedad, existe una tradición de difamación de la futilidad, de los artificios y del maquillaje" (p. 37). La indumentaria como instrumento representativo de estéticas de una época, de contextos sociales e históricos pasa a recibir juicios de valor, puesto que los elementos estéticos de la apariencia se vuelven instrumentos de auto-expresión, de representación de individualidades9 . Ya en el final del siglo XIX Georg Simmel (2010) señala que "el adorno (…) es parte 'artificial' de la apariencia: se trata de una manipulación de las señales relativas a los vestuarios o a los cosméticos, que apuntan a causar una determinada impresión" (p. 35). Lo cierto es que esta "impresión" suscitada por los personajes estudiados a través de sus indumentarias está a merced de juicios que buscan aprobar o desaprobar la inserción de estas mujeres en su posición de poder. Así, los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, puestos en la "esfera de los gustos" son objetos simbólicos que pueden ser usados como artificios para la aprobación o reproche social, teniendo así un carácter de "juicio" que evidencia lo que verdaderamente está en juego, como las tensiones sociales relativas a los valores morales, religiosos, políticos, culturales y de posición de género. Para Frédéric Godart (2010) la indumentaria reafirma constantemente la inclusión o no de los individuos en los grupos sociales. En esa misma línea, Pierre Bourdieu (2010) clasifica las elecciones estéticas10, lo que él llama "gustos", como un marcador privilegiado de "clase"11. Por lo tanto, se puede explicar el gusto peculiar de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner a través de su posición social, su capital cultural y simbólico que fueron construidos a partir de sus historias sociales y de sus trayectorias de vida. El gusto sirve como instrumento de lucha, usado para legitimar o deslegitimar sus posiciones de poder. Un claro ejemplo son las críticas, mucha veces ofensivas acerca de la apariencia de estas mujeres, frecuentemente acusatorias de "no pertenencia" (el consumo de ciertos productos de moda como piezas de alta costura o de grandes casas de diseño consideradas "legítimas" del "buen gusto", por su exclusividad económica (no es para todos) o distintivas ( solamente para quién entiende y conoce), reservadas al consumo de ciertas clases sociales es usado como evidencia de "apropiación" ilegítima de mecanismos simbólicos de distinción). Así, sus indumentarias sirven, en la mayoría de los casos, como evidencia de expresión de lucha de clases, disputas políticas y acusaciones de no pertenencia12. La investigación sostiene que, además de la cuestión de clase (es decir, el capital cultural y simbólico que es el resultado de la trayectoria social), la indumentaria también evidencia las cuestiones de género. La posición social y de poder tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Kirchner son excepcionales, pues no se "encuadran" en los estereotipos sociales, históricos y culturales de posición de género. Ocupar una posición de poder político, que históricamente y culturalmente está asociado al universo masculino, hace que el excesivo gusto por los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como la indumentaria, asociada a la moda que está socialmente y culturalmente encuadrada en el universo femenino, sea visto, en algunos contextos basados en juicios estereotipados de género, como una inadecuada representación de poder. "Ella era excepcional, tanto como lo era el escenario del peronismo". Tomando el término de Beatriz Sarlo (2003, p. 70) acerca de la posición excepcional que Eva Perón ocupaba como primera dama. Como una mujer de pasado artístico poco expresivo, de raíces nada aristocráticas y en un contexto donde la posición de género era muy definida, la posición de poder político de Eva Perón, más allá de su ideología, fue, sin dudas, transgresora para la época. Así, la investigación define a Evita y a Cristina Kirchner de acuerdo con la posición de poder de ambas. Mujeres que, aparte de su condición social de género, supieron construir, de manera "excepcional", sus peculiares trayectorias políticas. Por lo tanto, "el gusto" de los personajes estudiados debe ser tomado de acuerdo a su lugar excepcional, "el buen" o "el mal gusto" está clasificado y juzgado según la posición social de los individuos, y seguramente sus posiciones estén dentro de la excepción para la mujer en la historia política de América Latina. Beatriz Sarlo (2003) describe acerca de la posición excepcional de Eva Perón representada en su vestir: "Sus trajes de ceremonia pueden ser excesivos porque su lugar no tiene medida, ni se compara con ningún otro lugar institucional. El exceso queda adherido a un cuerpo donde se ha invertido el poder" (p. 100). Lo que se detecta es que "el cuerpo construido" de los personajes es objeto de representación material y estética donde "se ha invertido el poder" (Sarlo, 2003). El término "construir" está relacionado con el uso de la indumentaria como elemento simbólico material donde ese poder está representado. La investigación defiende que dicha representación no es algo ofrecido naturalmente como un don, sino como consecuencia de un "cuerpo" que se construye a partir de las relaciones sociales, de los contextos históricos y culturales articulados a los capitales simbólicos13 adquiridos en sus trayectorias de vida. A partir del cuestionamiento de estos "cuerpos" como representaciones de poder político, capital simbólico y cultural, sus trayectorias sociales y sus posiciones excepcionales, es que la investigación propone pensar la indumentaria como elemento simbólico de representación del poder político de Eva Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Como ya fue dicho anteriormente, los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como la indumentaria, cumplen un papel simbólico de representación de la disposición social, por eso la investigación cuestiona cuáles son los indicios materiales delatores de las trayectorias sociales y si esas trayectorias sociales condicionan sus "gustos" acerca del vestir, se indaga cuál sería el rol de la excepcionalidad de sus posiciones de poder en la construcción de sus imágenes políticas. Son muchas las preguntas acerca del papel de la indumentaria como tema simbólico de representación del poder político. Pero, a través del análisis no de su significado, sino de su construcción, el objetivo es iluminar las cuestiones que puedan esclarecer cómo esas mujeres articularon sus culturas, sus contextos y sus posiciones excepcionales para lograr una representación estética y concreta de sus trayectorias políticas. Hipótesis Como hipótesis se propone que Eva Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner articularon su trayectoria social, su capital simbólico y cultural recurriendo a su posición excepcional como instrumento de transcendencia del lugar de los gustos para construir su imagen a través de la indumentaria, personificando, material y estéticamente, su poder político. Objetivo general La investigación tiene como objetivo, a través de la indumentaria tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, ampliar la comprensión de cómo ambos personajes articuló su cultura, su contexto social y su posición excepcional para una representación estética y concreta de su poder político. Objetivos específicos Como objetivos específicos se plantea investigar cómo la representación estética de poder político de la mujer es construida a través de la indumentaria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner; analizar cómo los indicios materiales de la trayectoria social presente en las indumentarias de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner están relacionados con la posición excepcional de poder femenino en la construcción de la imagen de poder político; y ampliar la comprensión del papel de los elementos estéticos, es decir, de la indumentaria en la construcción de imágenes políticas de la mujer. Antecedentes y estado de la cuestión La indumentaria, como producto de la cultura, lleva inscripta a través de su materia prima, de su modo de producción, de sus colores, estilo, entre otros ítems, las formas de organización y jerarquización de la sociedad en la cual está inserta, funcionando como marcadora privilegiada de la posición social de quien la porta. (Nery, 2007; Saulquin, 2006; Godart, 2010, Bourdieu, 2010). Beatriz Sarlo en el libro La pasión y la excepción sigue justamente la trayectoria social de Eva Perón y la relación de ésta con la construcción de un "cuerpo excepcional", en el aspecto simbólico de su apariencia, por lo tanto, también de su indumentaria, analiza histórica y filosóficamente cómo la actriz se convierte en la "incorporación" del régimen peronista. El mismo trayecto a través de la indumentaria se encuentra en El saco de Marx de Peter Stallybrass (2008). La vida de Karl Marx14 y su trayectoria social e intelectual a través de la historia de su saco es narrada a partir de los múltiples empeños de la pieza que no sólo ponían en evidencia los problemas financieros de Marx, sino también determinaban, limitando o posibilitando, su vida social; ya que era su único traje "elegante", e incluso adecuado para el frío de Alemania. El autor también relaciona la formulación de la teoría marxista con "los dolores" y "las memorias" que resultaban de la relación de Marx con el saco. Como indica Stallybrass: "Pensar sobre la ropa, sobre ropas, significa pensar no sólo sobre la memoria, sino también sobre el poder y la posesión". (p. 12). Muchos investigadores ya estudiaron la relación del poder con la imagen de grandes personajes históricos. Peter Burke (2009) en Fabricación del Rey enfoca, a partir de la historia, las elecciones estéticas del rey Luis XIV para la fabricación de su imagen pública, y Caroline Weber (2007) en Reina de la Moda analiza cómo la reina francesa María Antonieta hacía uso político de la indumentaria. Ambos estudios priorizan un análisis historiográfico del traje y su carácter de memoria. Volviendo a las mujeres estudiadas, Eva Perón por su distancia temporal posee diferentes enfoques de análisis que pone en primer plano su biografía, su relación con el peronismo y la cuestión de género. Esta última también en relación con la política, con el poder y las representaciones sobre los mitos de su imagen (Zanatta, 2011; Masson, 2004; Lagos, 2006; Carlson, 1988; Sarlo, 2010; Pron, 2007; Rosano, 2005). Debido a su figura "atemporal", parafraseando a Sarlo (2010), su aspecto estético y su fuerte construcción de imagen ligada a la moda, existe un enfoque muy explorado de la indumentaria en materias del área de diseño, siendo la misma, en la mayoría de los casos, un objeto para un análisis semiológico (Sarlo, 2010) o histórico del vestir (Guedes y Teixeira, 2010; Saulquin, 2006). En el caso de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, los materiales disponibles se focalizan en el estudio de sus estratégicas políticas (Levitsky y Murillo, 2008; Castañeda y Veiga, 2013; Araújo Ribeiro, 2010; Correa da Silva, 2012; Corigliano, 2013) y en libros biográficos (Russo, 2011). Cuando aparecen análisis dirigidos a su apariencia, están restringidos casi mayoritariamente a los registros periodísticos y a las llamadas "revistas femeninas" que priorizan los temas considerados amenos, por lo tanto, estereotipados por su condición de mujer, con lo cual sirven mucho más como instrumento de crítica o de apoyo a su gobierno que como material útil para pensar la materia. La investigación entiende la indumentaria no como un elemento que "expresa" los poderes políticos de las mujeres estudiadas, ni como un tratado que busca "develar" los mitos construidos en torno a sus imágenes, sino como elemento significante que conforma de manera material, esto es, concretamente, tales posiciones alcanzadas. Así, sus indumentarias cargan sus trayectorias sociales y sus contextos, funcionando como objetos materializados de sus posiciones sociales. Es en la materialidad de cada elección estética que sus "cuerpos" se conforman, de manera particular; en un mundo cultural, social y político específico. Orden del trabajo En el primer capítulo será tratada la cuestión del género, su construcción social y cultural, los estereotipos y su "corporificación" y la relación de la posición de la mujer en el contexto de la sociedad argentina con la política y la trayectoria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner. El segundo capítulo trata de la indumentaria en el ámbito social, su aspecto cultural e histórico, delineando el contexto de las mujeres estudiadas y la importancia del elemento estético para la construcción de la imagen política. Como bien define Godart (2010) parafraseando al filósofo francés Jean Baudrillard: "La función de los objetos es apenas la de una "caución" para su dimensión principal, que es la de "valor de cambio de signo", o sea, para simplificar, su significación sociocultural" (p. 31). Pierre Bourdieu (2010) pone al vestir, las elecciones, el gusto estético de la apariencia como definido por posiciones de clase. La educación institucionalizada, esto es, el grado de escolaridad, la herencia cultural, cuánto el sujeto está familiarizado con distintos tipos de cultura, obras de arte, estilos musicales y vivencias sociales, así como también su capital económico que son los responsables de su "formación". La estilización de la vida, la elección de la comida, el estilo de decoración de la casa, cómo cuida el sujeto su cuerpo, sus preferencias deportivas, su elección estética de la apariencia, es decir, sus indumentarias, entre otros, reflejarían la posición social. El tercer capítulo trata, teóricamente, acerca del gusto como reflejo de la trayectoria social de las mujeres estudiadas, la cuestión del juicio como elemento "legitimador" de la posición de poder y la trascendencia del "buen y el mal gusto" a través de sus lugares excepcionales para la construcción de sus cuerpos representación. La materialidad de la indumentaria remite e interactúa con sus contextos sociales y culturales, con la posición de la mujer y su trayectoria, constituyendo de forma estética y concreta su cuerpo de poder político. Por lo tanto, la investigación discurre sobre la "personificación" estética de la posición de poder político de la mujer, esto es, cómo algunos aspectos de la construcción social y cultural del género en el contexto general latinoamericano, y en particular argentino, está presente en el cuerpo, en el accionar político, en las representaciones sociales y en las formas de constituir los gustos y cómo se corporifican estéticamente a través de la indumentaria. Notas 1. Louis XIV (1638 -1715), conocido como "Rey-Sol", fue un monarca absolutista de Francia, reinó de 1643 a 1715. (Burke, 2009). 2. Marie Antoinette Josèphe Jeanne de Habsbourg-Lorraine (1755-1793) - fue una archiduquesa de Austria y reina consorte de Francia y Navarra. Murió decapitada en 16 de octubre de 1793 junto con su marido, el Rey Luís XVI e hijos, como resultado de la Revolución Francesa. (Weber, 2008). 3. A partir de la definición de Joanne Entwistle (2002) de que el cuerpo social es necesariamente un cuerpo vestido, constituido socialmente y siempre ubicado en la cultura, se desprende la idea de que la indumentaria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner hace parte y es formado a partir de su contexto histórico y cultural, por lo tanto también de su posición social. Así, la investigación defiende que sus imágenes personifican, material y estéticamente sus posiciones de poder político 4. No obstante, es la segunda en ejercer ese cargo. La primera presidenta del país fue María Estela Martínez de Perón; como era vicepresidenta de su marido, Juan Domingo Perón, termina asumiendo la presidencia después de su muerte y gobierna el país entre 1974 y 1976. "Isabelita", como le decían, fue la primera mujer que ocupó la presidencia en toda América Latina. 5. Cerca de dos años después, el 26 de julio de 1949, Evita fundó el Partido Peronista Femenino. En las elecciones de 1951, por primera vez, las mujeres pudieron votar y la sociedad eligió a seis senadoras y quince diputadas peronistas. (Zanatta, 2011). 6. Como lo explica Susana Rosano (2005): Por primera vez en la historia del país se otorgaba, y con estatuto legal, no sólo importantes reivindicaciones a los trabajadores, sino la "dignidad" como seres humanos de que habían sido privados por los anteriores gobiernos, para quienes no eran más que los "cabecitas negras" dejando en ellos la impronta de la conciliación de clases es posible. (p. 04). 7. Como expone Beatriz Sarlo (2003): "En 1946, Evita Duarte se convirtió en la primera dama Eva Duarte de Perón. A partir de ese momento, su cara, su cuerpo, sus ropas y sus poses no se compararon solo con las de las actrices fotografiadas en las revistas del espectáculo sino con las de las señoras, cuya imagen aparecía en otras revistas. El escándalo de Eva se medía respecto de esas mujeres de políticos y de militares, muchas de ellas pertenecientes a la buena sociedad, otras burguesas acomodadas. Esas mujeres ocuparon siempre un plano secundario a respecto del círculo de poder o de las prelaciones institucionales que rodeaban a sus maridos. Ninguna esposa de mandatario o representante se había convertido nunca en una pieza central en la construcción y la consolidación del poder" (p. 69). 8. Cristina Kirchner (Electa en el 2007 y 2010) en Argentina, Laura Chinchilla (2010) en Costa Rica y Dilma Rousseff (2011) en Brasil. (Observatório de Gênero - Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres da Presidência da República do Brasil, octubre de 2011). 9. Según Lipovetsky (1989): " (.) El vestuario permite al individuo desprenderse de las normas antiguas, apreciar más individualmente a las formas, afirmar un gusto más personal, sin embargo, se puede juzgar más libremente a los trajes de los otros, su buen o mal gusto, sus "faltas" o su desgracia." (p. 38) 10. Que abarca no sólo la indumentaria, sino las elecciones cotidianas como por ejemplo un mobiliario o un menú. 11. María Claudia Bonadio (Almeida e Wajnman, 2012) resume algunas consideraciones de Bourdieu sobre el tema: "(.) O gosto como um consumo estético, pertencente a esfera do cotidiano e presente na escolha, pelo indivíduo, de uma música, uma decoração ou alimentação por exemplo. (.) Bourdieu vê uma 'homologia' entre hierarquia de bens e a hierarquia de consumidores, de tal modo que, a seu ver, as preferências estéticas refletem, em sua organização, a estrutura do espaço social". (p. 72). 12. Para Mezzia y Pozzi (2004) "el gusto legítimo se concreta en el consumo de unos objetos simbólicos (de la no-vulgaridad, es decir, de la distinción), consumo que otorga a las personas eso que Erving Goffman llamó "el sentido del lugar que uno ocupa" en el mundo ("sense of one´s place"), (…)se construye por oposición o aproximación al "sentido del lugar que los otros ocupan" en el mundo ("sense of other´s place"). 13. Para profundizar los conceptos de gusto y capitales simbólicos ver Bourdieu (2006). 14. Karl Heinrich Marx fue un pensador político alemán. Nacido el 5 de mayo de 1818 en Berlín. Estudió filosofía, derecho e historia. Seguidor de Hegel, crítico del capitalismo, desarrolla una doctrina llamada marxista la cual sirve para la idealización del socialismo. (Wheen, 2001).

Food, water, and shelter, as fundamental components of human existence are no less critical in an aviation unit than the number of enemies shot down, as a combat force can be made or broken over necessities. During World War II, Russian pilots returned to bases where food and housing were not to be taken for granted, and free time was dictated by forces largely outside their control. The overall living conditions of Russian pilots during the war were varied, unpredictable, and improvised. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Junior Arts/Humanities category. ; Borscht, Barracks, and Bears: How Russian Pilots Lived in WWII Sarah Clark HI 355: WW2 Colloquium Phase 3 Word Count: 3,307 December 6, 2019 Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 1 Introduction What were the living conditions of Russian pilots in WWII? Food, water, and shelter, as fundamental components of human existence are no less critical in an aviation unit than the number of enemies shot down, as a combat force can be made or broken over necessities. During World War II, Russian pilots returned to bases where food and housing were not to be taken for granted, and free time was dictated by forces largely outside their control. The overall living conditions of Russian pilots during the war were varied, unpredictable, and improvised. When the war began, pilots unused to wartime conditions had to adapt quickly to their new conditions. One pilot recalled: the sun was baking hot on the street. I walked slowly towards the airfield and came up to the dispersal area. It was like a disturbed anthill. They were repairing the old shelters. Here and there they were digging new ones. They assigned the headquarters dug-out for the use of the staff. Fyodorov and Godunov decided to use an enormous plywood container in which, at one time, an aircraft had arrived from the factory in parts…We had supper –field rations, as if we were at the front—and spent the night in the dug-out. Tired after the day's work and even more so after the previous sleepless night, everyone soon dropped off. Of course, after comfortable quarters, snow-white sheets and a soft bed, it is not cosy to sleep on a plank bed; but aircrew get used to anything.1 Food Sources Throughout the war, sources of food varied, but the three most common were rations, villagers, and American Lend-Lease food. Rations were the primary source of food for Russian pilots. The military had its own rationing system, separate from and prioritized above the civilian system.2 At first, most foods were produced and distributed by state associated farms and collectives. Throughout the war, more and more initiative was given to peasants to make food production a private enterprise to increase production and reduce the burden on state-owned 1 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 5. 2 Ganson, "Food Supply," 78. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 2 sources.3 Typical rations for the Russian armed forces consisted of a simple breakfast of porridge known as kasha, a type of soup called borscht for lunch, and bread with pickles or cucumbers for dinner, and for aviators 100 grams of vodka after combat missions.4 In general, variety and items such as meat, fat, and fresh fruits and vegetables were hard to come by. Throughout the war, Russians both were allocated and received fewer daily calories than the soldiers of several other countries. In early 1941, Russian infantrymen were allocated 2,954 calories a day, which was increased to 3,450 in September.5 Members of active flying units were supposed to receive 4,712.6 Compared to other Allied nations, this basic allowance was low. For instance, the United States allocated 4,748 calories for front-line soldiers, and Britain allocated 5,300 for soldiers fighting in cold weather.7 Despite official instructions, it was common for Russians to receive less than their daily allotted calories, placing them even farther below their Allied comrades. Pilots overcame the lack of food and added variety by trading with nearby villagers if based near or in a village. There are multiple accounts of pilots and technicians going into towns to exchange unused items such as underwear or more common items such as "tobacco, cigarettes, bread, and sugar for milk, sour cream, eggs, and butter and sometimes meat."8 Exchanges could be a one-time or reoccurring transaction. For instance, while in Romania, one squadron member paid a Romanian for a daily supply of ten eggs.9 However, making deals with the locals was not always favored by senior officers, as squadron members were arrested and 3 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 126; Ganson, "Food Supply," 75-76. 4 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 319. 5 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty." 319. 6 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 127. 7 Collingham, "Out of Depression," 434; Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 319. 8 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 145, 186. 9 Mariinskiy, Airacobra, 142. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 3 imprisoned in some units.10 Yet, the prevalence of such transactions illustrates the desperation for sufficient and adequate food. Pilots not only traded with villagers and peasants, but they also took advantage of their surroundings. They scavenged through the remains of old villages, especially on the way towards Berlin in 1944 and 1945.11 One of the most common items searched for was alcohol. For instance, one fighter pilot, heading towards Berlin, recalled that "in the deserted workshops of the sugar mill the omnipresent procurement officers…found tanks of spirits."12 In other locations, where natural resources such as rivers were more abundant, pilots occasionally resorted to fishing to provide fresh meat in desperate times, when the food supplied in the mess hall was either meager or nonexistent.13 Another way variety was increased was through the introduction of American Lend- Lease items, especially in 1943 and after. For instance, dairy items from America like dried eggs and milk powder, hard to come by in Russia, supplemented protein and fat intake, and packaged meats such as Spam were a welcome respite from dried fish.14 To show this one pilot reported that "American food, it was a feast—canned meat, dried eggs, canned milk."15 While American food was only a tiny sliver of what the air forces ate during the war, it certainly provided a respite from the standard fare. 10 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 145. 11 I Remember, "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ivan-konovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 12 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 77-78. 13 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 114. 14 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 340; I Remember, "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 15 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 119. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 4 Factors that Affected Food Squadron location, when correlated with timeframe, was one of the most significant factors affecting food availability and type, including geographic location, distance relative to frontlines, and proximity to inhabited villages. Geographic location was significant because Russia is a massive country, and front lines stretched for hundreds of miles. Food supplies were inadequate to begin with, and the distribution system was incomplete and inefficient. These issues were only compounded by the rapidly advancing German forces during Operation Barbarossa.16 Not every unit received equal amounts of food, and food reserves were not in place, especially at the beginning, resulting in troops at the front and rear being shorted.17 To show the variation, one fighter pilot, who spent some time near the front lines at Smolensk, wrote "I'm still amazed that—whether advancing or retreating—we were always well supplied with food."18 Conversely, other pilots reported periodic food shortages lasting several days near front lines.19 Therefore food availability varied greatly from one unit to the next. Distance from the front impacted food supply because it affected the ability of food to reach airfields. At the beginning of the war, food shortages were common in contested areas, such as the North Caucasus and Ukraine.20 Plus, reserves were either too far away or not built up enough to sustain prolonged shortages.21 During German advances supplies were not always able to be delivered, causing aircrews to survive on what meager items they had stockpiled.22 Other 16 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 113. 17 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 115. 18 Drabkin, Barbarossa, 85. 19 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 186. 20 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 79. 21 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 115. 22 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 186; Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 79. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 5 times, aircrews were forced to pick up supplies with their aircraft because the ground vehicles were unable to reach their airfields.23 The type of action an air unit was supporting, such as a retreat or an advance, also affected their food supply. When a regiment formally moved to a new airfield in preparation for an operation, and if time allowed, the airfield would be prepped by a service battalion consisting of combat support and maintenance personnel, who stocked up supplies and prepared the housing and airfield facilities for the arrival of the unit.24 Thorough preparation resulted in efficiency and ease of movement. However, when movement to a new airfield was either hastily planned or unplanned as a result of an unexpected retreat, there was no preparation, resulting in the opposite effect: no supplies. For instance, while retreating in 1942, one pilot wrote that upon reaching the assigned base they "found nothing there—no staff, no mess hall, no fuel" because the ground support had been unable to reach the base in time to prepare it.25 However, the unit in that scenario ended up being fed by a woman from a local village, illustrating the last essential component of location: proximity to an inhabited area.26 Airfields were frequently built near villages. Consequently, instead of official housing, pilots would be billeted with the town residents. Occasionally villagers had items unavailable to military members, such as fresh vegetables from their gardens or dairy products, such as milk. 27 One last factor to consider in analyzing food supply is unit type: bombers versus fighters. Food for both types of units was dreary and monotonous with occasional highlights of canned 23 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 67. 24 Bessette, "Soviet Military Transportation Aviation," 196. 25 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 108. 26 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 108. 27 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 85, 176. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 6 American food, items gained from the locals, or the rationed chocolate and Coca-Cola.28 For instance, in 1942, one bomber pilot reported eating brown bread, a lot of cereal, and in the fall-potatoes, while another bomber pilot reported eating a breakfast of gruel, bread, butter, and tea the following year.29 Fighter pilots reported similar types of food including soup, tea, and bread.30 Overall, food was more affected by location, type of action, and timeframe than type of unit because units across all aircraft types experienced times of relative abundance and shortage, based on locational and situational factors. Housing Housing was also based on location and situation. The spectrum ranged from sleeping in and under aircraft using tarps and covers as blankets to large houses in nearby villages, and later even villas. Pilots were usually billeted separately from the enlisted technicians. Commonly, the technicians were kept closer to the aircraft in dugouts, huts, or trenches, so that they were quickly accessible and ready for action, while it was more common for pilots to live outside the airfield. However, there were times when pilots and technicians lived together, such as one tail gunner who lived in the same local home as her pilot.31 Housing Situations One of the main differences in airfield accommodations was the age of the airfield. New airfields were usually less developed because they were formed during war when a base was needed during a rapid advance or unplanned retreat. Hasty quarters usually consisted of dugouts built into the ground, sometimes made by female workers from nearby cities, such as 28 I Remember, "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 29 I Remember. "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]; I Remember, "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov," https://iremember.ru /en/memoirs/airmen/ivankonovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 30 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 78. 31 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 176. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 7 Leningrad.32 Pilots also lived in trenches or around the aircraft until more permanent quarters could be made.33 Again, there were exceptions. New airfields were better prepared when movements were planned well in advance, and airfield service battalions were available to go to the airfield first and prepare it for the unit, which included billeting arrangements.34 Conversely, older airfields, many of which had been training schools or air bases before the war, already had a developed infrastructure. They had permanent quarters or at least buildings that could be readily turned into barracks. For instance, one pilot recalled living in an old school building on an airfield that had been a training school two years before the war.35 Even in 1944, when the Russians refitted three Ukrainian air bases for the Americans, they refitted an artillery barracks and school buildings for the Americans to live in.36 Also, as the Russians moved east in 1944 and 1945 they utilized barracks on former German airfields. If housing was not available on the airfield, pilots were billeted in the homes of villagers or other available buildings, within several miles of the airfield. Even within the homes there was a lot of variation. Usually the home's residents still lived there, and one of two scenarios occurred: either a couple or as many as possible pilots would be billeted there. For example, one pilot recalls that "the overcrowding was horrendous, but room was found for me. In a crooked hut…having delicately pushed the hostess to the oven in her kitchen."37 Houses could become crowded and uncomfortable when pilots, other officers, and non-maintenance personnel, were forced to live together. Alternatively, other pilots were billeted alone and given a lot of space and 32 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 91. 33 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 106. 34 Bessette, "Soviet Military Transportation Aviation," 196. 35 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 33. 36 Plokhy, Forgotten Bastards, 35. 37 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 138. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 8 relatively nice accommodations. Also, nearby villages were occasionally abandoned, resulting in pilots living in vacant homes.38 Overall, village billeting was varied. Uncontrollable Factors Another variable that should not be overlooked is the effect of the war on housing options. Barracks and dugouts were not immune to German air raids. When permanent buildings or dugouts were destroyed, pilots slept in hastily rebuilt dugouts or under the aircraft. Combat readiness also dictated how close aircrews slept to their aircraft because if a raid was expected, pilots needed to be ready to defend their airfield at a moment's notice.39 Bombings, when the signal of a German advance, also contributed to units moving from new bases and having to find new quarters altogether. Other times, the housing at a new base was inhabitable. For instance, one mechanic wrote that "all of the habitable dwellings nearby were mined by the Germans, so we had to live under the wings of our aircraft."40 Therefore, stable and safe housing was not to be taken for granted in combat conditions. Weather also played devil's advocate with housing. Mud, rain, and snow are all part of life in Russia and had devastating effects on airfield usage and quality of life inside aircrew quarters. During the rainy season, dugouts were flooded with inches to feet of water, either forcing pilots to pump the water out in colder seasons or live under the aircraft in warmer weather.41 Snow, on the other hand, made its way into primitive buildings in the form of ice. Escaping the cold was impossible. Changes in weather patterns and the beginning of colder seasons also resulted in insect and animal infestations, such as fleas, rats, and mosquitos. One rat 38 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 26. 39 Tomofeyeva-Yegorova, Black Sky Red Death, 106. 40 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 151. 41 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 110, 173. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 9 infestation was so bad a pilot remarked that "they were routinely crushed under people's feet."42 Overall, weather was just one more variable that made housing unpredictable. Commodities Not only was housing itself varied and often improvised, but commodities nowadays taken for granted were as well. Most of what the pilots had for furniture, light, and linens were makeshift. Oil drums and shell casings were used as crude lamps and stoves. Any available material was burned in those stoves, including used bomb fuse-boxes.43 Beds, tables, and any other furniture were typically cobbled together from planks, wood scraps, straw, and aircraft covers. Pillows were stuffed with everything from weeds to straw. Again, there were exceptions, especially later in the war, when air units took over German airfields or lived in residences currently or previously owned by the wealthy. For example, one pilot wrote that his unit was "billeted for a rest in some factory-owner's villa…on soft feather beds," and remarked that "the conqueror's position has its advantages."44 Overall though, pilots did not live in luxury. They made what they needed from what was available. Personal Free Time The small amount of free time in between tasking, or during rough weather, helped the pilots let loose and mentally cope with being in combat. On a personal level, people kept busy with what was available. Those who had books read them and then shared them, which led to book discussions.45 Games requiring little space, such as dominos, chess, and cards were played; although, some commands forbade cardplaying, calling it bourgeois.46 People who were musically gifted and carried their instrument, such as a guitar or accordion, around would play 42 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 116. 43 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 124. 44 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 73. 45 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 138. 46 Drabkin, Barbarossa, 42. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 10 for their fellow airmen. Some of the women would knit, embroider, or sew new pairs of silk underwear. And everyone looked forward to letters from home, especially when the Germans occupied territory where their loved ones lived. For instance, one pilot wrote that when she received the first letter from her mother, five months into the war, she "felt such relief! All these months I had worried about my family, whether they were suffering somewhere under German occupation."47 Pilots were desperate for news about the wellbeing and whereabouts of relatives and friends. Unit Free Time Beyond the personal level, units organized events amongst themselves. Some had a newsletter that members would write in and distribute amongst the unit.48 Usually those had a political overtone. Nevertheless, they were an opportunity for people to use skills other than flying, such as creative writing, journalism, and drawing. Activities such as talent shows and performances were also organized, including events such as formal readings, performance of plays or sketches, and solo acts. For example, one squadron had the only Gypsy to fly for Russia in the war, who performed dances of his culture, until he died in combat.49 Parties and dances were also held, especially in some of the female units, to celebrate successful missions with dancing and singing.50 Celebrations were an outlet for the emotion created by the stresses of combat and unpredictable living conditions. Occasionally if located near a larger city, such as Leningrad, and if tasking allowed, pilots were able to partake in urban activities, such as movies, concerts, and dance classes. At times, events were formally organized by unit commanders to increase morale and let their 47 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 81. 48 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 6. 49 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 61. 50 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 71 . Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 11 personnel get away from the humdrum of front-line duties, while other times, attending a movie or performance was not command mandated. For instance, one corps commander gave circus tickets to his officers and ordered them to go on a night when no flights were scheduled.51 While in a different squadron a group of pilots was invited to a musical premiere in Leningrad while the city was being barraged by the Germans.52 Not only did pilots seek out entertainment, but entertainment sought them out, in the form of traveling performers, artists, and mobile theaters that traveled throughout the eastern front, providing performances for units unable to go to a city or populated area. Relationships Beyond mere activities, relationships were another way to pass the time. Wedding ceremonies were a change from the more frequent funeral ceremonies. Pilots married either pilots from other commands or members of various service battalions. To illustrate the difference between a funeral and wedding, an airman wrote, "the regiment personnel celebrated a festive and memorable event. And it had nothing to do with war, blood, or death. It was quite the opposite of a funeral."53 Joyous occasions were a welcome relief from the cruel ways of combat. Relationships were unavoidable in squadrons where technicians and combat support staff were frequently female. Even in units with only female pilots, relationships were not uncommon with male members of the same or other units. There was one female pilot, for example, whose former commanding officer proposed after the war ended.54 Relationships were crucial in motivating pilots to return from every flight and survive the war, while also serving to satisfy the soft side of human existence. 51 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 157. 52 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 178. 53 Antipov & Utkin, Dragons on Bird Wings, 75. 54 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 201. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 12 However, humans were not the only ones to fulfill this need for affection, as pets were not forbidden. Often, stray dogs or cats were picked up when a unit passed by an abandoned area. They were either adopted by a whole unit or individuals, as was the case with the Gypsy and his dog, Jack.55 However, there were other scenarios, where a pet would be left behind by higher-ups who briefly visited the unit. For example, Alexander Novikov, then Air Force supreme commander, left behind a bear cub he had been given. At the squadron, the small cub ate and slept with the men, which became difficult as she grew. In the end, she was killed by outsiders, and the air unit refused to eat her.56 While an unusual scenario, it still shows the connections unit members made with animals that ended up in their possession. Focusing on caring for a pet was a needed distraction. Conclusion During World War II, the men and women in the Russian air forces lived an unpredictable life, dictated by the whims of combat. Food would be available one day and not the next. Moving from base to base increased unpredictability, as not all locations were supplied equally, especially when close to combat or advancing German forces. Air force units stretched from Leningrad to Ukraine, which strained the initially inadequate supply system. Time was not always available for building new housing, resulting in external billeting and quickly-built dugouts. Improvisation was the name of the game, as the pilots had to make do with the food, materials, and housing they could scavenge or trade for. Pilots with imagination and creativity were able to create a home away from home that at least met the bare minimum of their needs, despite limited free time to decompress and get away from combat stressors. 55 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 61. 56 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 69. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 13 Research Question: What were the living conditions of Russian pilots in WWII?Outline 1. Introduction 1.1. Research question 1.2. Idea of the variability, range of living conditions 2. Living Conditions 2.1. Food 2.1.1. Food sources 2.1.1.1. Rations 2.1.1.1.1. Calorie comparison 2.1.1.2. Local sources 2.1.1.3. American food 2.1.2. Factors affecting food 2.1.2.1. Location 2.1.2.1.1. Timeframe 2.1.2.1.2. Movement type 2.1.2.1.3. Billeting 2.1.2.2. Unit type 2.2. Housing 2.2.1. Introduction 2.2.2. Housing Situations 2.2.2.1. New Airfields 2.2.2.2. Old Airfields 2.2.2.3. Living in Villages 2.2.3. Uncontrollable Factors 2.2.3.1. Combat Conditions 2.2.3.2. Weather 2.2.4. Commodities 2.3. Free Time 2.3.1. Personal Level 2.3.1.1. Hobbies: sewing, knitting, poetry, music 2.3.1.2. Letters from home 2.3.2. Unit Level Activities 2.3.2.1. Newspapers, performances 2.3.2.2. Nearby towns 2.3.2.2.1. Leader/command initiated 2.3.3. Relationships 2.3.3.1. People 2.3.3.2. Pets 3. Conclusion Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 14 Bibliography Primary Sources Drabkin, Artem. Barbarossa and the Retreat to Moscow: Recollections of Fighter Pilots on the Eastern Front. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books LTD, 2007. I Remember. "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich." https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. I Remember. "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov." https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ivan-konovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. Kaberov, Igor. Swastika in the Gunsight: Memoirs of a Russian Fighter Pilot 1941-1945. Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 1999. Kramarenko, Sergei. The Red Air Force at War: Air Combat over the Eastern Front and Korea: A Soviet Fighter Pilot Remembers. Barnsley, England: Pen & Sword Military, 2008. Mariinskiy, Evgeniy. Red Star Airacobra: Memoirs of a Soviet Fighter Ace, 1941-45. Solihull: Helion & Company, 2006. Noggle, Anne. A Dance with Death: Soviet Airwomen in World War II. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1994. Reshetnikov, Vasiliy. Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front: 307 Missions Behind Enemy Lines. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books LTD, 2008. Timofeyeva-Yegorova, A. Red Sky, Black Death: A Soviet Woman Pilot's Memoir of the Eastern Front. Bloomington: Slavica Publishers, 2009. Scholarly Books Pennington, Reina. Wings, Women, and War: Soviet Airwomen in World War II Combat. Modern War Studies. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001. Plokhy, Serhii. Forgotten Bastards of the Eastern Front: American Airmen Behind the Soviet Lines and the Collapse of the Grand Alliance. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2019. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 15 Scholarly Articles Bessette, John. "Soviet Military Transport Aviation" in The Soviet Air Forces edited by Paul Murphy, 188-211. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1984. Collingham, Lizzie. "The Soviet Union—Fighting on Empty" in The Taste of War, 317-346. New York: Penguin Press, 2012. Collingham, Lizzie. "The United States—Out of Depression and into Abundance" in The Taste of War, 415-466. New York: Penguin Press, 2012. Ganson, Nicholas. "Food Supply, Rationing, and Living Standards" in The Soviet Union at War, 1941-1945 edited by David Stone, 69-92. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books Ltd, 2010. Moskoff, William. "The First Priority: Feeding the Armed Forces" in The Bread of Affliction: The Food Supply in the USSR During World War II, 113-134. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Additional Sources Antipov, Vladislav, and Igor Utkin. Dragons on Bird Wings: The Combat History of the 812th Fighter Regiment. Translated by James F. Gebhardt. 1st English ed. Kitchener, ON: Aviaeology, 2006.

HapMap imputed genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have revealed >50 loci at which common variants with minor allele frequency >5% are associated with kidney function. GWAS using more complete reference sets for imputation, such as those from The 1000 Genomes project, promise to identify novel loci that have been missed by previous efforts. To investigate the value of such a more complete variant catalog, we conducted a GWAS meta-analysis of kidney function based on the estimated glomerular filtration rate (eGFR) in 110,517 European ancestry participants using 1000 Genomes imputed data. We identified 10 novel loci with p-value < 5 × 10−8 previously missed by HapMap-based GWAS. Six of these loci (HOXD8, ARL15, PIK3R1, EYA4, ASTN2, and EPB41L3) are tagged by common SNPs unique to the 1000 Genomes reference panel. Using pathway analysis, we identified 39 significant (FDR < 0.05) genes and 127 significantly (FDR < 0.05) enriched gene sets, which were missed by our previous analyses. Among those, the 10 identified novel genes are part of pathways of kidney development, carbohydrate metabolism, cardiac septum development and glucose metabolism. These results highlight the utility of re-imputing from denser reference panels, until whole-genome sequencing becomes feasible in large samples. ; 3C. Three-City Study. The work was made possible by the participation of the control subjects, the patients, and their families. We thank Dr. Anne Boland (CNG) for her technical help in preparing the DNA samples for analyses. This work was supported by the National Foundation for Alzheimer's disease and related disorders, the Institut Pasteur de Lille and the Centre National de Génotypage. The 3C Study was performed as part of a collaboration between the Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (Inserm), the Victor Segalen Bordeaux II University and Sanofi-Synthélabo. The Fondation pour la Recherche Médicale funded the preparation and initiation of the study. The 3C Study was also funded by the Caisse Nationale Maladie des Travailleurs Salariés, Direction Générale de la Santé, MGEN, Institut de la Longévité, Agence Française de Sécurité Sanitaire des Produits de Santé, the Aquitaine and Bourgogne Regional Councils, Fondation de France and the joint French Ministry of Research/INSERM "Cohortes et collections de données biologiques" programme. Lille Génopôle received an unconditional grant from Eisai. AGES. Age, Gene/Environment Susceptibility-Reykjavik Study. This study has been funded by NIH contract N01-AG-1-2100, the NIA Intramural Research Program, Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association), and the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament). The study is approved by the Icelandic National Bioethics Committee, VSN: 00-063. The researchers are indebted to the participants for their willingness to participate in the study. ARIC. Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities study. The ARIC study is carried out as a collaborative study supported by National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute contracts (HHSN268201100005C, HHSN268201100006C, HHSN268201100007C, HHSN268201100008C, HHSN268201100009C, HHSN268201100010C, HHSN268201100011C, and HHSN268201100012C), R01HL087641, R01HL59367 and R01HL086694; National Human Genome Research Institute contract U01HG004402; and National Institutes of Health contract HHSN268200625226C. The authors thank the staff and participants of the ARIC study for their important contributions. Infrastructure was partly supported by Grant Number UL1RR025005, a component of the National Institutes of Health and NIH Roadmap for Medical Research. This work as well as YL and AK were supported by the German Research Foundation (KO 3598/2-1, KO 3598/3-1 and CRC1140 A05 to AK). ASPS. Austrian Stroke Prevention Study. The research reported in this article was funded by the Austrian Science Fond (FWF) grant number P20545-P05 and P13180. The Medical University of Graz supports the databank of the ASPS. The authors thank the staff and the participants of the ASPS for their valuable contributions. We thank Birgit Reinhart for her long-term administrative commitment and Ing Johann Semmler for the technical assistance at creating the DNA-bank. BMES. Blue Mountains Eye Study. The BMES has been supported by the Australian RADGAC grant (1992- 94) and Australian National Health & Medical Research Council, Canberra Australia (Grant Nos: 974159, 211069, 991407, 457349). The GWAS studies of Blue Mountains Eye Study population are supported by the Australian National Health & Medical Research Council (Grant Nos: 512423, 475604, 529912) and the Wellcome Trust, UK (2008). EGH and JJW are funded by the Australian National Health & Medical Research Council Fellowship Schemes. CILENTO. Italian Network on Genetic Isolates – Cilento. We thank the populations of Cilento for their participation in the study. The study was supported by the Italian Ministry of Universities and CNR 36 (PON03PE_00060_7, Interomics Flagship Project), the Assessorato Ricerca Regione Campania, the Fondazione con il SUD (2011-PDR-13), and the Istituto Banco di Napoli - Fondazione to MC. COLAUS. The CoLaus authors thank Yolande Barreau, Mathieu Firmann, Vladimir Mayor, Anne-Lise Bastian, Binasa Ramic, Martine Moranville, Martine Baumer, Marcy Sagette, Jeanne Ecoffey and Sylvie Mermoud for data collection. The CoLaus study received financial contributions from GlaxoSmithKline, the Faculty of Biology and Medicine of Lausanne, the Swiss National Science Foundation (33CSCO- 122661, 3200BO-111361/2, 3100AO-116323/1, 310000-112552). The computations for CoLaus imputation were performed in part at the Vital-IT center for high performance computing of the Swiss Institute of Bioinformatics. We thank Vincent Mooser for his contribution to the CoLaus study. EGCUT. Estonian Genome Center University of Tartu. EGCUT received financing from FP7 grants (278913, 306031, 313010) and targeted financing from Estonian Government (SF0180142s08). EGCUT studies were covered from Infra-structure grant no. 3.2.0304.11-0312 funded mostly by the European Regional Development Fund, Center of Excellence in Genomics (EXCEGEN) and University of Tartu (SP1GVARENG). We acknowledge EGCUT technical personnel, especially Mr V. Soo and S. Smit. Data analyses were carried out in part in the High Performance Computing Center of the University of Tartu. FamHS. Family Heart Study. The FHS work was supported in part by NIH grants 5R01HL08770003, 5R01HL08821502 (Michael A. Province) from the NHLBI and 5R01DK07568102, 5R01DK06833603 from the NIDDK (I.B.B.). The authors thank the staff and participants of the FamHS for their important contributions. FHS. Framingham Heart Study. This research was conducted in part using data and resources from the Framingham Heart Study of the National Heart Lung and Blood Institute of the National Institutes of Health and Boston University School of Medicine. The analyses reflect intellectual input and resource development from the Framingham Heart Study investigators participating in the SNP Health Association Resource (SHARe) project. This work was partially supported by the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute's Framingham Heart Study (Contract No. N01-HC-25195) and its contract with Affymetrix, Inc. for genotyping services (Contract No. N02-HL-6-4278). A portion of this research utilized the Linux Cluster for Genetic Analysis (LinGA-II) funded by the Robert Dawson Evans Endowment of the Department of Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine and Boston Medical Center. GENDIAN. GENetics of DIAbetic Nephropathy study. The support of the physicians, the patients, and the staff of the Diabetes Zentrum Mergentheim (Head: Prof. Dr. Thomas Haak), the diabetes outpatient clinic Dr Nusser - Dr Kreisel, the dialysis centers KfH Amberg, KfH Bayreuth, KfH Deggendorf, KfH Donauwörth, KfH Freising, KfH Freyung, KfH Fürth, KfH Hof, KfH Ingolstadt, KfH Kelheim, KfH München Elsenheimerstraße, KfH München-Schwabing, KfH Neumarkt, KfH Neusäß, KfH Oberschleißheim, KfH Passau, KfH Plauen, KfH Regensburg Günzstraße, KfH Regensburg Caritas-Krankenhaus, KfH Straubing, KfH Sulzbach-Rosenberg, KfH Weiden, Dialysezentrum Augsburg Dr. Kirschner, Dialysezentrum Bad Alexandersbad, KfH Bamberg, Dialysezentrum Emmering, Dialysezentrum Klinikum Landshut, Dialysezentrum Landshut, Dialysezentrum Pfarrkirchen, Dialysezentrum Schwandorf, Dr. Angela Götz, the medical doctoral student Johanna Christ and the Study Nurse Ingrid Lugauer. The expert technical assistance of Claudia Strohmeier is acknowledged. Phenotyping was funded by the Dr. Robert PflegerStiftung (Dr Carsten A. Böger), the MSD Stipend Diabetes (Dr Carsten A. Böger) and the University Hospital of Regensburg (intramural grant ReForM A to Dr. A. Götz, ReForM C to Dr. Carsten Böger). Genome-wide genotyping was funded by the KfH Stiftung Präventivmedizin e.V. (Dr. Carsten A. Böger, Dr. Jens Brüning), the Else Kröner-Fresenius-Stiftung (2012_A147 to Dr Carsten A. Böger and Dr Iris M. Heid) and the University Hospital Regensburg (Dr Carsten A. Böger). Data analysis was funded by the Else 37 Kröner-Fresenius Stiftung (Dr. Iris M. Heid and Dr. Carsten A. Böger: 2012_A147; Dr. Carsten A. Böger and Dr. Bernhard K. Krämer: P48/08//A11/08). GENDIAN Study Group: Mathias Gorski, Iris M. Heid, Bernhard K. Krämer, Myriam Rheinberger, Michael Broll, Alexander Lammert, Jens Brüning, Matthias Olden, Klaus Stark, Claudia Strohmeier, Simone Neumeier, Sarah Hufnagel, Petra Jackermeier, Emilia Ruff, Johanna Christ, Peter Nürnberg, Thomas Haak, Carsten A. Böger. HABC. Health Aging and Body Composition Study. The HABC study was funded by the National Institutes of Aging. This research was supported by NIA contracts N01AG62101, N01AG62103, and N01AG62106. The genome-wide association study was funded by NIA grant 1R01AG032098-01A1 to Wake Forest University Health Sciences and genotyping services were provided by the Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR). CIDR is fully funded through a federal contract from the National Institutes of Health to The Johns Hopkins University, contract number HHSN268200782096C. This research was supported in part by the Intramural Research Program of the NIH, National Institute on Aging. HCS. Hunter Community Study. The University of Newcastle provided $300,000 from its Strategic Initiatives Fund, and $600,000 from the Gladys M Brawn Senior Research Fellowship scheme; Vincent Fairfax Family Foundation, a private philanthropic trust, provided $195,000; The Hunter Medical Research Institute provided media support during the initial recruitment of participants; and Dr Anne Crotty, Prof. Rodney Scott and Associate Prof. Levi provided financial support towards freezing costs for the long-term storage of participant blood samples. The authors would like to thank the men and women participating in the HCS as well as all the staff, investigators and collaborators who have supported or been involved in the project to date. A special thank you should go to Alison Koschel and Debbie Quain who were instrumental in setting up the pilot study and initial phase of the project. HPFS. Health Professionals Follow-Up Study. The NHS/HPFS type 2 diabetes GWAS (U01HG004399) is a component of a collaborative project that includes 13 other GWAS (U01HG004738, U01HG004422, U01HG004402, U01HG004729, U01HG004726, U01HG004735, U01HG004415, U01HG004436, U01HG004423, U01HG004728, RFAHG006033; National Institute of Dental & Craniofacial Research: U01DE018993, U01DE018903) funded as part of the Gene Environment-Association Studies (GENEVA) under the NIH Genes, Environment and Health Initiative (GEI). Assistance with phenotype harmonization and genotype cleaning, as well as with general study coordination, was provided by the GENEVA Coordinating Center (U01HG004446). Assistance with data cleaning was provided by the National Center for Biotechnology Information. Genotyping was performed at the Broad Institute of MIT and Harvard, with funding support from the NIH GEI (U01HG04424), and Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research, with support from the NIH GEI (U01HG004438) and the NIH contract "High throughput genotyping for studying the genetic contributions to human disease"(HHSN268200782096C). Additional funding for the current research was provided by the National Cancer Institute (P01CA087969, P01CA055075), and the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (R01DK058845). We thank the staff and participants of the NHS and HPFS for their dedication and commitment. INGI-CARLANTINO. Italian Network on Genetic Isolates – Carlantino. We thank Anna Morgan and Angela D'Eustacchio for technical support. We are grateful to the municipal administrators for their collaboration on the project and for logistic support. We thank all participants to this study. INGI-FVG. Italian Network on Genetic Isolates – Friuli Venezia-Giulia. We thank Anna Morgan and Angela D'Eustacchio for technical support. We are grateful to the municipal administrators for their collaboration on the project and for logistic support. We thank all participants to this study. 38 INGI-VAL BORBERA. Italian Network on Genetic Isolates – Val Borbera. We thank the inhabitants of the Val Borbera who made this study possible, the local administrations and the ASL-Novi Ligure (Al) for support. We also thank Clara Camaschella for data collection supervision and organization of the clinical data collection, Fiammetta Vigano` for technical help and Corrado Masciullo for building the analysis platform. The research was supported by funds from Compagnia di San Paolo, Torino, Italy; Fondazione Cariplo, Italy and Ministry of Health, Ricerca Finalizzata 2008 and 2011/2012, CCM 2010, PRIN 2009 and Telethon, Italy to DT. IPM. Mount Sinai BioMe Biobank Program. The Mount Sinai BioMe Biobank Program is supported by The Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies. KORA-F3 and F4. The genetic epidemiological work was funded by the NIH subcontract from the Children's Hospital, Boston, US, (H.E.W., I.M.H, prime grant 1 R01 DK075787-01A1), the German National Genome Research Net NGFN2 and NGFNplus (H.E.W. 01GS0823; WK project A3, number 01GS0834), the Munich Center of Health Sciences (MC Health) as part of LMUinnovativ, and by the Else KrönerFresenius-Stiftung (P48/08//A11/08; C.A.B., B.K.K; 2012_A147 to CAB and IMH.). The Genetic Epidemiology at the University of Regensburg received financial contributions from the BMBF (01ER1206 and 01ER1507). The kidney parameter measurements in F3 were funded by the Else Kröner-FreseniusStiftung (C.A.B., B.K.K.) and the Regensburg University Medical Center, Germany; in F4 by the University of Ulm, Germany (W.K.). Genome wide genotyping costs in F3 and F4 were in part funded by the Else Kröner-Fresenius-Stiftung (C.A.B., B.K.K.). De novo genotyping in F3 and F4 were funded by the Else Kröner-Fresenius-Stiftung (C.A.B., B.K.K.). The KORA research platform and the MONICA Augsburg studies were initiated and financed by the Helmholtz Zentrum München, German Research Center for Environmental Health, by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research and by the State of Bavaria. Genotyping was performed in the Genome Analysis Center (GAC) of the Helmholtz Zentrum München. The LINUX platform for computation were funded by the University of Regensburg for the Department of Epidemiology and Preventive Medicine at the Regensburg University Medical Center. LIFELINES. The authors wish to acknowledge the services of the Lifelines Cohort Study, the contributing research centers delivering data to Lifelines, and all the study participants. Lifelines group authors: Behrooz Z Alizadeh1 , H Marike Boezen1 , Lude Franke2 , Pim van der Harst3 , Gerjan Navis4 , Marianne Rots5 , Harold Snieder1 , Morris Swertz2 , Bruce HR Wolffenbuttel6 and Cisca Wijmenga2 1. Department of Epidemiology, University of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, The Netherlands 2. Department of Genetics, University of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, The Netherlands 3. Department of Cardiology, University of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, The Netherlands 4. Department of Internal Medicine, Division of Nephrology, University of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, The Netherlands 5. Department of Medical Biology, University of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, The Netherlands 6. Department of Endocrinology, University of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, The Netherlands MESA. Multi-Ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis. University of Washington (N01-HC-95159),Regents of the University of California (N01-HC-95160), Columbia University (N01-HC-95161), Johns Hopkins University 39 (N01-HC-95162, N01-HC-95168), University of Minnesota (N01-HC-95163), Northwestern University (N01-HC-95164), Wake Forest University (N01-HC-95165), University of Vermont (N01-HC-95166), New England Medical Center (N01-HC-95167), Harbor-UCLA Research and Education Institute (N01-HC- 95169), Cedars-Sinai Medical Center (R01-HL-071205), University of Virginia (subcontract to R01-HL- 071205) MICROS. Microisolates in South Tyrol study. We owe a debt of gratitude to all participants. We thank the primary care practitioners R. Stocker, S. Waldner, T. Pizzecco, J. Plangger, U. Marcadent and the personnel of the Hospital of Silandro (Department of Laboratory Medicine) for their participation and collaboration in the research project. In South Tyrol, the study was supported by the Ministry of Health and Department of Educational Assistance, University and Research of the Autonomous Province of Bolzano, the South Tyrolean Sparkasse Foundation, and the European Union framework program 6 EUROSPAN project (contract no. LSHG-CT-2006-018947). NESDA. The Netherlands Study of Depression and Anxiety. The infrastructure for the NESDA study is funded through the Geestkracht programme of the Dutch Scientific Organization (ZON-MW, grant number 10-000-1002) and matching funds from participating universities and mental health care organizations. Genotyping in NESDA was funded by the Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN) of the Foundation for the US National Institutes of Health. NHS. Nurses' Health Study. The NHS/HPFS type 2 diabetes GWAS (U01HG004399) is a component of a collaborative project that includes 13 other GWAS (U01HG004738, U01HG004422, U01HG004402, U01HG004729, U01HG004726, U01HG004735, U01HG004415, U01HG004436, U01HG004423, U01HG004728, RFAHG006033; National Institute of Dental & Craniofacial Research: U01DE018993, U01DE018903) funded as part of the Gene Environment-Association Studies (GENEVA) under the NIH Genes, Environment and Health Initiative (GEI). Assistance with phenotype harmonization and genotype cleaning, as well as with general study coordination, was provided by the GENEVA Coordinating Center (U01HG004446). Assistance with data cleaning was provided by the National Center for Biotechnology Information. Genotyping was performed at the Broad Institute of MIT and Harvard, with funding support from the NIH GEI (U01HG04424), and Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research, with support from the NIH GEI (U01HG004438) and the NIH contract "High throughput genotyping for studying the genetic contributions to human disease"(HHSN268200782096C). The NHS renal function and albuminuria work was supported by DK66574. Additional funding for the current research was provided by the National Cancer Institute (P01CA087969, P01CA055075), and the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (R01DK058845). We thank the staff and participants of the NHS and HPFS for their dedication and commitment. NSPHS. The Northern Swedish Population Health Study. The NSPHS was supported by grants from the Swedish Natural Sciences Research Council, the European Union through the EUROSPAN project (contract no. LSHG-CT-2006-018947), the Foundation for Strategic Research (SSF) and the Linneaus Centre for Bioinformatics (LCB). We are also grateful for the contribution of samples from the Medical Biobank in Umeå and for the contribution of the district nurse Svea Hennix in the Karesuando study. RS-I. The Rotterdam Study. The GWA study was funded by the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research NWO Investments (nr. 175.010.2005.011, 911-03-012), the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2), the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (NGI)/Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Aging (NCHA) project nr. 050-060-810. We thank Pascal Arp, Mila Jhamai, Dr Michael 40 Moorhouse, Marijn Verkerk, and Sander Bervoets for their help in creating the GWAS database. The Rotterdam Study is funded by Erasmus Medical Center and Erasmus University, Rotterdam, Netherlands Organization for the Health Research and Development (ZonMw), the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (RIDE), the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the European Commission (DG XII), and the Municipality of Rotterdam. The authors are very grateful to the participants and staff from the Rotterdam Study, the participating general practitioners and the pharmacists. We would like to thank Dr. Tobias A. Knoch, Luc V. de Zeeuw, Anis Abuseiris, and Rob de Graaf as well as their institutions the Erasmus Computing Grid, Rotterdam, The Netherlands, and especially the national German MediGRID and Services@MediGRID part of the German D-Grid, both funded by the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology under grants #01 AK 803 A-H and # 01 IG 07015 G, for access to their grid resources. Abbas Dehghan is supported by NWO grant (vici, 918-76-619). SAPALDIA. Swiss Study on Air Pollution and Lung Diseases in Adults. The SAPALDIA Team: Study directorate: T Rochat (p), NM Probst Hensch (e/g), N Künzli (e/exp), C Schindler (s), JM Gaspoz (c) Scientific team: JC Barthélémy (c), W Berger (g), R Bettschart (p), A Bircher (a), O Brändli (p), C Brombach (n), M Brutsche (p), L Burdet (p), M Frey (p), U Frey (pd), MW Gerbase (p), D Gold (e/c/p), E de Groot (c), W Karrer (p), R Keller (p), B Martin (pa), D Miedinger (o), U Neu (exp), L Nicod (p), M Pons (p), F Roche (c), T Rothe (p), E Russi (p), P Schmid-Grendelmeyer (a), A Schmidt-Trucksäss (pa), A Turk (p), J Schwartz (e), D. Stolz (p), P Straehl (exp), JM Tschopp (p), A von Eckardstein (cc), E Zemp Stutz (e). Scientific team at coordinating centers: M Adam (e/g), C Autenrieth (pa), PO Bridevaux (p), D Carballo (c), E Corradi (exp), I Curjuric (e), J Dratva (e), A Di Pasquale (s), E Dupuis Lozeron (s), E Fischer (e), M Germond (s), L Grize (s), D Keidel (s), S Kriemler (pa), A Kumar (g), M Imboden (g), N Maire (s), A Mehta (e), H Phuleria (exp), E Schaffner (s), GA Thun (g) A Ineichen (exp), M Ragettli (e), M Ritter (exp), T Schikowski (e), M Tarantino (s), M Tsai (exp) (a) allergology, (c) cardiology, (cc) clinical chemistry, (e) epidemiology, (exp) exposure, (g) genetic and molecular biology, (m) meteorology, (n) nutrition, (o) occupational health, (p) pneumology, (pa) physical activity, (pd) pediatrics, (s) statistics. Funding: The Swiss National Science Foundation (grants no 33CSCO-134276/1, 33CSCO-108796, 3247BO-104283, 3247BO-104288, 3247BO- 104284, 3247-065896, 3100-059302, 3200-052720, 3200-042532, 4026-028099), the Federal Office for Forest, Environment and Landscape, the Federal Office of Public Health, the Federal Office of Roads and Transport, the canton's government of Aargau, Basel-Stadt, Basel-Land, Geneva, Luzern, Ticino, Valais, and Zürich, the Swiss Lung League, the canton's Lung League of Basel Stadt/ Basel Landschaft, Geneva, Ticino, Valais and Zurich, SUVA, Freiwillige Akademische Gesellschaft, UBS Wealth Foundation, Talecris Biotherapeutics GmbH, Abbott Diagnostics, European Commission 018996 (GABRIEL), Wellcome Trust WT 084703MA. The study could not have been done without the help of the study participants, technical and administrative support and the medical teams and field workers at the local study sites. Local fieldworkers : Aarau: S Brun, G Giger, M Sperisen, M Stahel, Basel: C Bürli, C Dahler, N Oertli, I Harreh, F Karrer, G Novicic, N Wyttenbacher, Davos: A Saner, P Senn, R Winzeler, Geneva: F Bonfils, B Blicharz, C Landolt, J Rochat, Lugano: S Boccia, E Gehrig, MT Mandia, G Solari, B Viscardi, Montana: AP Bieri, C Darioly, M Maire, Payerne: F Ding, P Danieli A Vonnez, Wald: D Bodmer, E Hochstrasser, R Kunz, C Meier, J Rakic, U Schafroth, A Walder. Administrative staff: C Gabriel, R Gutknecht. SHIP and SHIP-TREND. The Study of Health in Pomerania. SHIP is part of the Community Medicine Research net of the University of Greifswald, Germany, which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grants no. 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, and 01ZZ0403), the Ministry of Cultural Affairs as well as the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, and the network 41 'Greifswald Approach to Individualized Medicine (GANI_MED)' funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grant 03IS2061A). Genome-wide data have been supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grant no. 03ZIK012) and a joint grant from Siemens Healthcare, Erlangen, Germany and the Federal State of Mecklenburg- West Pomerania. The University of Greifswald is a member of the 'Center of Knowledge Interchange' program of the Siemens AG and the Caché Campus program of the InterSystems GmbH. The SHIP authors are grateful to Mario Stanke for the opportunity to use his Server Cluster for the SNP imputation as well as to Holger Prokisch and Thomas Meitinger (Helmholtz Zentrum München) for the genotyping of the SHIP-TREND cohort. TRAILS. TRacking Adolescents' Individual Lives. Trails is a collaborative project involving various departments of the University Medical Center and University of Groningen, the Erasmus University Medical Center Rotterdam, the University of Utrecht, the Radboud Medical Center Nijmegen, and the Parnassia Bavo group, all in the Netherlands. TRAILS has been financially supported by grants from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research NWO (Medical Research Council program grant GB-MW 940-38-011; ZonMW Brainpower grant 100-001-004; ZonMw Risk Behavior and Dependence grants 60- 60600-98-018 and 60-60600-97-118; ZonMw Culture and Health grant 261-98-710; Social Sciences Council medium-sized investment grants GB-MaGW 480-01-006 and GB-MaGW 480-07-001; Social Sciences Council project grants GB-MaGW 457-03-018, GB-MaGW 452-04-314, and GB-MaGW 452-06- 004; NWO large-sized investment grant 175.010.2003.005; NWO Longitudinal Survey and Panel Funding 481-08-013); the Sophia Foundation for Medical Research (projects 301 and 393), the Dutch Ministry of Justice (WODC), the European Science Foundation (EuroSTRESS project FP-006), and the participating universities. We are grateful to all adolescents, their parents and teachers who participated in this research and to everyone who worked on this project and made it possible. Statistical analyses were carried out on the Genetic Cluster Computer (http://www.geneticcluster.org), which is financially supported by the Netherlands Scientific Organization (NWO 480-05-003) along with a supplement from the Dutch Brain Foundation. WGHS. Women's Genome Health Study. The WGHS is supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (HL043851 and HL080467) and the National Cancer Institute (CA047988 and UM1CA182913), with collaborative scientific support and funding for genotyping provided by Amgen. YFS. Young Finns Study. The YFS has been financially supported by the Academy of Finland: grants 134309 (Eye), 126925, 121584, 124282, 129378 (Salve), 117787 (Gendi), and 41071 (Skidi), the Social Insurance Institution of Finland, Kuopio, Tampere and Turku University Hospital Medical Funds (grant 9M048 and 9N035 for TeLeht), Juho Vainio Foundation, Paavo Nurmi Foundation, Finnish Foundation of Cardiovascular Research and Finnish Cultural Foundation, Tampere Tuberculosis Foundation and Emil Aaltonen Foundation (T.L). The technical assistance in the statistical analyses by Ville Aalto and Irina Lisinen is acknowledged. ; Peer Reviewed

É inquestionável que nos últimos anos a revolução tecnológica tem gerado profundas alterações nas relações laborais, em especial pela necessidade de atender a um mercado globalizado e com um nível de exigência cada vez mais elevado. Para os juslaboralistas, estes efeitos costumam ser sintetizados na palavra "flexibilização". Vista de uma maneira simples, e dentro da perspectiva desta investigação, pode-se dizer que a flexibilização é responsável por profundas alterações na dinâmica do trabalho. Assim, a razão que leva o empregador à utilização dos meios tecnológicos de produção é a necessidade de competir em um mercado globalizado, que exige respostas mais precisas e principalmente mais rápidas que somente os meios tecnológicos têm capacidade de proporcionar. Sai o sistema estandardizado e entra um novo modelo que se apoia em uma produção diversificada, tomando o principio da eficiência econômica como parâmetro que garante a necessária internacionalização da produção e a busca de outros mercados consumidores. Torna-se imperiosa a adaptação da organização laboral a favor da flexibilidade. Brota, então, a necessidade de renovação infinita de infraestruturas e programas, mudança dos costumes laborais e descentralização produtiva (outsourcing) como premissa necessária para a preservação da competitividade no mercado de trabalho, e que desemboca, esta última, nos sempre questionados processos de terceirização (quarteirização etc.) de parcelas da atividade produtiva. Neste contexto, como um dos principais instrumentos desta nova relação laboral, gerado a partir da revolução tecnológica, pode-se considerar o correio eletrônico como um meio de comunicação de grande relevância, porém gerador de intensa controvérsia. Os dados estatísticos comprovam que há uma utilização recorrente do e-mail nas relações comerciais (por ser uma comunicação barata, rápida, precisa e segura). Por outro lado, não são poucas as queixas sobre seu uso indevido e abusivo por parte dos trabalhadores no contexto de suas relações laborais. A reação natural, por parte dos empresários, a estes abusos foi a adaptação de seus mecanismos de controle e fiscalização. Assim, para combater estes problemas gerados pelas novas tecnologias de informação, em particular o e-mail, os meios de fiscalização terminam por ser, muitas vezes, mais invasivos na esfera íntima do trabalhador. Em geral, à medida que o trabalho ganha complexidade e se torna cada vez mais heterogêneo, a fiscalização da produção necessita revisar seus métodos, passando a se valer o empregador de meios de fiscalização igualmente complexos, heterogêneos, flexíveis e, por consequência, invasivos, como vídeos, inspeções íntimas de trabalhadores, verificação das páginas da web vistas nos postos de trabalho. Nesse contexto em que a produção não responde a padrões facilmente fiscalizáveis, se impõe um maior nível de confiança no trabalhador. Na ausência dessa fidúcia, ela vem sendo suprida por mecanismos de fiscalização, denominados "controles defensivos" pela doutrina laboral italiana, que permitam ao empregador estabelecer um perfil do empregado ou empregada contratada. Neste contexto o correio eletrônico dos empregados se converte em um novo objeto de controle, para cuja adoção se apela, especificamente, à necessidade de garantir a proteção dos sistemas informáticos, a produtividade, a proteção à propriedade intelectual e a qualidade do labor prestado. É precisamente o uso massivo desse meio de comunicação nas relações comerciais e os abusos gerados por ambos os lados da relação laboral, no uso do correio eletrônico por parte do empregado, e no controle de seu uso por parte do empregador, o que suscita a necessidade de investigar até onde chegam as possibilidades de intervenção do empregador no correio eletrônico do empregado. O estudo que se segue consiste em uma análise comparativa dos sistemas jurídicos brasileiro e espanhol neste ponto. Os paralelos entre os ordenamentos, em especial em seu viés constitucional, não constitui novidade, mormente quando se leva em conta a influência que as constituições espanholas nos últimos 180 anos tiveram sobre os seus correlatos textos no Brasil. Não são poucos os estudiosos que assinalam esta influência, ao longo da história, bem como os estudos que apontam discrepâncias e pontos de convergência entre os sistemas constitucionais dos dois países. Bonavides, em artigo em que apresenta 3 (três) momentos de transição constitucional brasileira em que o país se valeu da experiência constitucional e de fatos relevantes ocorridos na Espanha, aborda a matéria com percuciência, enfatizando a semelhança entre os atuais textos constitucionais. A esse respeito, o autor assevera que "há surpreendentes traços de similitude ou analogia e até mesmo identidade dos dois processos institucionais de transição que envolveram o regime político de ambos os países na passagem da ditadura à democracia. A transição brasileira, conforme se observa das datas comemorativas ocorreu dez anos depois da espanhola, mas recebendo um poderoso influxo, como veremos, do modelo estreado na península ibérica e garantido ali em sua execução, segundo nos parece, pelo bom êxito alcançado com a celebração dos pactos de Moncloa." No mesmo diapasão, Da Silva, em ensaio no qual oferta visão histórico-comparativa das constituições da Espanha e do Brasil, enfatiza pontos de convergência e de divergência em ambos os textos. Segundo o autor, abordando os trabalhos realizados na assembleia constituinte brasileira, nunca se manuseou tanto a constituição espanhola como se fez durante o processo de formação da constituição federal de 1988. De fato, ainda que se reconheça a preponderância da Constituição Portuguesa como maior fonte inspiradora da Constituição do Brasil em 1988, a 20 cuidadosa análise comparativa com o texto espanhol, em especial na seara dos direitos fundamentais, dentre os quais a intimidade e o segredo das comunicações são bons exemplos, é possível verificar uma normatividade que, se não é propriamente idêntica, possui enunciados que, de forma nítida, denunciam a fonte de onde proveio, criando uma expectativa de como esses sistemas jurídicos respondem a situações fáticas idênticas. Curial enfatizar, com apoio em Da Silva que "essa aproximação normativa é que possibilita o estudo comparativo de dois ou mais ordenamentos constitucionais. Ora, comparar significa confrontar, aproximar coisas a fim de individuá-las e, individuando-as, distingui-las; e distinguindo-as, agrupá-las e classificá-las (Tripiccione), ou, na forma substantiva de Constantinesco, a comparação é uma operação do espírito pela qual são reunidos num confronto metódico os objetos a serem comparados, a fim de precisar suas relações de semelhança e divergência." E esse estudo comparativo ganha força e interesse diante da atual conjuntura econômica. É fato que, nos atuais tempos de globalização da economia, no plano comercial, os dois países anteriormente mencionados nunca estiveram tão próximos. Desde que em 1995 se produziu a explosão do processo privatizador brasileiro, as grandes companhias espanholas começaram a tomar posições no país e como consequência disto, a Espanha foi o primeiro investidor estrangeiro no Brasil em 1998, com 22% do volume total de investimentos e no ano 2000, com quase 29% do total dos Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos no Brasil. O aporte do investimento espanhol veio, inicialmente, provocado pelo Plano Nacional de Desestatização brasileiro que atraiu o interesse das grandes empresas espanholas, em especial os grupos multinacionais. Esta primeira onda de investimento produziu um efeito de atração sobre outros setores e empresas de distintos portes e hoje o grande volume de investimento acumulado espanhol resulta heterogêneo e vai desde automação, engenharia e a construção civil até saneamento ambiental, passando pelos serviços de segurança ou seguros. Na outra face da moeda, se há alguns anos atrás, o investimento direto do Brasil na Espanha era praticamente inexistente, dados da pesquisa sobre capitais brasileiros no exterior realizado pelo Banco Central do Brasil indicam que na Espanha há US$ 4 bilhões em investimentos diretos, US$ 1,4 bilhão em títulos públicos de curto prazo e US$ 614 milhões em títulos de longo prazo. Cifras estas que aumentam continuamente. Assim, o total do investimento bruto brasileiro na Espanha tem crescido bastante em relação há anos anteriores, criando um quadro atual em que, excluindo–se os paraísos fiscais, a Espanha figura entre os países que mais recebem investimentos brasileiros no exterior. No terreno jurídico, e na matéria que aqui nos interessa, a aproximação começa pelo fato de que nenhum dos dois países conta com legislação que regule o uso do correio eletrônico pelo trabalhador e seu controle pelo empregador, ainda que haja em ambos os países proposições legislativas que intentam abordar o objeto deste estudo. A despeito de as previsões constitucionais relevantes em ambos os ordenamentos jurídicos sejam muito próximas e similares, todavia, as decisões dos tribunais infraconstitucionais sobre o tema seguem, até este momento, rumos muito distintos, ignorando muitas vezes parâmetros constitucionais. Por seu turno, e até tempos recentes, em concreto até a publicação da STC 241/2012, de 17 de dezembro, não havia em nenhum dos dois países decisões das Cortes Constitucionais sobre o tema objeto desta investigação. O objetivo deste estudo é apresentar uma comparação do tratamento jurídico-constitucional da capacidade do empregador de controlar o correio eletrônico dos trabalhadores no sistema jurídico espanhol e no brasileiro, assinalando diferenças/semelhanças que nos ajudem a compreender como cada um destes dois sistemas jurídicos se aproxima ao tema, assim como o que um sistema poderia aportar ao outro para sua melhor compreensão. Concentrar-nos-emos, especialmente, nos limites da ação do legislador na matéria e as bases de um enfrentamento da questão pelos Tribunais Constitucionais brasileiro e espanhol. Para chegar a estas conclusões, desde um ponto de vista metodológico, fez-se necessário enfrentar algumas questões preliminares ao desenvolvimento do tema. A primeira destas questões consistiu em efetuar um recorte, ao apreciar a questão exclusivamente sobre a base do direito ao segredo das comunicações. De fato, não se tem dúvida que a questão do controle do empregador sobre o correio eletrônico do trabalhador pode ser apreciado sobre outras vertentes, em especial a das liberdades de pensamento e de expressão e do direito à intimidade, sendo esta última a perspectiva em que usualmente a doutrina e a jurisprudência tendem a analisá-la. Todavia, neste estudo o objetivo é analisar o controle que se efetua ao processo comunicativo e seus limites quando confrontado com a liberdade de comunicação entre as pessoas protegida pelo segredo. Assim, a premissa inicial no desenvolvimento do tema, tratada no capítulo 1, é conhecer de maneira profunda o correio eletrônico, suas características enquanto meio de comunicação e importância como instrumento de trabalho e possibilidades de causar lesão aos interesses dos empregadores. E este detalhamento em torno do instrumental se justifica na medida em que, ainda que seja o correio eletrônico um meio de comunicação de mais de 40 anos, seu uso massivo é muito recente. Isso justifica os investimentos em frequentes inovações em sua tecnologia, havendo uma grande quantidade de mecanismos técnicos de defesa dos sistemas informáticos recentemente criados e outros em fase de criação, os quais permitem diferentes níveis de intervenção no processo comunicativo, cuja localização no marco constitucional precisa de análise. Ademais, é necessário conhecer suas características e espécies, indo além da mera e já desgastada distinção entre o correio pessoal e o corporativo, já que, entre outras questões a serem desafiadas, há que se reconhecer uma multiplicidade de distintas formas deste último que, por suas características peculiares, deveriam ensejar um diferenciado enquadramento nas normas e na doutrina preexistente. A resolução da questão que se propõe, ademais de uma análise mais detalhada do instrumental correio eletrônico, passa assim pela apreciação do ambiente e das circunstâncias em que a intervenção na comunicação telemática se dá. Nesse plano, o fato de a intervenção ocorrer no seio de uma relação de trabalho, faz como que esta funcione como uma espécie de catalisador capaz de influenciar a resolução desta "equação", na qual se busca apreciar a licitude/ilicitude das medidas de controle e seus eventuais limites. Nesse contexto, em aspecto apreciado no capítulo 2, fez-se necessário averiguar como a doutrina científica e a jurisprudência constitucional do Brasil e da Espanha tomam em conta a aplicação dos direitos fundamentais dos trabalhadores no âmbito privado das relações de trabalho. Assim, será feita uma análise da Drittwirkung em ambos os sistemas jurídicos. Dessa análise, buscou-se entender porque, a despeito de a eficácia dos direitos fundamentais nas relações entre particulares ingressar no contexto jurídico do Brasil e da Espanha indubitavelmente sob influência germânica, a forma como o TC espanhol conhece da lesão a direitos fundamentais nas relações de trabalho não encontra simetria com aquela pela qual a questão chega à apreciação do STF brasileiro. É certo que ambos não se apoiem para a resolução da questão na lógica dos conflitos de direitos fundamentais e reconheçam a plena efetividade dos direitos fundamentais do trabalhador no marco da relação laboral, e igualmente que o exercício de tais direitos admite limitações ou sacrifícios na medida em que se desenvolvem no seio de uma organização que reflete outros direitos reconhecidos constitucionalmente. Contudo, e como consequência mais visível dessas formas de enfrentamento tão distintas na jurisprudência constitucional do Brasil e da Espanha, é forçoso admitir a existência de um maior grau de maturidade e sistematização no TC espanhol em torno da matéria, cuja jurisprudência evoluiu de maneira indubitável desde o critério da boa fé até o critério de absoluta necessidade das restrições de direitos para o desenvolvimento da relação laboral ou da atividade empresarial, reconhecendo uma importância distinta entre estes direitos, ao perceber que os dois titulares de direitos em conflito não estão em pé de igualdade, havendo uma evidente relação de poder. Assim, pode-se dizer que a jurisprudência do TC espanhol criou para estes casos de controle de direitos fundamentais na relação laboral uma doutrina distinta à dos conflitos entre particulares e àquela do exercício dos direitos fundamentais ante os poderes públicos, porém bem mais próxima da segunda que da primeira. Todavia, ainda que a questão não seja enfrentada dentro da sistemática de conflito de direitos, sobretudo na Espanha, em que se parte de uma aproximação das relações laborais com as relações de poder, não cabe desconhecer, contudo, que nestas relações quem exerce o poder empresarial o faz com base no exercício do direito à liberdade de empresa na Espanha (art. 38 CE) e do direito à livre iniciativa (art. 1º, IV e 170 CRFB), e, segundo alguns, à propriedade no Brasil (art. 5º, XXII). Assim, o capítulo 3 se voltou para um aprofundamento no conteúdo jurídico do poder empresarial, desde sua origem constitucional e da natureza jurídica das faculdades constitucionalmente garantidas que lhe dão suporte. Seriam a liberdade de empresa e a livre iniciativa verdadeiros direitos fundamentais? Igualmente, analisa-se neste capítulo a jurisprudência do Tribunal Constitucional da Espanha e do STF, no Brasil, quando do enfrentamento de situações em que são externadas as múltiplas possibilidades de o poder empresarial atuar como limite aos direitos fundamentais dos trabalhadores. No capítulo 4, por seu turno, é vista a proteção constitucional à comunicação efetuada através de correio eletrônico, com ênfase no seu uso nas relações de trabalho. Desde já, cumpre dizer que não há tratamento constitucional expresso sobre o correio eletrônico, não estando indicado na lista das comunicações previstas no art. 18.3 CE, nem tampouco está enumerado no artigo 5º, XII, da Constituição de Brasil, como se vê da leitura das normas: Art. 18.3. Se garantiza el secreto de las comunicaciones y, en especial, das postales, telegráficas y telefónicas, salvo resolución judicial. Art. 5º, XII. É inviolável o sigilo de correspondência e das comunicações telegráficas, de dados e das comunicações telefônicas, salvo, no último caso, por ordem judicial, nas hipóteses e na forma que a lei estabelecer para fins de investigação criminal ou instrução processual penal. Outrossim, levando em consideração a confusão doutrinária e especialmente jurisprudencial ocorrida em ambos os países, externada na preferência em analisar a intervenção perpetrada pelo empregador à luz do direito à intimidade, igualmente torna-se um imperativo apreciar as zonas de aproximação e distanciamento entre este e o direito ao segredo das comunicações, destacando, quanto ao último, o seu âmbito de cobertura, tutelado nas Constituições do Brasil e da Espanha, com o objetivo de verificar se a comunicação telemática efetuada através de correio eletrônico se encontra alcançada por este direito. E esta questão tem especial transcendência porque a enumeração é exemplificativa tanto no art. 18.3 CE quanto no art. 5º, XII, da CRFB. Efetivamente, o TC espanhol e o STF brasileiro têm mantido a possibilidade de que outros meios de comunicação sejam protegidos pelo segredo das comunicações, em especial aqueles que forem resultantes dos avanços tecnológicos. Uma doutrina que o Tribunal Constitucional espanhol aplicou expressamente ao correio eletrônico em sua STC 241/2012. Há, inclusive, normas de caráter infraconstitucional que refletem a extensão acima mencionada. Temos assim, na Espanha, o art. 197 do Código Penal (Lei Orgânica 10/1995, com o tipo penal de "interceptación o apropiación ilegítima do correo electrónico – delito de descubrimiento y revelación de secretos") e a Lei Geral de Telecomunicações (Lei 32/2003, de 03 de novembro – art. 33, que estende a garantia do segredo das comunicações a todos os serviços de comunicação eletrônica). No Brasil, no mesmo sentido, a Lei 9296/9625, que regulamenta o art. 5 º, XII da CRFB, indica que a proteção do segredo das comunicações abarca a mensagem por correio eletrônico. Sucede, ademais, que tanto o Tribunal Constitucional espanhol como o STF brasileiro têm, em geral, interpretado o direito ao segredo das comunicações como um direito de caráter formal, sobre cuja base se outorga proteção ao processo comunicativo, independentemente de seu conteúdo (por todas a STC 114/1984, na Espanha, e a decisão do STF no caso "Garotinho versus O Globo" - Petição 2.702-7/RJ), tratando-se de um direito que garante a proteção da comunicação contra terceiros. Este é um aspecto que adquire especial relevância no desenvolvimento da questão proposta, mormente por reconhecer, em princípio, a condição de terceiro ao empregador, posto que a proteção do direito compreende, de entrada, a liberdade de comunicação dos comunicantes contra a intervenção de terceiros que não formem parte do processo comunicativo. Desde esta perspectiva, a titularidade dos bens (de quem não integra o processo comunicativo) e a natureza da comunicação (pessoal ou comercial) seriam aspectos que adquirem relevância apenas na hora de analisar a legitimidade das limitações que venham a ser impostas pelo empregador ao segredo das comunicações/sigilo de correspondência eletrônica no que pertine ao uso do correio eletrônico. E não há dúvidas que limitações se justificam pelo choque com outros direitos e interesses igualmente protegidos pelos sistemas constitucionais, o que se reforça no âmbito da relação de trabalho, na qual as possibilidades de controle e fiscalização utilizadas pelo empregador (isto é, a suas possibilidades de limitar o desfrute do direito), a outra face da moeda, possui status constitucional. Assim, destaca-se também o âmbito de proteção abstrato (pela ação legislativa) e concreto do direito, salientando quanto a este último que obrigatoriedade da resolução judicial como único meio de restrição concreta ao direito ao segredo das comunicações, em que pese a recente STC 241/2012, continua a ser um tema não abordado doutrinariamente de forma sistemática por nenhum dos dois Tribunais Constitucionais. Todavia, esta aproximação da jurisprudência constitucional brasileira e espanhola em acertos, erros e omissões no tratamento das comunicações efetuadas através de correio eletrônico, até este momento, não se refletiu na adoção de soluções semelhantes pelos órgãos jurisdicionais infraconstitucionais dos dois países. Nesse sentido, destaca-se o capítulo 5 em que é feita apreciação dos principais aportes jurisprudenciais em torno da questão. De fato, malgrado os contornos deste direito estejam muito bem delineados na doutrina constitucional, ainda são muito escassos os julgados do Social, em ambos os países, que analisam os limites da intervenção do empregador sobre os e-mails do empregado desde esta perspectiva, tendo como elemento central o proceso comunicativo. Em ambos os países, doutrina e jurisprudência têm preferido se aproximar destes casos, como já mencionado, desde a perspectiva do direito à intimidade. E esta é uma confusão que, como veremos, também incorrem as recentes SSTC 241/2012 e 170/2013. Assim, necessário averiguar, ainda que em linhas gerais, como se situam os direitos fundamentais potencialmente lesados no marco das relações de trabalho, especialmente a garantia do segredo das comunicações, analisando a jurisprudência das salas do social no Brasil e na Espanha, assim como a doutrina dos Tribunais Constitucionais em torno deste tema central. No Brasil, ainda que a questão não tenha sido objeto de apreciação pelo STF, há algumas decisões da mais alta Corte Laboral do país (Tribunal Superior do Trabalho). Do conjunto destes pronunciamentos a respeito da matéria, é possível indicar algumas linhas mestras definidoras do seu posicionamento sobre o uso do e-mail nas relações laborais e estas não seguem os parâmetros constitucionais traçados pelo STF derredor do direito ao sigilo de correspondência: 1. O e-mail protegido constitucionalmente é somente aquele de uso pessoal (@ig, @hotmail, @gmail). 2. A empresa pode regulamentar o uso do e-mail pessoal e corporativo no ambiente laboral, de maneira que a norma interna é aplicável aos casos concretos de utilização inadequada pelo obreiro. 3. Não existe violação do segredo das comunicações no e-mail corporativo em relação à própria empresa. 4. A senha pessoal do correio eletrônico corporativo não é uma proteção ao segredo das comunicações do empregado em relação à empresa, porém funciona para a proteção patronal, para que terceiros não possam aceder às informações que tenham conteúdo secreto ou reservado. 5. É legítimo o controle formal e material sobre o envio e recebimento de mensagens de e-mail corporativo, desde que a fiscalização ocorra de forma "moderada, generalizada e impessoal", objetivando evitar prejuízos ao empregador. 6. O e-mail corporativo proporcionado pela empresa (verdadeira propriedade do empregador) tem natureza jurídica equivalente a uma ferramenta de trabalho, destinada ao uso profissional. Por seu turno, na Espanha, a jurisprudência infraconstitucional também segue sendo muito heterogênea, havendo, até bem pouco tempo atrás, uma inexplicável ausência de critérios esclarecedores pelo Tribunal Supremo. É bem verdade que esse quadro na jurisprudência social na Espanha tende a ser alterado, em prol de uma maior uniformização, a partir das recentes decisões do Tribunal Supremo, em especial o caso "Coruñesa de Etiquetas" e duas outras recentes decisões proferidas em 2011 (SSTS 1323/2011, de 08.03.2011 e 8876/2011, de 06.10.2011), que, ainda que não enfrentem a questão nuclear desenvolvida neste estudo, que é o controle do correio eletrônico à luz do direito ao segredo das comunicações, avançam na análise sobre a correta utilização dos meios informáticos colocados à disposição do trabalhador pela empresa (ainda que para alguns de forma antagônica), e as possibilidades de controle que o empregador pode exercer sobre eles, tendendo a causar reflexos bem diretos na jurisprudência das salas do social dos demais tribunais e julgados espanhóis. Entretanto, mirando a atual doutrina proveniente destes órgãos jurisdicionais, é forçoso reconhecer que as normas constitucionais existentes e os parâmetros trilhados pelos dois Tribunais Constitucionais ainda estão longe de proporcionar o ambiente propício para que posições homogêneas sejam adotadas pelos órgãos judiciais infraconstitucionais (mesmo depois de prolatada as SSTC 241/2012 e 170/2013, que confirmou essa jurisprudência). E esse quadro de insegurança jurídica faz com que especialmente as empresas tenham interesse em regulamentar a matéria em seu âmbito interno ou, ao menos vê-la tratada no plano das normas coletivas de trabalho. Assim, no capítulo 6 enfrenta-se um tema em torno do qual quase não há resposta judicial, que consiste na averiguação da possibilidade de o empregado, através de negócio jurídico individual (contratos de trabalho ou regulamentos internos que a ele aderem) ou por meio de convênios coletivos (a autonomia privada coletiva) pactuar outras restrições ao segredo das comunicações e seus efeitos. Para tanto serão analisados critérios para a validade do ato jurídico individual através do qual se consente à limitação no exercício de faculdades dos direitos fundamentais, assim como a verificação desta mesma questão a partir dos instrumentos de negociação coletiva brasileiros e espanhóis. Trata-se de questão muito importante em especial porque os Tribunais Constitucionais reconhecem que a eficácia dos direitos fundamentais é mais intensa nas relações assimétricas, a exemplo da relação laboral, em que o negócio jurídico, na maior parte dos casos, tem um caráter de verdadeira adesão. Ademais, aqui se questiona a utilidade prática da cláusula contratual ou de convênio coletivo para a intervenção do empregador nas comunicações de seus empregados, uma vez que haveria, para alguns estudiosos da matéria, necessidade de renúncia ao exercício do direito por parte de todos os integrantes do processo comunicativo, já que titulares do direito ao segredo das comunicações são tanto o emissor quanto o receptor da mensagem. Em geral, um destes não integraria o corpo de funcionários da empresa, de maneira que as cláusulas em questão interfeririam no interesse de terceiros que do negócio jurídico não teriam participado. Dessa forma, seja pelas mutações jurisprudenciais em torno do tema, seja pelo reconhecimento das múltiplas variáveis que envolvem as soluções que repousam na autonomia privada individual ou coletiva, seja, por fim, em virtude de um reconhecimento de certa maturidade já existente em torno da questão de fato, observa-se que ambos os países já buscaram a solução legislativa para o tema. Essa procura por esta via é mais recorrente no Brasil, onde, todavia, as proposições legislativas, se comparado ao seu paradigma espanhol, mais discrepam da jurisprudência constitucional existente em torno do tema. Nesse sentido, no capítulo 7 é feita uma análise crítica dos projetos de lei já formulados e em tramitação no Brasil e na Espanha, a partir da noção de limites à ação concretizadora dos direitos fundamentais pelo legislador, pautado no respeito ao conteúdo essencial e ao principio de proporcionalidade. À título de conclusão, como medida propositiva, é apresentada uma minuta de norma, voltada para dar resposta às principais questões que envolvem as possibilidades de uso do correio eletrônico no ambiente de trabalho De maneira que, ancorado em algumas informações já sedimentadas na doutrina constitucional e laboral, bem como das conclusões parciais formuladas em cada capítulo deste estudo, objetiva-se descortinar algumas questões. Dentre estas, destaca-se o reconhecimento dos reais motivos que têm levado à interpretação distinta emprestada ao tema pelos órgãos de justiça social do Brasil e da Espanha, bem como a indicação dos parâmetros para atuação do Poder Legislativo e aqueles que poderão ser utilizados pelo Tribunal Constitucional espanhol e pelo STF brasileiro na futura apreciação da licitude dos controles efetuados pelo empregador em relação aos correios eletrônicos recebidos ou enviados pelos empregados. Mas para uma correta conclusão a respeito deste tema central, imperativo será analisar outros temas igualmente pouco tratados na doutrina constitucional: o direito ao segredo das comunicações é afetado pela intervenção do empregador no correio eletrônico de seus empregados? Quais são os limites para a atuação legislativa em ambos os países a respeito do controle do empregador sobre e-mails dos empregados? Existem limites implícitos ao uso das comunicações telemáticas na relação de trabalho? Poderão os contratantes fixar limites ao uso do correio eletrônico através de contratos e da negociação coletiva? Admitida esta hipótese, quais seriam, então, os requisitos que deveriam ser observados para o reconhecimento da licitude dessas regras limitadoras ao exercício do direito ao segredo das comunicações/sigilo de correspondência estabelecidas em normas coletivas e no contrato de trabalho? Estes são alguns dos principais aspectos que se pretende desenvolver neste trabalho de investigação.

Introducción¿Es necesario apartar a Dios del debate público? ¿Cuál es el lugar de la religión y de las Iglesias en las esferas pública e institucional? ¿Cómo debemos concebir la relación entre Estado, sociedad y religión en el siglo XXI?Desde el 11 de setiembre, una lectura parcial del mundo (que sea política, académica o popular) parece presentar una división irreconciliable entre Occidente y Oriente (próximo, medio o muy lejano) sobre el fondo de guerras de religión. Esta tesis, propuesta algunas décadas atrás por Samuel Huntington -de manera casi profética dirán sus defensores-, ilustra la existencia de "líneas de fractura" entre civilizaciones o culturas en diferentes puntos del orbe, siendo la más explosiva la división entre el Occidente democrático y cristiano y el mundo musulmán, teocrático y autoritario. Habría entonces, supuestamente, un vínculo entre el Islam como religión y el Islam como vector de violencia política (Cesari, 2005: 39). Este vínculo, sin embargo, no sería proporcionalmente menos importante (o nocivo) que la influencia que poseen ciertos sectores conservadores protestantes en la determinación de la (belicosa) política exterior estadounidense. Más allá de estas consideraciones por demás maniqueas, fruto a menudo de la propaganda o de agendas particulares, resulta difícil negar el rebrote del debate religioso en la esfera pública e internacional. Luego de años durante los cuales el paradigma dominante se centró en el equilibrio de poder entre las dos superpotencias, el debate religioso parece querer estructurar una nueva visión del mundo.En este sentido, resulta interesante desarrollar dos conceptos que a menudo articulan el debate entre religión, Estado y esfera pública, pero que suelen ser pobremente explicados: laicidad y secularismo. Frecuentemente asociados o utilizados como términos intercambiables, representan una visión, que algunos calificarán de etnocéntrica y occidental, de un tipo de sociedad particular. Precisamente en la actualidad, cuando estos conceptos sufren las críticas provenientes de los círculos religiosos o pluralistas, es que conviene entonces interrogarse sobre su validez.Este trabajo se estructurará en 4 partes. La primera y segunda parte versarán sobre el desarrollo teórico y la distinción entre secularismo y laicidad y trataré más en detalle la concepción republicana y francesa de esta última. En tercer lugar se desarrollará la idea detrás del "mito de la laicidad o del secularismo" en las sociedades modernas. Por último, y a modo de conclusión, se presentará una visión alternativa a estas dos nociones, la de pluralismo.El secularismoEl secularismo pareció imponerse, a lo largo del siglo XX, como la nueva "religión" de las democracias liberales, apuntalando tanto la autonomía individual como la independencia del Estado frente a otra forma alternativa (y rival) de control, de organización y de lealtad social: la religión y la iglesia.En su acepción más simple, el término secular hace referencia a aquello que está desconectado de las cuestiones religiosas y espirituales. Derivado del latín "saeculum", que significa temporalidad, el secularismo sería entonces un proceso de distanciación entre las esferas religiosas y temporales. Esto no debe conducir, necesariamente, a una exclusión de la esfera religiosa del plano temporal, sino más bien a una valorización de las realidades humanas y sociales en una época determinada. El Hombre, centrado y anclado en su temporalidad, no es más una entidad ausente en su propia determinación. La secularización no rechaza obligatoriamente la religión, mas produce un cambio y un ajuste de la fe religiosa a las experiencias y realidades provocadas por el cambio histórico y temporal. Esta "temporalización" es conocida en nuestra época como modernización (Dallmayr, 1999: 720). El secularismo busca promover la libre elección y la autonomía individual. El hombre debe ser capaz de debatir con su conciencia, sin otra intervención que la suya propia. En este sentido, la creencia y la fe emanarían sencilla y únicamente de la libertad individual, y no de la sumisión a un poder terrenal.El origen del secularismo remonta a la transición entre la edad media y el renacimiento. Si el medioevo es antes que nada percibido como "l´age d´or" de la cristiandad, con la fe como motor y cimento de la sociedad, tanto en Oriente como en Occidente, los cuestionamientos que emergerán durante el renacimiento, amplificados posteriormente por los aportes filosóficos de la ilustración, provocarán el declive progresivo de la Iglesia en Occidente y el desarrollo de ideas y concepciones que posicionan al hombre en el centro del mundo y del universo, nociones en gran medida incompatibles con la subordinación del hombre a una potencia divina. Para Smith (2007:8), la Ilustración será responsable de socavar a lo religioso en sus fundamentos divinos y temporales, promoviendo un ateísmo y un anticlericalismo que emergerán como las nuevas referencias sociales y culturales. "L´age de la raison" cantonará progresivamente a la Iglesia al ámbito privado pero, argumenta el autor, la división entre Iglesia y sociedad, entre temporal y sagrado, será menos incuestionable que lo que los defensores de la tesis de la modernidad han pretendido. En efecto, las sociedades occidentales han construido sus sistemas de valores, sistemas que perduran hasta hoy en día, sobre los valores propios a la fe judeo-cristiana. Pero, podríamos argumentar, la valorización y aceptación de ciertos principios comunes, necesarios a la cohabitación pacífica, al respeto o al mantenimiento del orden social es una cosa, la creencia en una entidad superior, omnisciente y todo poderosa, es otra muy diferente. Ciertos teólogos argumentarán que la aceptación de los principios cristianos resulta indisociable de la creencia divina ya que los primeros carecen de sentido sin la última. Independientemente de dicha cuestión, los principios religiosos han fuertemente influenciado el sistema de valores de las sociedades modernas, sean estas seculares o, con más justa razón, religiosas.El siglo XIX reforzará la fractura entre religión y esfera pública, y bajo la égida de pensadores, positivistas en su gran mayoría, como Spencer, Comte, Durkheim, Webber o Marx, se promoverá la idea que las sociedades industriales debían quebrar sus cadenas y conducir al individuo hacia la libertad y la autonomía. En esta época nueva, que se abrirá a los albores del siglo XX "«…theological superstitions, symbolic liturgical rituals, and sacred practices are the product of the past that will be outgrown in the modern era. The death of religion was the conventional wisdom in the social sciences during most of the twentieth century." (Norris y Inglehart, 2004: 3). Esta idea de un vínculo casi mecánico entre progreso científico y secularización fue largamente defendida y articulada bajo la "tesis de la secularización".Uno de los primeros en explorar esta cuestión fue Peter Berger en The Sacred Canopy (1967), argumentando que la secularización y la modernización son dos fenómenos altamente correlacionados, uno no existe sin el otro, o más específicamente, la modernización conduce a la secularización de la sociedad (Berger renegará posteriormente, al menos en parte, este argumento). Para Berger, el racionalismo, así como el capitalismo, contribuyeron a la secularización a través de la diversificación productiva y el cuestionamiento de los dogmas y valores de la iglesia católica. En este sentido, la Reforma, como bien muestra Webber en su Ética Protestante, permitió limar progresivamente los límites de la libertad individual. Según la tesis de la secularización, el proceso evolutivo de las sociedades modernas transitaría desde un modelo holístico y tradicional, penetrado y dominado por la religión, hacia una sociedad con una creciente diversificación de las funciones sociales, provocando la marginalización y hasta la obsolescencia de la religión (Dallmayr, 1997: 718).Los defensores del liberalismo político consideran que la separación del Estado de la Iglesia es inevitable. La separación institucional entre estas dos entidades debe realizarse según tres principios liberales y democráticos (Audi, 1997: 38): un primer principio libertario, donde el Estado debe permitir el libre ejercicio de la religión; un segundo principio igualitario donde el Estado no debe permitir o expresar preferencia alguna de una religión sobre otra; por último, un principio de neutralidad donde el Estado no debe tampoco desfavorecer ninguna religión. Sin embargo, la aplicación de estos principios puede resultar más fácil en la teoría que en la práctica. Así lo expone Bader (1999: 599): "Liberal political philosophy excels in the construction of ideal models of well-ordered states and societies and ideally reasonable citizens ; it does not tell us how to judge or act under conditions of not so well ordered actual states and societies. Quite often, the link between the ideal world and the real one is missing, and yet the real world is treated as if it approximates or resembles the ideal world". Esta fractura entre un mundo teórico-ideal y el mundo real será aún más flagrante cuando tratemos de la laicidad, donde la rigidez y la generalidad de la ley se confrontan a las singularidades y complicaciones de una sociedad multicultural.En este esfuerzo de separación de las esferas pública y privada, conviene sin embargo aportar cierta precisión sobre dos términos cercanos y a menudo utilizados como sustitutos: secularismo y secularización. Algunas formas de secularización serían más tolerantes y abiertas que otras a la heterogeneidad religiosa. Para Mayer (1998: 33), la distinción entre secularismo y secularización reside en que el primero es un término con connotación negativa y doctrinaria mientras que el segundo sería un término más tolerante. La secularización implica una apertura al mundo y a su propia época (en detrimento de lo sobrenatural). El secularismo, por el contrario, perseguiría una agenda militante negando la existencia de cualquier elemento trascendental. La secularización sería entones un proceso natural, casi orgánico de cambio social y cultural, una evolución progresiva de las actitudes y de los valores dominantes en una sociedad, mientas que el secularismo se inscribiría dentro de una lucha por el poder terrenal entre dos entidades con agendas políticas discordantes: la Iglesia y el Estado. El secularismo sería así un arma política en el esfuerzo del naciente Estado de emanciparse de la tutela moral y política de la Iglesia. Si este debate puede quizá limitarse al rango de las disputas semánticas, no es menos cierto que subraya la importancia de la tolerancia, de la comprensión y la aceptación del otro en todo proceso de secularización, particularmente si ese otro es nada menos que lo divino o lo trascendental. Resulta claro entonces que el secularismo puede estar tentado de caer en las mismas derivas fanáticas que la más fundamentalista de las religiones, erigiendo sus propios principios al rango de dogmas sagrados (en particular si adoptamos la dicotomía negativa/positiva entre secularización y secularismo). Algunos estarían tentados de afirmar que el problema del racionalismo científico es su intransigencia frente a toda forma no racional de construcción del significado.La tesis de la secularización no se desarrolló sin generar un número importante de críticas y de visiones alternativas o contendientes. Algunas de estas tesis o teorías merecen un breve apartado (para un enfoque más detallado, ver Norris e Ingleheart, 2004, Sacred and Secular: Religion and Politics Worldwide, cap. 1). La tesis de la pérdida de fe propone la idea que el advenimiento de "l´age de la raison" y su enfoque empirista progresivamente minó los fundamentos dogmáticos y culturales de la religión, conduciendo a una erosión de la fe y de las prácticas religiosas en las sociedades más desarrolladas. Otra tesis, basada en un enfoque funcionalista e inspirada en los trabajos de Durkheim (Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse) es la de pérdida de significado o sentido social, donde la religión es entendida no únicamente como un sistema de valores, sino también como un conjunto coherente de ritos y acciones que regulan la actividad humana y aseguran la cohesión social. Según esta tesis, la diferenciación estructural de las sociedades modernas, generada a través de la creación de instituciones (de protección, de asistencia o de educación) estatales (al menos en sus inicios), conduciría a la pérdida del sentido social de las instituciones religiosas. El Estado desplazaría entonces a la Iglesia en su dominio terrenal, relegándola casi exclusivamente al ámbito espiritual y privado.Norris e Inglehart presentan, ellos, una tesis de la secularización revisitada (2004:13), basándose en la noción de seguridad existencial. Dos axiomas son fundamentales a esta teoría. El axioma de seguridad propone que las condiciones de seguridad (en el más lato sentido desde una perspectiva socio-económica y de desarrollo humano) varían en función de las sociedades y que las características dadas de cada sociedad impactarán sobre el nivel de religiosidad: "the experiences of growing up in less secure societies will heighten the importance of religious values, while conversely experience of more secure conditions will lessen it " (2004 :18). El segundo axioma, de las tradiciones culturales, considera que las diferentes visiones del mundo (world views) originalmente asociadas con la religión, moldearon los diferentes sistemas de valores sociales. En la actualidad, estos valores no serían transmitidos y vehiculados a través de la iglesia, sino que serían el sistema educativo y los medios de comunicación los encargados de transmitir los valores relevantes.Conviene resaltar que si en Europa el secularismo tiene tanta importancia, es sobre todo porque ha sido reconocido por la mayoría de los Estados como un principio fundacional. Según Ferrari (2005: 12), las características principales , tanto políticas como legales del secularismo en Europa son: la libertad individual de culto, que conduce a la no-discriminación y a la irrelevancia de la religión en el usufructo de los derechos cívicos y políticos; la distinción entre Estado e Iglesia, asegurando por un lado la autonomía de las organizaciones religiosas y la ausencia de intervención estatal en sus doctrinas y organizaciones, y por otro lado, la independencia del Estado de toda forma de legitimación religiosa del poder Estatal, fundado pura y exclusivamente en la voluntad ciudadana. Sin embargo, debemos interrogarnos sobre la perspectiva o idea que el secularismo pueda "exportarse" sencillamente. Hemos visto que el secularismo fue un proceso histórico y político que acompañó en la mayoría de los países europeos la creación del Estado y de la Nación. El secularismo "a la europea" no puede por lo tanto disociarse de esa lucha intestina por el poder entre, por un lado, las fuerzas centralizadoras (y normativas) del naciente poder político, y por el otro, las fuerzas eclesiásticas, divinas quizá, pero temporales con total certeza. La construcción y legitimación del poder estatal (y ciudadano a posteriori) debió realizarse "a expensas" de su competidor directo por el control de las almas (y los recursos) terrenales. El Estado y la Iglesia no podían coexistir en el mismo plano político, económico y jurídico, y esta no-cohabitación se saldó ya sea en la exclusión de la Iglesia de la esfera temporal (como en el caso de Francia) o en la subordinación del poder religioso al poder estatal (como en el caso de Inglaterra). ¿En qué medida este proceso tan específico a Europa no creó condiciones particulares difícilmente exportables a otros contextos. ¿Cómo explicar el secularismo en países donde Estado e Iglesia no son más que uno? Antes de intentar responder a esta pregunta, conviene desarrollar la noción de laicidad.La laicidad¿Es acaso necesario introducir una distinción entre secularismo y laicidad? La laicidad, ese concepto "tellement français" que pena a atravesar las fronteras latinas, es a menudo traducido en Inglés como secularismo (Laborde, 2002: 168), pero permanecerá por siempre fuertemente asociado al proceso republicano francés. Si es posible remontar su génesis hasta la revolución francesa y la separación radical entre la Iglesia católica y el nuevo poder civil revolucionario, habrá que esperar hasta el fin del siglo XIX para asistir a las primeras tentativas de definición y aplicación institucional (los "interludios" de la Restauración, de la Monarquía de Julio y del III Imperio no son del todo ajenos al freno de las fuerzas laicas y republicanas). Hacia 1880, Ferdinand Buisson -uno de los primeros en teorizar sobre la laicidad-, se rebelaba contra "cet état des choses qui consistait essentiellement dans la confusion de tous les pouvoirs et de tous les domaines et la subordination de toutes les autorités à une autorité unique, celle de la religion" (en Bauberot, 2004 :14). La laicización, a imagen del secularismo, se construye sobre la conquista progresiva de esferas de influencia en el ejército, en la función administrativa, en la justicia y, lugar de batalla estratégico entre Estado e Iglesia, en la escuela. Pero hasta aquí nada nuevo o radicalmente diferente con respecto al secularismo. Sin entrar en un pormenorizado detalle del recorrido histórico de la laicidad, destaquemos que transita un proceso similar al del secularismo, aunque es posterior en el tiempo, con el progreso y aumento de la influencia de las fuerzas anticlericales y libre-pensadoras. Jean Bauberot (2007:48) identifica tres características distintas de la laicización en sus inicios. La primera es la fractura institucional de la religión y el retroceso de su influencia social, conducente a la autonomía creciente de otras instituciones sociales. La segunda característica es que, no obstante su deterioro institucional, la religión mantiene una importante legitimidad social. La última característica de este proceso inicial de laicización sería la aceptación del pluralismo religioso.Podemos ahora introducir una primera distinción entre laicidad y secularización, basándonos en el aporte de Claude Langlois, que distingue entre una laicidad de combate y una laicidad de Estado (Langlois, 2005: 11). La primera, llamada laicidad de combate o de convicción, puede ser asimilada a la secularización en el sentido que se trata, para las fuerzas laicas, de ganar terreno y de afirmar la primacía de sus principios y de recuperar las esferas de influencias otrora dominadas por las fuerzas religiosas. La segunda forma de laicidad, de Estado, hace referencia a la incorporación de los principios laicos al orden constitucional. Esta forma es característica de Francia y de su República y consagrada en el primero artículo de su constitución (La laicidad del Estado en Francia quedó legalmente consagrada en la ley de 1905 de "Separación de las Iglesias y del Estado"): "La France est une République indivisible, laïque, démocratique et sociale. Elle assure l'égalité devant la loi de tous les citoyens sans distinction d'origine, de race ou de religion. Elle respecte toutes les croyances", y ha sido emulada por numerosos países, en particular los de tradición y convicción republicana, como el Uruguay1. La laicidad "a la francesa" articula dos principios, si bien no directamente antinómicos, a menuda problemáticamente conciliables, a saber la igualdad ante la ley y el reconocimiento de la libertad religiosa. La religión, o la pluralidad de religiones, no puede socavar el principio de igualdad de tratamiento ante la ley y no debe constituir una barrera a la igualdad de oportunidades. El segundo principio estipula que la república respeta todas las creencias. Como ha sido dicho, la cohabitación de estos principios puede ser problemática.Si el principio de igualdad ante la ley se opone a todo aquello que es singular o distintivo (siendo la religión parte de esa singularidad), el principio de libertad debe asegurar el respeto de todas las creencias y asegurarles la libertad de expresión. Esta cohabitación entre ambos principios es expresada por Langlois (2005: 14): "Con vistas a la igualdad, la religión no puede ser legítima, ya que no es más que una diferencia entre tantas otras, con vistas a la libertad, las religiones deben ser respetadas, con sus respectivas diferencias". Una de las críticas a esta forma particular de laicidad es justamente ese "tire y afloje" entre igualdad y libertad. Las tensiones comunitarias a menudo son el resultado de la incomprensión de este marco de aplicación de las libertades individuales. La laicidad implica que las libertades individuales son aseguradas en el ámbito privado, y que el Estado hará nula distinción, ni favorecerá una religión sobre otra, pero, desde el momento en que penetramos en el dominio público (ya sea en la escuela, en el juzgado e inclusive en una agitada calle comercial del centro Parisino), la libertad de creencias queda subordinada a la única "religión oficial", es decir a la aceptación y la lealtad hacia los principios republicanos y hacia la República, siendo la laicidad uno de sus puntos centrales. No puede existir, en una república laica, principio superior al de igualdad, ya que la igualdad de los ciudadanos es la razón de ser de todo gobierno republicano, fundado en la pertenencia de los ciudadanos a un proyecto común, único e indivisible (y democrático en el caso francés o uruguayo). Para asegurar este ideal, la religión, tal como la raza o el género, no puede ser tomada como un polo de diferenciación, ya que crearía diferentes categorías de ciudadanos. A riesgo de ser repetitivo, la laicidad no tiene sentido si la igualdad no se transforma en la base fundacional de la sociedad o, invirtiendo el orden de los factores, la laicidad es una condición necesaria para asegurar la igualdad ciudadana.Un enfoque innovador es propuesto por Cecile Laborde (2002), que no describe la laicidad únicamente como la separación entre Iglesia y Estado, sino que reconoce un fenómeno de naturaleza compleja, sujeto a interpretaciones alternativas y hasta por momentos contradictorias. La primera variante, llamada de neutralidad, hace referencia a la neutralidad entre la esfera política y la religiosa, a la separación de poderes y al compromiso por parte del Estado de no intervenir en el ámbito de las creencias privadas ni de privilegiar una forma de creencia sobre otra. La segunda variante presentada por el autor, calificada como de autonomía (2002: 171) requiere esta vez un rol activo por parte de las instituciones públicas como promotores de la laicidad como "filosofía de la emancipación humana". El Estado no sería ya el garante de la neutralidad, sino una fuerza liberal encargada de forjar y promover la autonomía (la libre elección) de sus ciudadanos. Esta lógica, inspirada del liberalismo político, choca contra las fuerzas conservadoras que ven en este esfuerzo de "conversión" una violación del principio de neutralidad del Estado e inclusive del principio de libertad ya que, argumentan, la promoción de la laicidad no es nada menos que la difusión ideológica de preceptos morales y políticos destinados a alienar y alejar al individuo de la religión. La misión activa de la instrucción pública de inculcar los principios laicos se asemejaría al catequismo religioso del siglo XIX. Una respuesta a favor de la tesis de la autonomía argumentaría que la laicidad contribuye a formar ciudadanos responsables y democráticos, ya que la autonomía alejaría al individuo de concepciones dogmáticas y arbitrarias y conduciría hacia procesos pluralistas donde la critica y los cuestionamientos racionales son perfectamente admitidos. No obstante, conviene resaltar que nada prueba que las democracias laicas sean mas pluralistas y abiertas al debate que las democracias no laicas.La tercera forma de laicidad propuesta por Laborde (2002: 176), que ya hemos evocado parcialmente, es la laicidad como comunidad, es decir la aceptación del principio laico como vector central y constitutivo de la identidad común de una sociedad. En Francia, entonces, ser republicano implica ser laico (lo que no significa que uno no pueda ser ferviente creyente), y ser laico es admitir la primacía de los principios republicanos sobre otras formas de construcción de significado, por lo menos en lo relacionado al funcionamiento político y social. Pero esto no hubiese sido posible sin la voluntad de las instituciones públicas de buscar suplantar la lealtad hacia la Iglesia y promover principios liberales. Esta cultura cívica republicana promueve antes que nada la fraternidad entre los miembros de la comunidad. Es, en ese sentido, ya que fomenta la fraternidad del grupo, discriminatoria con respecto al exterior, al extranjeroEstos tres enfoques son difícilmente reconciliables y cada uno intenta sintetizar uno de los tres puntos cardinales del republicanismo francés. La primera forma de laicidad (de neutralidad) intenta asegurar la igualdad a través de la neutralidad del Estado, mientras que la segunda busca promover la libertad del individuo gracias a su autonomía sobre otras formas de dominación ideológicas o espirituales. Por último, la tercer forma de laicidad refuerza la fraternidad de los individuos al interior de una comunidad. La crítica que podemos realizar a este enfoque es que sólo funciona en "circuito cerrado", en el sentido que estas formas de laicidad sólo son válidas si aceptamos los principios republicanos, y es en particular por esta razón que la laicidad a la francesa es difícilmente exportable y comprensible para otros sistemas políticos. La libertad y la fraternidad son antes que nada nociones intra-comunitarias subordinadas a la aceptación previa de los principios republicanos.Otro ataque contra la laicidad, bastante común entre los adversarios de esta idea, propone que la laicidad no sería más que un concepto negativo, ya que expresaría lo que no está permitido en el funcionamiento y la estructura de las instituciones públicas (en este caso la religión y la Iglesia), contrariamente a la secularización que sería un concepto positivo que determina lo que si está permitido2 (Kucuradi, 1998: 72). Esta visión refleja perfectamente la incomprensión o desconocimiento de la laicidad a la francesa, percibida más como parte de una agenda política propia al Estado Francés que como un movimiento de emancipación similar a la secularización presente en otros países.Resulta por lo tanto difícil diferenciar estas dos nociones y podemos justamente preguntarnos si no estamos ya en presencia de un debate más semántico que ontológico. En la medida en que la laicidad sea percibida como una excepción "francesa", un tanto revolucionaria y anticlerical, y sobre todo muy republicana, entonces sí contiene singularidades difícilmente asimilables a otros movimientos seculares. Sin embargo, Francia no es el único país a declararse constitucionalmente laico ni a realizar una clara demarcación entre esfera pública y privada. No obstante, no es menos cierto que la laicidad puede ser considerada como la "evolución definitiva" del secularismo ya que, en la práctica, el secularismo es más tolerante en la incorporación de la religión en la esfera pública, llegando hasta a reconocer una religión de Estado o a impartir cursos de religión en las escuelas públicas, como es el caso en Inglaterra o Dinamarca. Si la secularización es antes que nada un proceso cultural e histórico de emancipación con respecto a lo sagrado y divino, la laicización concierne a los arreglos institucionales y políticos con respecto a la relación entre Estado, religión y sociedad. Puede existir secularización sin laicización, pero no puede existir laicización sin secularización. 1- El artículo 5 de la Constitución de la República Oriental del Uruguay reconoce la laicidad de Estado "El Estado no sostiene religión alguna", así como el pluralismo y la tolerancia religiosa: "Todos los cultos religiosos son libres en el Uruguay", mientras que el artículo 8 reconoce la igualdad de los ciudadanos y la no- discriminación : "Todas las personas son iguales ante la ley no reconociéndose otra distinción entre ellas sino la de los talentos o las virtudes". La laicidad de Estado en el Uruguay fue introducida en la constitución de 1918. En la constitución de 1830 (vigente hasta la entrada en vigor de la constitución de 1918), se establecía como religión de Estado la Católica Apostólica Romana (art 5).2- Vimos previamente la distinción realizada por Mayer entre secularismo (negativo ya que provisto de una "agenda política") y secularización (positiva ya que sería un proceso de evolución social "orgánico"). Si aceptamos esta distinción, entonces en este caso la laicidad podría asemejarse a la secularización. *Este artículo fue presentado en la 5° sesión el Seminario Interno de Discusión Teórica 2014, organizado por el Departamento de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad ORT Uruguay.Germán Clulow es Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales por la Universidad ORT –Uruguay, Master en Ciencia Política por la Université de Genève – Suiza, y Master en Estudios de Desarrollo por el Instituto de Altos Estudios Internacionales y de Desarrollo (IHEID-The Graduate Institute) Ginebra, Suiza

The paper features the fi rst general description in the Russian language of two necropolises located in Campochiaro (Campobasso, Italy) – Vicenne and Morrione, dating back to the period from the last third of the 7th – the beginning of the 8th century AD. The cultural content of the necropolises refl ects their strong ties with the population of Central Asian origin. The most important feature of the necropolises are burials with a horse, corresponding to the Eurasian nomadic burial rite. The author supported the conclusions of European researchers according to which it is highly probable that the necropolises were left by the Bolgars of the duke–gashtald Alzeko, originally recorded by Paul the Deacon in the 8th century in the territories of Bojano, Sepino and Isernia. The similarities of the Campochiaro necropolises with the burials of the Avar Khaganate imply the presence of the Bolgars in the Avar society with a similar burial ritual. Out of the thousands of horse burials left by the Avar population, a large portion could have been left by the Bolgars. The Avars and Bolgars constituted the basis and ruling elite of the Khaganate. The Alzeko people were the part of the Bolgars who in 631 AD fought for the Khagan throne, which indicates the high position of the Bolgars and their large number. After the defeat, this group of the Bolgars migrated to Bavaria, Carantania and Italy. Several decades of living in the Venedian, and later in the Lombard and Roman environment resulted in the heterogeneity of the funerary inventory, but did not change the rite itself. The Bolgars of the Lombard kingdom formed a new military layer - professional cavalry, which received land plots. This equestrian squad is an early example of the European feudal military and social class which was later referred to as chivalry. ; Настоящая работа является первым общим описанием на русском языке двух некрополей Кампокиаро (Кампобассо, Италия) – Виченне и Морионе, датируемых последней третью VII в. – началом VIII в. Культурное содержание некрополей показывает прочные связи с населением центральноазиатского происхождения. Важнейшим признаком некрополей являются захоронения с конем, соответствующие евразийскому кочевому погребальному обряду. Автор поддержал выводы европейских исследователей о том, что с большой долей вероятности некрополи оставлены булгарами дукса–гаштальда Алзеко, зафиксированными Павлом Диаконом в VIII в. на территориях Бояно, Сепино и Изернии. Аналогии некрополей Кампокиаро с погребениями Аварского каганата показывают присутствие в аварском обществе булгар со схожим погребальным обрядом. Из тысяч погребений с конем, оставленных аварским населением, булгарам могла принадлежать большая часть. Авары и булгары составляли основу и правящую верхушку каганата. Народ Алзеко являлся той частью булгар, которая в 631 г. боролась за каганский престол, что указывает на высокое положение булгар и их большое количество. После поражения эта группа булгар мигрировала последовательно в Баварию, Карантанию и Италию. Несколько десятков лет проживания в венедской, а затем в лангобардской и романской среде привели к гетерогенности погребального инвентаря, но не изменили сам обряд. Булгары лангобардского королевства составляли новый военный слой, который представлял из себя профессиональную кавалерию, получивший землю. Эта конная дружина является ранним примером европейского феодального воинского и социального сословия, которое станет называться рыцарством. Библиографические ссылки Акимова М.С. Материалы к антропологии ранних болгар // Генинг В.Ф., Халиков А.Х. 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The increasing emissions from the transport sector have become a global concern as these emissions contribute to climate change. One way to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions from the transport sector is to replace fossil fuels with biofuels. The diesel engine is important for transports in society, especially since it is more efficient and more powerful compared with the gasoline engine. Therefore, replacing fossil diesel with biodiesel is one feasible option for achieving short and long-term emission targets. Fatty acid methyl esters (FAME) and hydrotreated vegetable oils (HVO) are the two kinds of biodiesel being used in Sweden. The raw materials are vegetable and animal oils and fats and the production method is esterification for FAME and hydrotreatment for HVO. HVO is more similar to fossil diesel and higher blends can be used in existing diesel engines if the vehicle manufacturer has approved it whereas FAME requires vehicle modifications when used in higher blends. Both HVO and FAME can be used as drop-in fuel with fossil diesel, but only up to 7% for FAME according to regulations. The Swedish consumption of HVO has increased rapidly in recent years. In 2017 it was more than 20% of the total globally produced HVO that year. Furthermore, the dependence on imported raw materials is heavy. Only 3% of the raw materials for FAME and only 5% of the raw materials for HVO sold in Sweden were of Swedish origin in 2017. Since the feedstocks used for biodiesel production are of limited availability and have competing uses, it is important to increase the knowledge of local resources. The County of Gävleborg has many large forest-related industries. The actors at different levels of the supply chain have important roles in the challenges to reduce fossil fuel dependence. The overall aim of this report is to investigate the current status and future prospects of biodiesel feedstocks and production technologies for FAME and HVO from a regional perspective. This is achieved by two separate approaches. First, a literature review is done through which potential feedstocks and production processes are described. The feedstocks are categorized into different generations. Second, ongoing and upcoming activities related to biodiesel production in Gävleborg County are explored through interviews with regional actors. The interviewees are representatives from companies with activities in Gävleborg County: Setra, BillerudKorsnäs, Iggesund, Rottneros and Colabitoil. Raw materials belonging to the first generation compete with food production. For biodiesel these raw materials are different types of vegetable oils. The main ones worldwide are palm oil, soybean oil, rapeseed oil and sunflower oil. These raw materials can be used as feedstock for both FAME and HVO. In Sweden the agricultural activity is relatively low and even lower in Gävleborg County. The extensive use of land and competition with food production makes these type of raw materials for biodiesel production questionable. But arguments can be made that the vegetable oils have good traceability and this can lead to better control to ensure a sustainable biodiesel value chain. Second-generation raw materials are non-food based. There are a variety of different types. Some are already being used and some are potential biodiesel feedstocks for the future. The ones presented in this report are animal fats, fish oils, waste cooking oils (WCO), pyrolysis oil, lignin and crude tall oil (CTO). Animal fats and fish oils can also be considered first-generation raw materials since they might be edible. There are strict health regulations for human food and the fats and oils that do not live up to the regulations can be used for other purposes. Animal fats and fish oils can also be used as animal feed and production of different chemicals. It is not obvious which use is best, but generally it seems that biodiesel and other energy uses are regarded as the least valuable in comparison. An important issue to consider is that the availability of animal fats and fish oils depends on the demand for meat. WCO is a feedstock for biodiesel which is currently used by Colabitoil in their pilot plant for HVO. It seems that the profitability of using WCO is dependent on the production capacity of the WCO producers and the distance between them since these two factors affect the fuel consumption during collection. It is optimal to have one big WCO producer in order to minimize the collection costs. In theory, there could be a situation in which there are so many small producers that more fuel is required for collection than is gained in biodiesel production. Pyrolysis oil from biomass is an interesting future source for biodiesel. It is a heterogeneous mixture of compounds and contains a lot of oxygen. Pyrolysis oil is definitely a raw material that needs catalytic hydrotreatment for upgrading. It is therefore considered an HVO feedstock and not feasible for FAME. This study did not clarify how much pyrolysis oil will end up as diesel fuel and how much will end up as gasoline or other products. A pyrolysis plant for production of pyrolysis oil from sawdust might be built at Setra's sawmill Kastet in Gävle. The pyrolysis oil will then be used as a feedstock for diesel and gasoline fuels in Preem's refinery. Lignin is one of the main components of wood. In the production of pulp by the sulfate process lignin is separated from the pulp as a component in the black liquor. The lignin is then primarily burned for energy purposes in the recovery boiler. The three pulp mills within Gävleborg County all use the sulfate process. At the pulp mill owned by Rottneros in Vallvik a plant for extraction of lignin and a plant for conversion into a lignin oil might be built. This pulp mill has a surplus of energy and therefore a potential to extract some of the lignin. The lignin will be processed together with a bio-based carrier oil to the lignin oil. This lignin oil will then be used as a feedstock for gasoline and diesel fuel in Preem's refinery. It was not clarified in this study what the source of the bio-based carrier oil will be. Additionally, the composition of the lignin oil was not revealed and therefore it could not be determined what share of it can be used for biodiesel production. Lignin oil is very interesting as a feedstock due to the large amount of lignin that is available in the forests. However, the interviews with the two other pulp mills (i.e., Iggesund and BillerudKorsnäs) showed that the availability is limited by other factors. These two pulp mills are integrated with production of paper products and therefore they have no surplus of energy. If lignin is extracted the energy has to be replaced by other sources. An eventual extraction of lignin is associated with reconstruction of different parts of the plant and thereby large investment costs. CTO is a by-product from pulp mills that use the sulfate process. It is of limited availability and consists mainly of fatty acids and rosin acids. The fatty acids can be converted to biodiesel. One way to utilize the components of CTO is to fractionate it into different product streams through distillation. These product streams include one stream with fatty acids, one stream with rosin acids and one stream called pitch. The pitch can be seen as a residue. There are two main refineries to which the three pulp mills in Gävleborg County deliver their CTO: Sunpine in Piteå and Kraton in Sandarne. Sunpine produces tall oil diesel and other products from the CTO, and the tall oil diesel is used for HVO production by Preem. Kraton produces different chemicals from the CTO. For all three pulp mills an important factor is to get tall oil pitch back from Sunpine and Kraton to be used for energy purposes. A potential source of lipids for biodiesel production was mentioned in the interview with Colabitoil. This was the conversion of lignocellulosic material into lipids by microbes. A particularly suitable feedstock for the microbes would be waste fibers from pulp and paper industries. This still appears to be at the research stage, but it will be interesting to follow the development since it has promising opportunities if it can be achieved at a commercial scale. Third-generation feedstocks for biodiesel are oils obtained from microalgae. Microalgae are potentially superior to the other raw materials. Biodiesel from microalgae is not commercially available so it is up to the future to determine its destiny. Due to the cold climate of Gävleborg County it is questionable if it is a good place for large-scale cultivation of microalgae. The optimal feedstock for FAME are triglycerides. Therefore, first-generation raw materials are wanted. Catalytic hydrotreatment can handle more complex raw materials and the feedstock range can thereby be increased to second-generation feedstocks. There is no producer of FAME in Gävleborg County, but there is a company (Colabitoil) that distributes HVO produced by Neste. Colabitoil also has a pilot plant for HVO production and might build a large-scale production plant in the future. The activities in Norrsundet, which Colabitoil is part of, has a potential to provide synergy effects if different companies settle there. There can then be knowledge-sharing and utilization of different by-products between the companies. There are two aspects about the limitations of the report that should be mentioned. First, the environmental performance of the different raw materials and production technologies is not considered. This is an important issue since the main purpose of biofuels is to reduce the environmental impact of fossil fuels. Second, it cannot be ruled out that there could have been intentional or unintentional bias in the interviews, even though there is no reason to suspect this. Additionally, it is very tricky to assess the certainty behind different statements from different persons since they have different backgrounds and different expectations about the future. Apart from this, the aim of the report was met to a large extent by shedding light on the future prospects of biodiesel through the challenges, uncertainties and success factors related to projects that the different actors described in the interviews. The challenges are technical and financial. The uncertainties are related to political stability but also to the environmental permit and future availability of raw materials. The success factors are the high demand for transport fuels and cooperation with other companies. ; De ökande utsläppen från transportsektorn har blivit en global angelägenhet, eftersom dessa utsläpp bidrar till klimatförändringen. Ett sätt att minska koldioxidutsläppen från transportsektorn är att ersätta fossila bränslen med biobränslen. Dieselmotorn är viktig för transporter i samhället, speciellt eftersom den är effektivare och mer kraftfull jämfört med bensinmotorn. Att ersätta fossil diesel med biodiesel är därför ett möjligt alternativ för att uppnå korta och långsiktiga utsläppsmål. Fettsyrametylestrar (FAME) och vätebehandlade vegetabiliska oljor (HVO) är de två typerna av biodiesel som används i Sverige. Råvarorna är vegetabiliska och animaliska oljor och fetter och produktionsmetoden är förestring för FAME och vätgasbehandling för HVO. Sammansättningen hos HVO är mer lik fossil diesel och högre inblandningsnivåer kan därmed användas i befintliga dieselmotorer om fordonstillverkaren har godkänt det. FAME däremot kräver modifiering hos dieselmotorsystemet vid användning i högre blandningar. Både HVO och FAME kan användas som drop-in bränsle med fossil diesel, men bara upp till 7 procent för FAME enligt föreskrifter. Den svenska konsumtionen av HVO har ökat snabbt de senaste åren. År 2017 var den över 20 procent av den totala globala produktionen det året. Det finns ett starkt beroende av importerade råvaror. Endast 3 procent av råvarorna för FAME och endast 5 procent av råvarorna för HVO som säljs i Sverige var av svenskt ursprung 2017. Eftersom råvarorna som används för biodieselproduktion har begränsad tillgänglighet och konkurrerande användningsområden är det viktigt att öka kunskapen om lokala resurser. Gävleborgs län har många stora skogsrelaterade industrier. Aktörerna på olika nivåer i försörjningskedjan har viktiga roller i utmaningen att minska beroendet av fossila bränslen. Det övergripande syftet med denna rapport är att undersöka nuvarande status och framtidsutsikterna för biodieselråvaror och produktionsteknologier för FAME och HVO ur ett regionalt perspektiv. Detta uppnås genom två separata tillvägagångssätt. För det första görs en litteraturöversikt där potentiella råvaror och produktionsprocesser beskrivs. Råvarorna kategoriseras i olika generationer. För det andra undersöks pågående och kommande aktiviteter relaterade till biodieselproduktionen i Gävleborgs län genom intervjuer med regionala aktörer. Intervjuerna är gjorda med representanter för företag med aktiviteter i Gävleborgs län: Setra, Billerud, Korsnäs, Iggesund, Rottneros och Colabitoil. Första generationens råvaror konkurrerar med livsmedelsproduktionen. För biodiesel är dessa råvaror olika typer av vegetabiliska oljor. De vanligast förekommande i världen är palmolja, sojabönsolja, rapsfröolja och solrosolja. Dessa råvaror kan användas till produktion av både FAME och HVO. I Sverige är jordbruksverksamheten relativt låg och i Gävleborgs län är den lägre än det Svenska genomsnittet. Den omfattande användningen av mark och konkurrensen med livsmedelsproduktionen gör att denna typ av råvaror för biodieselproduktion kan ifrågasättas. Men det kan argumenteras att vegetabiliska oljor har bra spårbarhet vilket kan leda till bättre kontroll för att säkerställa en hållbar biodieselvärdekedja. Andra generationens råvaror är icke-livsmedelsbaserade. Det finns en mängd olika typer. Vissa används redan och vissa är potentiella biodieselråvaror. De som presenteras i denna rapport är animaliska fetter, fiskoljor, spilloljor (WCO), pyrolysolja, lignin och råtallolja (CTO). Animaliska fetter och fiskoljor kan också betraktas som första generationens råmaterial eftersom de kan vara ätbara. Det finns höga hälsokrav för livsmedel och de fetter och oljor som inte uppfyller kraven kan användas för andra ändamål. Animaliska fetter och fiskoljor kan också användas som foder och produktion av olika kemikalier. Det är inte uppenbart vilken användning som är bäst, men i allmänhet verkar det som biodiesel och annan energianvändning anses vara den minst värdefulla. En viktig fråga att beakta är att tillgången på animaliska fetter och fiskoljor är beroende av efterfrågan på kött. WCO är ett råmaterial för biodiesel som för närvarande används av Colabitoil i deras pilotanläggning för HVO. Det verkar som om lönsamheten för att använda WCO är beroende av produktionskapaciteten hos WCO-producenterna och avståndet mellan dem, eftersom dessa två faktorer påverkar bränsleförbrukningen vid insamling. Det är optimalt att ha en stor WCO-producent för att minimera insamlingskostnaderna. Teoretiskt sett kan det uppstå en situation där producenterna är så små och så många att mer bränsle krävs för insamling än som uppnås i biodieselproduktionen. Pyrolysolja från biomassa är en intressant framtidskälla för biodiesel. Det är en heterogen blandning av föreningar och den innehåller mycket syre. Pyrolysolja är definitivt en råvara som behöver katalytisk vätgasbehandling för uppgradering. Den anses därför vara en råvara för HVO och inte för FAME. Denna studie klargör inte hur stor del av pyrolysoljan som kan omvandlas till dieselbränsle och hur mycket som kan omvandlas till bensin eller andra produkter. En pyrolysanläggning för produktion av pyrolysolja från sågspån kan komma att byggas vid Setras sågverk Kastet i Gävle. Pyrolysoljan kommer då att användas som råvara för diesel- och bensinbränsle i Preems raffinaderi. Lignin är en av huvudkomponenterna i trä. Vid framställning av massa genom sulfatprocessen separeras lignin från massan som en komponent i svartluten. Lignin bränns sedan i första hand för energianvändning i samband med återvinningen av kokningskemikalierna. De tre massafabrikerna i Gävleborgs län använder alla sulfatprocessen. Vid massabruket som ägs av Rottneros i Vallvik kan en anläggning för utvinning av lignin och en anläggning för omvandling till ligninolja komma att byggas. Denna massafabrik har ett överskott av energi och därmed en potential att extrahera en del av ligninet. Ligninet kommer att processas tillsammans med en biobaserad bärar-olja till ligninoljan. Denna ligninolja kommer då att användas vid produktion av bensin och dieselbränsle i Preems raffinaderi. Det framgår inte i denna studie vad källan till den biobaserade bäroljan kommer att vara. Dessutom avslöjas inte ligninoljans sammansättning och därför kan det inte fastställas hur stor del som kan användas för biodieselproduktion. Ligninolja är mycket intressant som råmaterial på grund av den stora mängd lignin som finns i skogen. Intervjuerna med de två andra massafabrikerna (dvs Iggesund och BillerudKorsnäs) visade emellertid att tillgängligheten är begränsad av andra faktorer. Dessa två massafabriker är integrerade med produktion av pappersprodukter och har därför inget överskott av energi. Om lignin extraheras måste energin ersättas med andra energikällor. En eventuell extraktion av lignin är förknippad med ombyggnad av olika delar av fabriken och därmed med stora investeringskostnader. CTO är en biprodukt från massafabriker som använder sulfatprocessen. Den är av begränsad tillgänglighet och består huvudsakligen av fettsyror och hartssyror. Fettsyrorna kan omvandlas till biodiesel. Ett sätt att utnyttja komponenterna i CTO är att fraktionera den till olika produktflöden genom destillation. Dessa produktflöden innefattar en ström med fettsyror, en ström med hartssyror och en ström som kallas beckolja, som kan ses som en restprodukt. Det finns två raffinaderier till vilka de tre massafabrikerna i Gävleborgs län levererar sin CTO: Sunpine i Piteå och Kraton i Sandarne. Sunpine producerar talloljediesel och andra produkter från CTO. Talloljediesel används för HVO-produktion av Preem. Kraton producerar olika kemikalier från CTO. För alla tre massabruken är det viktigt att få tillbaka beckolja från Sunpine och Kraton. En potentiell källa till lipider för biodieselproduktion nämns i intervjun med Colabitoil. Detta är omvandling av biomassa till lipider av mikrober. Ett särskilt lämpligt råmaterial för mikroberna skulle vara en typ av restprodukt från massa- och pappersindustrin som kallas fiberslam eller nollfiber. Intrycket är att detta fortfarande är i en forskningsfas, men det kommer att vara intressant att följa utvecklingen eftersom det finns lovande möjligheter om detta kan nå kommersiell skala. Tredje generationens råvaror för biodiesel är oljor erhållna från mikroalger. Mikroalger är potentiellt överlägsna de övriga råvarorna. Biodiesel från mikroalger är inte kommersiellt tillgänglig så framtiden avgör dess öde. På grund av det kalla klimatet i Gävleborgs län är det tveksamt om detta är ett bra ställe för storskalig odling av mikroalger. Den optimala råvaran för FAME är triglycerider. Därför är första generationens råvaror önskade. Katalytisk vätgasbehandling kan hantera mer komplexa råvaror och råvarubasen kan därmed ökas till andra generationens råvaror. Det finns ingen producent av FAME i Gävleborgs län, men det finns ett företag (Colabitoil) som distribuerar HVO producerat av Neste. Colabitoil har även en pilotanläggning för HVO-produktion och kan i framtiden komma att bygga en storskalig produkt-ionsanläggning. Verksamheten i Norrsundet, som Colabitoil ingår i, har potential att ge synergieffekter om olika företag etablerar sig där. Det kan då ge förutsättning för kunskapsdelning och utnyttjande av olika biprodukter mellan företagen. Det finns två aspekter kring rapportens begränsningar som bör nämnas. För det första beaktas inte miljöpåverkan från de olika råmaterialen och produktionsteknologierna. Detta är en viktig fråga eftersom biobränslenas huvudsakliga syfte är att minska miljöpåverkan jämfört med fossila bränslen. För det andra kan det inte uteslutas att intervjuerna kan vara avsiktligt eller oavsiktligt partiska, även om det inte finns anledning att misstänka detta. Dessutom är det väldigt svårt att bedöma säkerheten i uttalanden från olika personer eftersom de har olika bakgrund och olika förväntningar på framtiden. Bortsett från detta, uppnåddes i stor utsträckning målsättningen med rapporten att bedöma framtidsutsikterna för biodiesel genom belysning av utmaningar, osäkerhetsfaktorer och framgångsfaktorer relaterade till de projekt som de olika aktörerna beskrev i intervjuerna. Utmaningarna är tekniska och finansiella. Osäkerheten är relaterad till politisk stabilitet, men också till miljötillstånd och framtida råvarutillgång. Framgångsfaktorerna är den höga efterfrågan på drivmedel och samarbete mellan olika företag. ; Forskningsfinansiärer: Europeiska regionala utvecklingsfonden (ERUF), Region Gävleborg, Högskolan i Gävle

En concomitancia con la proliferación y consolidación de procesos de integración pudo comprobarse en las últimas décadas un creciente interés de la teoría económica por analizar el significado de la reglamentación del mercado en un contexto de integración.El problema, de ineludible complejidad, distó de conocer un abordaje unívoco y unidireccional. En tal sentido, conviene recalcar que múltiples fueron los enfoques y/o programas de investigación que pusieron atención sobre la importancia de la reglamentación económica en un proceso de integración. Aunque diferenciados, es importante tener en cuenta que los abordajes en cuestión no resultaron en lo general alternativos ni rivales. Una explicación tentativa refiere a que cada uno de ellos reparó por lo general un aspecto en particular, lo cual anima a pensarlos en carácter interconectado y complementario. El presente artículo propone precisamente un escueto recorrido por algunos de tales planteos. En la primera parte del trabajo, se revisan los análisis formulados desde el andamiaje conceptual de la denominada economía política institucional y de las teorías de la inconsistencia temporal y de la información asimétrica. A modo de adelanto, se indica que se tratan de indagaciones orientadas a responder tanto el porqué como las consecuencias de las normas en un mercado integrado. En la segunda parte se escudriñan las proposiciones realizadas desde la teoría de la regulación a propósito de la temática en estudio. Proposiciones, vale apuntar, que centran su atención en asuntos tales como la demanda, los costos y los cambios de la regulación en un contexto económico agregado. Finalmente, se toma nota de aquellas formulaciones que abordan el problema del significado económico de la reglamentación del mercado integrado desde la noción de efectividad. En este marco, se escudriña la relevancia de los mecanismos de resolución de controversias como instancias encargadas de la interpretación y aplicación unívoca y uniforme de las normas de integración. Impulsados en buena parte por los desarrollos teórico-conceptuales de la nueva economía institucional y de la teoría de la inconsistencia temporal, los estudios en la materia advierten sobre la relevancia de la reglamentación en cuanto la reducción de costos de transacción y de información dentro del mercado integrado. Como premisa de partida, la economía política institucional sostiene que toda transacción en el mercado conlleva costos. Intercambiar, en términos abstractos, funciones de preferencia (aquello que satisface más por algo que satisface menos) en consideración del costo de oportunidad (aquello que se deja en cambio por lo que se obtiene) supone costos, los cuales derivan, entre otras cosas, de la búsqueda de la contraparte y de las definiciones relativas al precio, a los tiempos, a las cantidades y a las calidades del bien objeto de la transacción (Cortés Conde, 2005: 10-11). Para que las interacciones se desarrollen de forma eficiente, es necesario diseñar y ejecutar acuerdos o arreglos institucionales. La reglamentación, en breve, reduce los costos de transacción y permite los intercambios en el mercado (North, 1990). En tal sentido, se agrega que "en un entorno económico en el que los costos de realizar transacciones son muy altos, los agentes económicos reducen su nivel de comercio, reduciendo por lo tanto su nivel de bienestar" (Spiller y Tommasi, 2000:427). El problema de los costos resulta potenciado si tales transacciones son realizadas por agentes que operan en espacios diferenciados por fronteras (físicas, político- jurisdiccionales y económico-sociales). Analizar la relevancia de la reglamentación en procesos de integración -cualquiera sea su carácter o nivel (1)- queda de este modo en notable evidencia. En tales contextos, la búsqueda por el aprovechamiento de la liberalización del comercio, los beneficios de las economías de escala y la gestión consensuada de las externalidades han de desarrollarse dentro de un marco de regulaciones que permita reducir las incertidumbres inherentes a toda transacción económica signada tanto por las fronteras ya comentadas como por las distancias temporales. Al reducir entonces los costos de transacción, la reglamentación proyecta un horizonte de previsibilidad sobre los agentes económicos presentes en el mercado económico integrado. En lo referente a la reducción de los costos de información, se advierte que los mercados distan de operar en condiciones de información perfecta. Al respecto, se afirma que no todos los agentes económicos que interactúan en el mercado cuentan con los mismos niveles y recursos de información. La diferencia en la asignación de la información repercute en las decisiones de los agentes económicos y en el modo en que éstos se relacionan. Conforme los postulados de esta teoría, son dos las situaciones que pueden derivarse de esta asignación asimétrica de la información: por un lado, la acción oculta, por otro, el de característica oculta. En la primera, un agente económico conoce las consecuencias de una acción en particular de suma relevancia para el intercambio; en la segunda, en tanto, el agente económico sabe de las condiciones de un bien o valor en particular y se resiste de ex profeso a comunicarla y compartirla. En ambos casos, a la parte desinformada le gustaría conocer la información relevante, pero la parte informada puede tener un incentivo para ocultarla (Mankiw, 2007: 335). Si bien no elimina tales fallas en la asignación de información, la reglamentación en un contexto de integración redundaría en un mejor conocimiento de los procesos y mecanismos regulares que intervienen en ese mercado económico (2). Como se afirmó líneas arriba, la utilidad de toda reglamentación refiere a la reducción de costos, ya sean de transacción, ya sean de información. Sin embargo, no debe descuidarse que el reglar no resulta inocuo o gratuito. La reglamentación, en breve, supone costos inherentes que se identifican y suceden en las diversas dimensiones o facetas del diseño y desarrollo normativo-institucional. En efecto, tanto negociar y generar el uso de reglas, convenciones, pautas como crear y mantener organizaciones que las establezcan y hagan respetar reportan costos, los cuales se agregan a aquellos otros inherentes a la producción y transacción (Cortés Conde, 2005:12). Así las cosas, toda reglamentación puede ser evaluada en clave de racionalidad económica. Esto es, en términos llanos, sopesar las regulaciones en función de sus costos y beneficios. Con este telón de fondo, se señala entonces que una reglamentación es valorada cuando los beneficios marginales superan al de sus costos marginales. Por el contrario, una reglamentación deviene en gravosa si los beneficios que reporta son inferiores a los costos de su mantenimiento. En este punto, el análisis avanza sobre los planteos de la teoría de la regulación económica. Stigler, uno de sus principales referentes, sostiene que las regulaciones son harto valoradas por los agentes económicos en la medida que juegan un rol determinante en su desempeño y beneficios. Con esta premisa de partida, argumenta que los agentes concurren racionalmente al escenario político a fin de activar y "capturar" regulaciones a su favor (3). En sus palabras, "a regulation is acquired by an industry and is designed and operated primarily for its benefit" (Stigler, 1971:5). Según explica, cuatro son las políticas de regulación valoradas y perseguidas por los agentes económicos: (a) subsidio directo de dinero; (b) control sobre nuevos rivales; (c) control sobre los bienes complementarios o sustitutos y (d) fijación de precios. Detrás de estos planteos, es oportuno agregar, subyace la idea de la política –económica, por caso- como una arena de irreparable tensión y conflicto. En tal sentido, se entiende que los agentes buscan el poder coercitivo del regulador para asegurar su posición frente a los otros agentes. Las consideraciones de Stigler respecto a la regulación de mercado nacional pueden traducirse sin mayor dificultad al caso de mercados ampliados. En el marco de los procesos de integración, las partes -Estados, regiones, economías, en general- y agentes varios acuden a los órganos de decisión a fin de obtener regulaciones que se correspondan con los intereses particulares. De la misma manera, se advierte que las cuatro políticas recién comentadas pueden identificarse claramente. La búsqueda por subsidios, por controles sobre rivales o bienes sustitutos y complementarios y hasta por la fijación misma de precios se constituye en una práctica recurrente de los actores en un proceso de integración. Diversos son los instrumentos que cuentan los procesos de integración para impulsar tales políticas. Desde luego, las herramientas político-comerciales (medidas arancelarias y para-arancelarias; decisiones sobre liberalización, reconocimiento mutuo, armonización) se constituyen en las más gravitantes en estos casos. A pesar de ello, no debe descuidarse la importancia de otros resortes de la política económica (decisiones sobre el esquema impositivo, sistema financiero). El espectro de tales políticas se amplía a medida que se avanza en el grado de integración. De ahí, entonces que los planteos aquí expuestos encuentren en la Unión Europea un ámbito rico en ejemplificaciones tentativas. Por último, conviene aquí agregar que el éxito de los agentes en hacerse de regulaciones afines a sus intereses en un mercado integrado depende a priori de dos variables: en primer término, de la configuración institucional del proceso de integración; en segundo término -y estrechamente vinculado a lo anterior-, de la "receptividad" o "permeabilidad" de las instancias decisorias respecto a las demandas de los agentes en particular. Ante este panorama, reviste importancia subrayar que evaluar la reglamentación en un contexto de integración conforme el cálculo racional de costo-beneficio no se limita a indagar las ganancias y pérdidas entre las economías partes. La operación, de hecho, ha de realizarse también en términos desagregados, esto es, entre los diferentes sectores y agentes al interior de cada uno de los Estados participantes del mercado integrado. No debe descuidarse al respecto que la reglamentación no afecta sólo a las partes en términos macro sino también a cada uno de los agentes que en ellas operan. Aunque en apariencia verdad de perogrullo, lo antedicho reviste notable importancia a la luz de los procesos relativos a la demanda, definición, adopción y cambio de la reglamentación económica en un mercado ampliado. En este punto, especial mención merecen las formulaciones de Milner quien evalúa las interrelaciones entre los Estados y las instituciones económicas internacionales. Según plantea, los gobiernos invocan y recurren frecuentemente a las regulaciones generadas en el marco de instituciones internacionales para impulsar políticas resistidas en el ámbito doméstico. En determinadas ocasiones, la participación en tales instituciones respondería a la lógica inversa. En este último caso, son las preferencias domésticas quienes condicionan y limitan el carácter y los resultados posibles de las instituciones económicas internacionales (Peters, 2003:201). Cabe remarcar que el resultado en negativo de la evaluación costo-beneficio de una reglamentación de mercado no implica señalar la modificación y caducidad inminente de la misma. A propósito, es menester señalar que el cambio de una reglamentación abre nuevamente el juego de todos aquellos actores cuyos comportamientos se conoce afectado por la norma. En efecto, las tensiones entre agentes, sosegadas momentáneamente tras la adopción de la reglamentación reaparece ante la posibilidad de realizar un nuevo reparto de ganadores y perdedores del nuevo esquema normativo. Hasta aquí, se reparó sobre los aspectos más salientes en lo referente al porqué y a los procesos de demanda, definición y distribución de las reglas en el marco de un proceso de integración. Es momento entonces de avanzar sobre la problemática de la efectividad –el respeto u observancia, si se quiere- de tales reglas. En razón de ello, se analiza la relevancia de las instancias institucionales encargadas de monitorear y hacer cumplir las reglas inherentes al fenómeno de integración. Se entiende en tal sentido que el estudio del significado de la reglamentación en un mercado integrado no resulta completo si no toma nota de los mecanismos de enforcement institucional previstos por los decisores políticos en tiempos constitutivos a fin de interpretar y observar la aplicación uniforme de la norma en caso de divergencia o controversia entre los diversos agentes participantes del proceso de integración. A los fines del trabajo, se entiende que tres son al menos lecturas posibles que refieren a la relevancia de tales mecanismos en un contexto de integración. Cimentado en lo basal en conceptualizaciones propias de la teoría política, el primer abordaje a considerar remarca la relevancia de los mecanismos de resolución de controversias para que la empresa de la integración se conduzca dentro la lógica de acción cooperativa. Al sancionar –esto es, imponer costos- a los comportamientos lejanos y/o contrarios a lo pautado, tales mecanismos procuran mantener el proceso de integración dentro de un cuadro "ganancia-ganancia", alejando y constriñendo en lo consecuente todo accionar orientado por la lógica de juego de suma cero (Peña, 2002). En palabras de Maduro, "Mandatory dispute-resolution would provide all parties involved the guarantee that none will be allowed to evade the application of the rules accepted as good for all in the co-operation process. The function of a quasi-jurisdictional system would be the prevention of free riders" (Maduro, 2002: 52). De este modo, los mecanismos de resolución de controversias permiten ratificar que el proceso de integración se maneje por una dinámica de reglas (rule-oriented process) en lugar de una lógica signada por las realidades de poder (power-oriented process) (Peña, 2003). El interés por el accionar de estos mecanismos remite, desde luego, a la gestión de los mentados conflictos de reparto suscitados por la adopción e interpretación de reglas en el marco de la cooperación. Se señala al respecto que la existencia de un enforcement institucional supone que el abordaje de los conflictos (desde sus inicios hasta su solución) no suponga la imposición de la voluntad del actor más poderoso, sino el seguimiento de pautas o reglas concertadas por todas las partes en momentos anteriores. Las formulaciones de Peña resultan nuevamente elusivas al respecto, "aperturas parciales de mercado –es decir, no protegidas jurisdiccionalmente contra la propensión de cualquier país a recurrir a prácticas unilaterales discriminatorias y contrarias a lo pactado- entre naciones contiguas y de distinta dimensión económica, pueden ser un incentivo a la concentración de inversiones en él o los de mayor tamaño relativo, a fin de operar desde allí en el resto del espacio económico contiguo". (Peña: 2007). Particular relevancia tiene lo antedicho en aquellos procesos de integración signados por la asimetría de sus partes. La experiencia del Mercosur es elusiva al respecto. Las disparidades de los Estados partes en términos de gravitación económica y de recursos de poder, en general (Brasil y Argentina, por un lado y Paraguay y Uruguay, por otro) suponen grandes desafíos a la empresa de integración. Aún la relación entre Argentina y Brasil, los socios de mayor peso relativo en el proceso de integración, reporta carácter asimétrico. La imperiosidad de una instancia capaz de sortear los conflictos fue advertida desde los tiempos momentos fundacionales del proceso de integración. De hecho, el anexo III del Tratado de Asunción encomendaba a los Estados partes la institucionalización de un mecanismo de resolución de controversias, mandato concretado con la firma de los protocolos de Brasilia y de Ouro Preto, los cuales establecen sucesivos sistemas de resolución de controversias, ambos en carácter provisorio. En febrero de 2002, los Estados partes reconocieron la imperiosidad de mejorar el mecanismo de resolución de controversias hasta vigente con la firma del Protocolo de Olivos. Igualmente relevantes para corregir las asimetrías de entre los Estados son los profusos mecanismos de resolución de controversias instituidos en el marco del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN) (5) y el Tribunal de Justicia de las Comunidades Europeas (TJCE) -junto al Tribunal de Primera Instancia- en el contexto de integración europeo, particularmente tras los sucesivos procesos de ampliación. Desde un abordaje eminentemente económico, se advierte que tales mecanismos revisten especial importancia en lo referente a la proyección de la credibilidad del mercado integrado. Tal proyección, vale señalar, no se limita sólo a los agentes participantes del proceso de integración sino también a agentes operadores allende las fronteras del mercado integrado en cuestión. En coincidencia con el análisis de Peña, se argumenta que es precisamente el desempeño de estos mecanismos el responsable de que las reglas de integración no sean consideradas por los ciudadanos, los inversores y los terceros países como meras formulaciones indicativas sino también como compromisos exigibles ante instancias jurisdiccionales. Al reconocer la posibilidad de recurrir a mecanismos de resolución de controversias ante desvíos y/o contravenciones de la reglamentación vigente en el mercado integrado, los agentes económicos operan en un marco de certidumbre. Por tal motivo, se subraya que el accionar de estos mecanismos reviste especial importancia para el problema de la distribución asimétrica de la información. En su actividad de interpretar, aclarar y ratificar la naturaleza y alcances de la reglamentación vigente las instancias de resolución de diferendos producen y distribuyen conocimientos sobre el desempeño de las partes del proceso y del cumplimiento de los compromisos por los Estados asumidos. Por último, y no por ello menos importante, se reconoce una lectura basada en formulaciones propias del Derecho. Conforme esta interpretación, los mecanismos de resolución de controversias reportan capital importancia para los procesos de integración puesto que imprimen uniformidad a la interpretación y aplicación de la reglas dentro del espacio económico integrado. Así las cosas, se destaca la relevancia de las instancias de resolución de controversias para la perdurabilidad de la empresa de integración. Ciertamente, su accionar remite a la restauración o reparación del orden normativo quebrantado por el alejamiento, la contravención o las diferencias sobre la misma interpretación de lo pautado. No son casuales entonces que no sean pocos los autores quienes identifican a los mecanismos de resolución de controversias como elementos precursores, indicativos de una institucionalización constitucional. (1) Respecto al carácter, se señala que los procesos de integración pueden clasificarse en bilaterales o multilaterales. En lo relavito al nivel, se menciona que conforme la teoría de la integración los procesos pueden diferenciarse en diversos niveles o estadios: acuerdo preferencial de comercio, zona de libre comercio, unión aduanera, mercado común, unión económica. (2) El lector avezado bien podría llamar la atención sobre las asimetrías de información respecto la reglamentación misma. En tal sentido, es menester advertir que los agentes conocen en diferente grado y calidad las reglas que intervienen en el mercado integrado. Aunque de sumo interés, la problemática en cuestión excede a los objetivos del presente trabajo, posponiendo su desarrollo para estudios venideros.(3) Al respecto, y atendiendo las consideraciones espacio-temporales del trabajo, se afirma solamente que el debate por el reparto de los recursos de la Política Agrícola Común (PAC) o de los propios fondos estructurales bien puede identificarse con la primera de las políticas señaladas en la tipología de Stigler.(4) NAFTA, por sus siglas en inglés.Sobre el autorDoctor en Relaciones Internacionales. Docente de Economía Internacional en la Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Nacional de Rosario (UNR). Becario Postdoctoral del Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET). Referencias bibliográficasCortés Conde, Roberto (2005), Historia Económica Mundial, 2º ed., Buenos Aires, Ariel.Kydland, F. y Prescott, E. (1977), "Rules Rather than Discretion: The Inconsistency of Optimal Plans", Journal of Political Economy, Volume 85, Issue 3, June. Disponible en http://minneapolisfed.org/research/prescott/papers/rulesdiscretion.pdf (consultado en marzo de 2008).Maduro, Miguel (2002), "The Constitution of the Global Market", en Snyder, F (ed.), The International and Regional Regulation of Trade, Oxford, Hart Publishing. Mankiw, Gregory (2007), Principios de Economía, cuarta Edición, Madrid, Thomson. North, Douglass (1990), Instituciones, cambio institucional y desempeño económico, FCE, México.Peña, Félix (2002), "Reglas de juego, instituciones e integración económica: Reflexiones en una perspectiva del MERCOSUR", artículo disponible en página web del autor , consultado en mayo de 2008. --- (2003), "Concertación de intereses, efectividad de las reglas de juego y calidad institucional en el MERCOSUR", Programa de apoyo y asesoría al Foro Consultivo Económico y Social del MERCOSUR (Red de Investigaciones Económicas del MERCOSUR) y Programa Estado de Derecho para Sudamérica (Fundación Honrad Adenauer), artículo disponible en página web de la Red de Investigaciones Económicas del MERCOSUR , consultado junio de 2008.Peters, Guy (2003), El nuevo institucionalismo. La teoría institucional en Ciencia Política, Barcelona, Gedisa Editorial.Spiller, Pablo y Tommasi, Mariano, (2000) "El funcionamiento de las instituciones políticas y las políticas públicas en Argentina: una aproximación de la nueva economía institucional", Desarrollo Económico – Revista de Ciencias Sociales (Buenos Aires), Vol. 40. Nº 159, octubre – diciembre.Stigler, George (1971), "The Theory of economic regulation", Bell Journal of Economics and Managment Science, vol. 2 n. 1, Spring.

IntroducciónLa democracia y la alternancia son dos conceptos que se complementan en el tiempo. Es decir, no poseen ni pueden poseer un significado analítico estático. En ese marco, definimos democracia como la sucesión de los momentos analíticos A+B+C, donde el momento del ejercicio electoral es B. A es anterior al proceso electoral y C es el momento posterior. A se comprende como el momento donde se construye la igualdad entre todas las partes o personas. C es el momento donde se confirma y consolida el significado de igualdad ya que el proceso electoral acontecido en B supuso la elección de una mayoría que gobierna y una minoría que controla como consecuencia del principio de igualdad establecido en A. Este es el punto analítico central de la construcción de la democracia liberal por oposición a la democracia plebiscitaria: las mayorías y minorías se conforman en B a partir de la sumatoria de partes iguales establecida en A y es ese proceso igualitario (con mayorías y minorías) el cual se consolida en C.Parte I: Democracia ¿Es el ejercicio del voto un momento estático o dinámico en la idea de Democracia? El momento del voto es dinámico porque no se puede entender fuera del proceso anterior y posterior al día de la elección, momentos donde impera el principio de igualdad. Es decir, hay una elección donde quien obtiene, por ejemplo, 60 votos gobierna y quien obtiene 40 votos controla, porque se asume anterior y posteriormente el principio de igualdad. Como mencionamos, A es el momento analítico anterior a la votación, B es el momento de la votación y C es el momento analítico posterior. En nuestra definición la democracia se concibe como A+B+C. La democracia es un proceso donde el ejercicio del voto no tiene sentido político ni analítico por fuera del principio de igualdad en A y C.Así, quien obtiene 60 votos en el momento B gobierna porque en A cada uno de los 60 votantes eran iguales a cada uno de los otros 40. A su vez, la relación analítica entre A y B hace políticamente imposible intentar maniatar en el momento C los derechos de quienes obtuvieron 40. Quienes han construido una mayoría de 60 son iguales a quienes han construido una minoría de 40. No es posible sostener en el momento C que 60 tiene "derecho" a limitar a 40 porque su legitimidad deviene de B. Dado que B no es (cuando sucede) solo B sino A+B, los derechos de 60 y 40 son los mismos en el momento C. (1)Podemos recurrir a un ejemplo contemporáneo en América Latina. En distintos países, se han desarrollado procesos electorales donde los ganadores han aprovechado su victoria electoral en B para intentar modificar en C las reglas de juego. Mas precisamente, han intentando modificar la Constitución, argumentando para ello la legitimidad que les daba obtener la mayoría en el momento B. En países como Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador o Nicaragua, se han sucedido procesos de reforma constitucional que aspiraron y lograron en C introducir modificaciones que buscaban limitar los derechos de las minorías. En parte, esos procesos políticos han sido y son exitosos porque las mayorías han logrado establecer la creencia que el proceso electoral es en la democracia ajeno al principio de igualdad en A y C. Es decir, esas mayorías han logrado tergiversar el principio de igualdad y han establecido que B es capaz de modificar derechos en C porque B es autónomo de A. Es por eso que sistemáticamente se confunde la legitimidad democrática de líderes (como por ejemplo el Presidente de Venezuela Hugo Chávez) valiéndose de sus sucesivos triunfos electorales (en el caso de Chávez, 19 procesos electorales desde 1998 con 18 triunfos y una derrota). Para la versión plebiscitaria de la democracia, son los triunfos electorales los que legitiman a Chávez a implementar cualquier tipo de reformas y serán las hipotéticas derrotas electorales las que le impedirán proseguir su programa. Para esta visión, todo depende de los sucesivos B's. El principio de igualdad en A y C ha quedado perimido o maniatado. La democracia es una construcción estática en un momento electoral B. Los momentos anteriores y posteriores son meros episodios donde se implementan las decisiones tomadas en B. Dado que analítica y políticamente A no posee relevancia, el momento C posterior a la elección no es percibido como un momento donde las minorías tienen los mismos derechos que las mayorías sino, en cambio, es asumido como un momento donde se confirma que mayorías y minorías son distintas (dado que B ha construido para ellos, autónomamente, derechos distintos). Aquello que en B es la sumatoria de partes iguales deviene, en los procesos plebiscitarios-populistas, en un posterior momento C donde la sumatoria de partes iguales se transforma en la existencia de partes con derechos distintos. Esta evidente distorsión de la democracia se ha consolidado.Parte II: Alternancia El papel de la alternancia en la calidad de la democracia se encuentra en parte subestimado. Asumamos una polis con dos expresiones partidarias: A y B. Se ha pensado a la alternancia como un estado de cosas donde A le traspasa el poder a B. Sin embargo, el concepto de alternancia supone mayor complejidad: primero, como mencionamos, la alternancia no es estática sino dinámica. Es decir, no es el mero acto por el cual un presidente de un partido o coalición A le entrega la banda presidencial a un representante de B. En cambio, la alternancia supone un proceso que comienza en un momento donde A y B se enfrentan en elecciones competitivas, continua en la transición (de A a B), prosigue en el ejercicio que A y B hagan tanto del poder como de la oposición y termina cuando B le entregue el poder a otra expresión política (en nuestro ejemplo A, pero solo es relevante que sea no-B. Es decir, puede ser A, C o D). Paso seguido, podemos ver que una versión mas compleja de alternancia supone dos procesos electorales y dos traspasos de mando en un marco de estabilidad. La cuestión de la estabilidad es relevante porque, por ejemplo en América latina, enfrentamos situaciones donde la posibilidad de alcanzar el poder no necesariamente supone la posibilidad de ejercerlo eficientemente.Luego, una adecuada definición de alternancia tiene como condición necesaria el traspaso del poder de A a B, el eficiente ejercicio del poder por parte de B (2) y su posterior traspaso a A. El papel de la eficiencia en el ejercicio del poder es relevante como condición necesaria de una democracia de alta calidad ya que ello supone la existencia de elecciones competitivas y la posibilidad de la oposición de acceder al poder y administrarlo con los atributos suficientes.Es necesario remarcar el papel analítico que supone para la calidad de la democracia el ejercicio de la oposición que hagan alternadamente A y B. Es decir, el papel de la alternancia deviene relevante cuando aceptamos que una democracia de mayor calidad radica tanto en el ejercicio eficiente que se haga del poder como en el ejercicio eficiente que se haga de la oposición por parte de A y B. Este punto ha sido subestimado: cuando hablamos de ejercicio del poder lo hacemos pensando en el uso que de él se hace desde el gobierno y no en el uso que de él se hace desde la oposición. Luego, para que A y B demuestren responsabilidad en el ejercicio del poder deben también demostrar capacidad en el ejercicio de la oposición y, para ello, la alternancia deviene necesaria.Podemos recurrir a 3 ejemplos para pensar en perspectiva comparada. Argentina, Chile y Uruguay han recorrido un período de tiempo prudencial desde la recuperación de la democracia que hace posible la comparación. Argentina recuperó la democracia en 1983, Uruguay en 1985 y Chile en 1990.A partir de la recuperación democrática en 1983 asume la presidencia argentina el radical Raúl Alfonsin, quien no completa su mandato y entrega anticipadamente el poder en julio de 1989 al peronista Carlos Menem. Menem reforma la Constitución en 1994 para hacerse reelegir en 1995 y entregarle el poder en 1999 al radical Fernando de la Rua. Este no termina su mandato y renuncia en la profunda crisis política, económica y social de diciembre de 2001. La Asamblea Legislativa nombra al senador de la Provincia de Buenos Aires Eduardo Duhalde, quien entrega el poder al peronista Néstor Kirchner en 2003. Este le traspasa el poder a su esposa Cristina Fernández de Kirchner en 2007.La principal pregunta que deja la democracia argentina contemporánea no es sobre el fracaso de los distintos procesos sino sobre la imposibilidad de aprender de ellos. 28 años de democracia han sido suficientes para alcanzar consideraciones parciales: los actores políticos no han podido articular mínimos consensos tácitos.Más aún, si se analiza a partir de la descripción analítica anterior, la historia política argentina revela la ausencia de alternancia no sólo desde la recuperación democrática de 1983 sino desde sus inicios constitucionales. Argentina sancionó su Constitución en 1853-60. (3) Los conservadores ganaron sucesivamente las elecciones mediante el fraude desde la presidencia de Bartolomé Mitre (1862-1868) hasta la implementación en 1916 del voto universal, secreto y obligatorio, cuando alcanzara el poder el radical Hipólito Irigoyen. Como mencionamos, una condición necesaria no suficiente para la alternancia es la existencia de elecciones transparentes y competitivas. Eso sucedió en 1916, 1922 y 1928, pero el triunfo perteneció al mismo partido político, la Unión Cívica Radical. Entre 1930 y 1946 gobernaron fraudulentamente distintas alianzas entre militares y civiles. En 1946 llega por primera vez al poder el Coronel Juan Domingo Perón. En 1949 reforma la Constitución para poder ser reelecto en 1952. En 1955 Perón es derrocado y la democracia regresa en 1958 cuando es elegido el radical Arturo Frondizi (el peronismo fue proscrito entre 1955 y 1972).Frondizi fue derrocado en 1962. Se celebraron elecciones en 1963, alcanzando la presidencia el radical Arturo Illia, quien fuera derrocado en 1966. La democracia se recupera en 1973. Asume por pocas semanas el mandatado por Perón, Héctor Campora. En el mismo año asume la fórmula Perón-Perón. El General muere en 1974 y su viuda, Maria Estela Martínez, es derrocada en 1976. Como mencionamos, la democracia se recupera definitivamente en 1983 (4). Como es posible ver, la historia política argentina no posee alternancia. En ningún momento de la historia moderna un partido A, habiendo ganado elecciones libres y competitivas, le traspasa el poder a un partido B, quien, después de gobernar eficientemente, le traspasa el poder a otro partido. Por su parte, ¿Cual ha sido el desempeño de Uruguay en el periodo 1985-2010? Uruguay ha enfrentado dos procesos de alternancia basado en su antiguo bipartidismo y un tercer proceso inconcluso a partir de la nueva configuración partidaria que ha supuesto la aparición de un tercer actor como es la coalición de izquierdas Frente Amplio. Por un lado, tanto la primera transición del gobierno colorado en 1990 como la transición del gobierno blanco en 1995 han sido eficientes. Por otro lado, la aparición de un nuevo actor políticamente relevante como el Frente Amplio ha generado un nuevo marco donde todavía falta concretar dos pasos para la consolidación de la alternancia: traspasarle el poder a un presidente de la oposición y que este termine su mandato eficientemente.Sin embargo, es necesario marcar que la ausencia de alternancia plena en el Uruguay contemporáneo responde a la consolidación de la coalición de izquierdas como el principal factor de poder. Es decir, el interrogante que le queda responder a la sólida democracia uruguaya es cómo el Frente Amplio desempeña el rol opositor después de dejar el poder. Si bien se conoce como se ha desempeñado en la oposición en el periodo 1985-2005, el hipotético rol opositor que le tocará en el futuro se dará en un marco donde habrá ya gobernado por lo menos dos períodos de gobierno obteniendo en ambas ocasiones alrededor del 50% de los votos. (5)A su vez, la experiencia chilena se encuentra en camino de terminar un proceso de alternancia de alta calidad. Desde la recuperación democrática en 1990 se sucedieron 4 gobiernos de la Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia, una coalición de centro izquierda formada por el Partido Demócrata Cristiano (PDC), el Partido Socialista (PS), el Partido Radical (PR) y el Partido por la Democracia (PPD). Los dos primeros gobiernos fueron presididos por los democristianos Patricio Aylwin Azocar (1990-1994) y Eduardo Frei Ruiz Tagle (1994-2000) y los dos segundos por los líderes socialistas Ricardo Lagos Escobar (2000-2006) y Michelle Bachelet Jeria (2006-2010). Así, podemos ver que primero la alternancia sucedió dentro de los dos partidos principales de la coalición que habían estado históricamente enfrentados (mas dramáticamente, en la caída del gobierno constitucional del socialista Salvador Allende (1970-73) (6).Sin embargo, no es posible pensar la dinámica partidaria acontecida dentro de la Concertación en sus 20 años de gobierno como un proceso de alternancia. En el periodo 1989-2006 se sucedieron 4 elecciones libres y competitivas pero no se ha dado la alternancia. Las elecciones presidenciales de 2009 posibilitaron la llegada por primera vez al poder de la coalición de centro derecha Alianza por Chile (ahora llamada Coalición por el Cambio). Por ende, nuestra definición de alternancia alcanzaría a la notable experiencia chilena cuando la actual coalición le traspasare el poder a un opositor (ello solo sucedería en 2014 si la oposición triunfara en los comicios presidenciales. En el caso de un triunfo de la coalición de centro derecha gobernante, la confirmación de la existencia de alternancia se prolongaría en el tiempo. Nótese que esa hipotética ausencia de alternancia en la experiencia chilena no menoscaba la alta calidad de su democracia, por lo que sería posible encontrar ejemplos donde democracias sin procesos consolidados de alternancia poseen mayor calidad institucional que otras que han completado dicho proceso).Consideraciones finalesA partir de la experiencia contemporánea chilena, podemos ver que la existencia de consensos mínimos incentiva a los electores a pensar racionalmente en votar alternativas dado que el cambio supone menos riesgos. A su vez, esto conlleva que si una alternativa alcanza el poder, es mayor la posibilidad que concluya su mandato exitosamente. Esto genera nuevos incentivos a la posibilidad de la alternancia. Paso seguido, sería posible ligar el círculo virtuoso de la alternancia a la paridad de los resultados electorales. Es decir, en un marco donde se han acordado consensos mínimos, una hipotética paridad electoral no sólo no genera dudas sobre la gobernabilidad sino que incentiva la búsqueda de más acuerdos.Por el contrario, ámbitos políticos como el argentino, donde el recorrido democrático no ha logrado alcanzar consensos mínimos, potencia escenarios electorales donde las partes y los ciudadanos perciben la paridad como un potencial problema para la gobernabilidad. En ese marco, una elección presidencial que suponga un partido A con 45% de los votos y un partido B con 42% genera incertidumbres. En cambio, si A y B hubieran alcanzado en 27 años de democracia, tácita o explícitamente, acuerdos mínimos sobre el funcionamiento de un polis virtuosa, sería posible interpretar que 45% mas 42% del electorado coincide en un conjunto relevante de políticas. En un marco donde los disensos son mas estructurales que los consensos, la democracia enfrenta en el mediano plazo mecanismos que complican un escenario de paridad. Por ejemplo, el federalismo argentino ha contribuido a profundizar los disensos. ¿En que medida ha sido esto causa o consecuencia? Un federalismo de baja calidad (asimétrico y donde las provincias mas pequeñas se encuentran sobre-representadas) ha consolidado un escenario político donde los actores no han sabido cómo construir acuerdos mínimos. Desde esta perspectiva, el federalismo ha contribuido como consecuencia al deterioro institucional argentino. Paso seguido, ¿En que ha contribuido como causa? En el fortalecimiento de la lógica neo-autoritaria que recorre distintas provincias. Esta lógica descansa en la asimetría electoral como virtud: sistemáticamente es posible ver como el partido A supera al partido B por cifras que denotan la existencia de una polis electoralmente no competitiva. A su vez, estas democracias locales asimétricas son sistemáticamente presentadas como expresión de una administración exitosa. Más aún, los actores en pugna no han siquiera buscado articular un argumento contra la consolidación de esta distorsión de la democracia: cuando A obtiene 70% y B 30% no estamos en presencia de un gobierno provincial exitoso sino de una democracia de baja calidad. Como demuestran los procesos electorales en Chile y Uruguay, los gobiernos exitosos no obtienen 70% y ganan por 40 puntos. Dado que parte del éxito de un gobierno es consolidar la diversidad que supone toda sociedad compleja, muchos gobiernos exitosos apenas superan el 40% de los votos, generalmente no alcanzan el 50% y, en distintas experiencias, ganan con una moderada distancia en balotaje. Como mencionamos, parte del éxito de un gobierno es obtener un resultado electoral que refleje tanto su aceptación social como la existencia de una polis compleja y, por lo tanto, plural.Democracia y alternancia son conceptos que adquieren un significado analítico relevante en el tiempo. La democracia construye la igualdad en sucesivos episodios. La alternancia alcanza su significado dentro de la democracia y deviene una condición necesaria no suficiente para la consolidación de una polis de alta calidad. Las experiencias contemporáneas comparadas de Argentina, Chile y Uruguay ayudan a comprender que el tiempo ha generado círculos virtuosos y viciosos del consenso y del disenso donde las democracias aprenden y des-aprenden.(1) La relación analítica entre democracia e igualdad es parte central de la filosofía política clásica. La filosofía política contemporánea ha introducido una variante sofisticada: la relación analítica principal ha pasado a ser entre justicia e igualdad. Las teorías de la democracia han dejado su lugar a las teorías de justicia. La filosofía política contemporánea se podría resumir como un largo dialogo con John Rawls y su Teoría de Justicia. Ver Rawls, John (1971): "A Theory of Justice". Cambridge, Harvard University Press.(2) El eficiente ejercicio del poder no significa necesariamente la existencia de un período de gobierno exitoso pero sí de un período de gobierno no traumático.(3) Se denomina la Constitución de 1853-60 porque fue formalmente sancionada en la ciudad de Santa Fe en 1853 pero la provincia de Buenos Aires (la más poderosa de la Confederación Argentina) se avino a formar parte de la nación en 1860.(4) Ver Botana, Natalio y Ezequiel Gallo (1997): "De la república posible a la república verdadera". Editorial Ariel. Buenos Aires-Argentina. Oszlak, Oscar (1997): "La formación del Estado Argentino. Origen, Progreso y Desarrollo Nacional". Editorial Planeta. Buenos Aires-Argentina. Capítulo 1. Desde otra perspectiva ideología a la de Oszlak, ver Floria, Carlos y Cesar García Belsunce (2009): "Historia de los Argentinos". Editorial El Ateneo. Buenos Aires, Argentina. Un análisis de la Argentina contemporánea puede verse en Novaro, Marcos (2010): "Historia de la Argentina, 1955-2010". Siglo XIX Editores. Buenos Aires-Argentina.(5) Una rigurosa introducción al proceso de renovación en la coalición de izquierdas puede verse en Muir, Rick (2005): "The Long March of the uruguayan left. Ideological and programmatic change in comparative perspective," en Bicentenario. Revista de Historia de Chile y America. Vol 4, Nro 2.(6) La exitosa experiencia chilena ha sido ampliamente estudiada. Por ejemplo, puede verse Walker, Ignacio (1992): "Socialismo y Democracia. Chile y Europa en Perspectiva Comparada". CIEPLAN-Hachette. Santiago-Chile. José Rodríguez Elizondo ha escrito un muy buen ensayo (1995): "Crisis y Renovación de las Izquierdas: De la revolución cubana a Chiapas, pasando por 'el caso chileno'". Editorial Andrés Bello. Santigo-Chile.*Profesor Invitado, Depto. Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.Profesor adjunto de Ciencia Política en la Universidad Abierta Interamericana de Buenos Aires.Master en Filosofía Política, London School of Economics and Political Science.

Inhaltsangabe: Abstract: The US subprime-crisis became a headline in the global media starting in February 2007 after the US housing market had already shown first signs of a slowdown in late 2006. Previously, the US housing market had enjoyed a favorable environment, especially from 2002 to 2005, which was characterized by low interest rates, rising house values, and increasing home financing possibilities through subprime mortgages. However, more and more events were published during the year by US mortgage brokers, international investment banks, and central banks around the world that presented a picture which caused today's perception of the subprime-crisis. What's more, the subprime-crisis is far from being over: an end to the crisis is not yet in sight. One rather unique characteristic of this crisis is that its actual basis is the delinquencies and defaults of subprime single-family home mortgages in the US which is commonly not regarded to be of great relevance for the international capital markets. However, taking into account the originate and distribute business model of US mortgage brokers in connection with the securitization of these mortgages into various types of securities that are traded on a global basis, it is not surprising to observe that banks and investment funds around the world were invested into these securities. Before the crisis started, only a few banks or funds considered the liquidity of these securities when investing significant amounts of money in them because they focused on maximizing their returns. But, when larger problems in the US subprime mortgage market became evident, liquidity became the major concern for investors and investor preferences significantly shifted to safer assets such as government bonds. This caused severe problems in the money market, which ultimately brought the crisis across the Atlantic to Europe. Moreover, funding problems emerged and caused the first bank run in Europe in decades when depositors in Britain started to queue outside Northern Rock branches for hours to withdraw their deposits in light of fears that the bank might have to file for bankruptcy. In addition, another British bank had been in the spotlight earlier that year because HSBC was the first European bank to announce a billion dollar write-off linked to its exposure to subprime mortgages. Taking into consideration the subprime-crisis-related events in Europe, the British banking market can be characterized as the only banking market in Europe where the subprime crisis caused banks to substantially write down subprime-related assets on the one hand but where severe funding problems even led to a bank run that had to be bailed out by the central bank and the government on the other hand. Consequently, the British banking market can be considered to be the European banking market with the highest impact of the subprime-crisis and is, therefore, worth analyzing in detail. The objective of this thesis is to discuss the reasons for the emergence of the subprime-crisis and to empirically examine whether the subprime-crisis had an impact on the British Banking sector. The empirical analysis consists of two different approaches whereas an event study measures the short-term impact of certain news. The performance of the British banking sector in the full year 2007 is analyzed in a second approach that focuses on the long-term impact of the subprime-crisis. In addition, the paper provides an overview on the development of the subprime-crisis in 2007 based on a detailed description of the underlying fundamental market characteristics. In order to empirically measure the impact of the subprime-crisis on British banks, an event study will be conducted. Event studies are a widely-used empirical methodology in economics and finance to examine the impact of certain events: they are considered to be the standard method to measure security price reactions. An event study is an empirical study that measures if specific events have a significant impact on certain stock prices by calculating abnormal stock returns around predefined events. In this regard, an abnormal return is the difference between the actual return in the market and the expected return according to a return generating model. A common assumption in this regard is that positive events lead to positive abnormal returns whereas negative events cause the abnormal returns to be negative. Consequently, important news relating to the subprime-crisis will be categorized as positive or negative and its impact on stock returns will be determined. The event study, as well as the timeline of the subprime-crisis, include events from January 1, 2007 to December 31, 2007. The analysis of the year-round performance of the British banking sector in 2007 is conducted in addition to the event study and follows a different methodology. In contrast to the analysis of the impact of individual events, this approach deals with the performance of British banks and compares this to the performance of an alternative non-bank portfolio. Key to this analysis is that both portfolios have the same risk and return characteristics at the beginning of 2007 that have been determined through a backtesting of the portfolios' performance in 2006. Course of the Investigation: In the second chapter, important fundamentals of the subprime-crisis will be examined. These fundamentals explain how an environment was able to develop in the last decades that lay the foundation for today's crisis. In Chapter 2.1, an overview about the development and the structure of the US subprime mortgage market will be presented before specific characteristics of subprime mortgages will be outlined in 2.2. The unique business model of mortgage brokers is depicted subsequently. The last segments of Chapter 2 specify complex financial instruments that enabled the subprime-crisis to spread around the world and explain why the securitization process leads to high-risk securities. Chapter 3 specifically describes the development of the subprime-crisis in 2007. After presenting an overview about the situation of the US housing market up to 2007 in 3.1, a timeline about last year's subprime-crisis is outlined in 3.2, and the impact on international capital markets is discussed in 3.3. Chapter 3.4 focuses on the consequences for British banks and the actions of the British financial regulatory environment. An empirical analysis of the subprime-crisis is conducted in Chapter 4. A general overview about event studies and their historic development is presented in 4.1. After deducing the typical framework of an event study in 4.2, the relevant British banks in line with its market index as well as relevant news for the event study are determined in Chapter 4.3. The actual event study that analyzes the impact of the subprime-crisis on British banks will be presented in Chapter 4.4. Additionally, a comparison of the performance of a bank portfolio with an alternative non-bank portfolio is given in 4.5. Finally, Chapter 5 contains a summary of the theoretical concepts and the empirical results and gives an outlook about a potential development of the subprime-crisis, capital markets, and specifically the British banking market. Ideas for further research are also presented.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: LIST OF FIGURESI LIST OF TABLESII LIST OF ABBREVIATIONSIII 1.INTRODUCTION1 1.1Motivation and Objective1 1.2Course of the Investigation3 2.FUNDAMENTALS OF THE SUBPRIME-CRISIS4 2.1The US Housing and Subprime Mortgage Market4 2.2Characteristics ofSubprime Mortgages7 2.3Business Model of US Mortgage Brokers9 2.4Financial Instruments Underlying the Subprime-Crisis10 2.5Consequences of the Fragmented Securitization Process14 3.THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SUBPRIME-CRISIS15 3.1Situation of the US Housing Market up to200715 3.2Timeline of the Subprime-Crisis in 200717 3.3Spillover Effects from the Mortgage Market to the Global Capital Markets21 3.4Consequences for the British Banking Market22 4.EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS ABOUT THE SUBPRIME-CRISIS27 4.1History and Overview of Event Studies27 4.2Framework of an Event Study28 4.3Selection of Relevant Data31 4.3.1British Banks and Market Index31 4.3.2News about Private Financial Institutions and Central Banks32 4.4Event Study About the Subprime-Crisis34 4.4.1Event Study Methodology34 4.4.2Formulation and Testing of Hypotheses36 4.4.3Interpretation of Results37 4.5Year-round Performance of the British Banking Sector in 200740 5.SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION43 REFERENCES45 APPENDIXES51Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3.2,Timeline of the Subprime-Crisis in 2007: In February 2007, the first signs appeared that subprime mortgage brokers were in trouble as ResMae Mortgage filed for bankruptcy and Nova Star Financial reported a loss that was not expected by analysts. It was also the beginning of European banks having to announce losses that were caused by the subprime-crisis. HSBC reported losses of Dollar 10.5bn in its mortgage finance subsidiary in the US and, consequently, fired the head of that particular division. Problems of US mortgage brokers became more and more evident in March 2007 as People's Choice was the next mortgage broker that had to declare bankruptcy. Moreover, the brokers Fremont General and New Century Financial stopped making new subprime mortgages. Two weeks later, rumors appeared that New Century Financial may have to file for bankruptcy as well and these rumors became true in the beginning of April when the company had to file for Chapter 11. In May, the next European bank announced an involvement in the subprime-crisis when UBS had to close its US hedge fund operation Dillon Read Capital Management. In June 2007, rating agencies began appearing in the crisis. Moody's downgraded 131 subprime MBSs and announced to review the rating of an additional 260 securities. Moreover, two Bear Stearns hedge funds that heavily invested in subprime-backed securities lost a significant part of their value and Bear Stearns had to bail-out the hedge funds and provide them with Dollar3.2bn to cover their subprime exposure. As a result, they fired their head of asset management who was responsible for the hedge fund business. July 2007 is considered the first month when the subprime-crisis had a significant impact on the stock market. After closing above 14,000 points for the first time in history, the Dow Jones lost about seven percent until the end of September. UBS brought the crisis back to Europe once more when they suddenly fired their chief executive officer (CEO) Peter Wuffli, mentioning problems relating to the subprime crisis as the cause of this decision. Ration agencies also played a major role in July when Standard Poor's (SP) and Moody's downgraded the ratings of subprime MBSs with values of Dollar 7.3bn and Dollar 5.0bn, respectively. On July 7, SP announced a review of the ratings of numerous CDOs with investments in subprime structured products; Moody's was said to review 184 mortgage-backed CDO tranches. Mortgage brokers were in the spotlight again when American Home Mortgage had difficulties in the refinancing of loans. Countrywide, another major mortgage broker announced a drop in earnings as more and more of their subprime loans defaulted. Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke also mentioned rising defaults in the subprime market and estimated that total losses caused by the subprime crisis could add up to Dollar 100bn. Suddenly, on July 30, the German bank IKB Deutsche Industriebank (IKB) had to announce that one of its ABCP conduits that invested in subprime structured products had troubles refinancing itself. As a consequence, IKB's main shareholder, state-owned KfW, had to bail-out IKB and guaranteed liquidity lines for the conduit Rhineland Funding. One day later, on August 1, 2007, the whole picture of IBK was presented to the public. Total losses due the Rhineland Funding conduit were Euro 3.5bn and a rescue fund by KfW and other German private banks was installed. The mortgage broker American Home Mortgage finally declared bankruptcy and extended the terms on ABCP that were issued by one of its funding conduits. Liquidity problems in the markets for structured products became obvious when BNP Paribas stopped the redemption of three of its funds with a total value of Euro 2bn because they were not able to calculate a fair price for the funds due to the illiquid subprime MBS market. This announcement triggered concerns about market prices of structured credit products in general and interbank lending rates such as LIBOR strongly increased as banks sought liquidity. ABCPs were also priced with higher premiums. This closure of BNP Paribas funds can be regarded as one of the key events in the subprime-crisis because it caused central banks to heavily intervene in the money markets. One day later, the European Central Bank (ECB) injected Euro 95bn of short-term liquidity into the European money market and, subsequently, the Fed as well as the Bank of Japan provided liquidity to their respective money markets. These central banks continued to provide hundreds of billions of dollars of short-term liquidity to the global money markets in the following weeks. The Fed intervened again, by reducing the discount rate in order to provide liquidity to the markets. Goldman Sachs was the next company that had to inject money into a hedge fund in mid-August. The investment bank injected Dollar3bn into one of its hedge funds that suffered from losses in subprime structured products. Citigroup closed seven SIVs with a value of Dollar49bn and took the SIVs' subprime debt on its balance sheet as the SIVs were not able to receive funding due to the illiquidity in the money markets. Morgan Stanley announced to a write-off of Dollar 9.4bn due to investments in the subprime market and sold a 9.9 percent stake to a Chinese investment company in order to strengthen its equity base later that month. Countrywide also suffered from the illiquid markets and had to draw down Dollar 11.5bn from the company's credit lines before receiving a Dollar2bn cash injection from Bank of America. Similar to the losses of IKB, SachsenLB, another German bank, reported refinancing problems in one of its conduits that invested into subprime mortgage products and was, consequently, sold to LBBW after receiving a Euro17.3bn credit line. Looking at the British Banking market, Barclays received a Pounds1.6bn short-term loan from the Bank of England. In the beginning of September 2007, it became evident that the subprime-crisis was a truly global crisis when Bank of China revealed that they made losses of Dollar 9bn that can be attributed to subprime investments. The major event of the subprime-crisis in Britain started on September 13, when the BBC announced that Northern Rock received an emergency loan from the Bank of England in order to solve its refinancing problems. As a consequence, a bank run started that could only be stopped when the British government guaranteed all savings. A more detailed analysis of Northern Rock is presented in Chapter 3.4. A number of investment banks announced their quarterly results in September. Goldman Sachs reports net earnings of Dollar 2.8bn, which were mainly due to short positions in structured subprime mortgage products, whereas Deutsche Bank announced losses of Euro1.7bn. HSBC had losses of Dollar 880m in the third quarter and announced the closure of its US subprime mortgage unit. International banks continued to announce quarterly results in October. UBS reveled an unexpectedly high loss, wrote down Dollar3.4bn in its fixed income division, and fired its Chief Financial Officer and its investment banking head. Moreover, Citigroup had to write-off Dollar 5.9bn in addition to its earlier write-offs. Merrill Lynch's write-offs accounted for Dollar 7.9bn and caused total losses of Dollar 2.3bn. As a result, CEO Stan O'Neil resigned from his position. The Japanese Bank Nomura also announced a substantial loss and closed its US MBS department. The US government initiated the Hope Now initiative that was set up in order to support homeowners to avoid defaults on their mortgage. The US Treasury Department also made major US banks install the Master Liquidity Enhancement Conduit that was supposed to buy illiquid structured products to reestablish liquidity in the market. SP downgraded another Dollar23bn worth of structured products that were backed by mortgage loans and unlike the downgrades in August, SP also downgraded securities that had an AAA rating before. On October 31, the Fed announced the expected reduction of the federal funds target rate by another 25 basis points to 4.5 percent. Investment banks continued to report their subprime exposure in November 2007. Citigroup started with admitting an additional write-down requirement between Dollar8bn and Dollar11bn after already having to write-off Dollar5.9bn in October. As a consequence of these substantial losses, CEO Charles Prince resigned. Morgan Stanley reported a Dollar3.7bn loss in its subprime mortgage investments, whereas Wachovia announced a total loss of Dollar1.7bn. Bank of America wrote off Dollar3bn due to investments in the subprime market and the GSE Freddie Mac reported a loss of Dollar2bn. Besides US banks, UK banks were also again affected by the subprime-crisis. Barclays and HSBC had to write down Dollar2.7bn and Dollar3.4bn, respectively. At the end of November, Citigroup announced an increase in its equity base and sold additional shares to an investment fund based in Abu Dhabi in order to raise Dollar7.5bn. Moreover, Freddie Mac increased its equity by issuing Dollar6bn worth of new shares. In line with Freddie Mac's capital increase, Fannie Mae also issued new shares worth Dollar7bn in the beginning of December 2007. On December 3, Moody's announced a review of additional subprime debt. The British banks Royal Bank of Scotland and Lloyds TSB reported subprime write-offs with a value of Pounds1.25bn and Pounds200m, respectively. On December 6, the Bank of England lowered the interest rate by 25 basis points while the ECB left the interest rates at a constant level following its regular meeting on the same day. In the US, the Fed lowered the discount rate by 25 basis points one week later although some directors were in favor of a 50 basis points interest rate cut. UBS announced that the bank had to write-down another Dollar10bn due to its subprime mortgage market investments. In addition, the company received an Dollar11.5bn capital infusion by investors from Singapore and the Middle East. The last banks that reported substantial losses in 2007 were Washington Mutual, who reported fourth quarter losses of Dollar1.6bn and Morgan Stanley, who wrote off an additional 9.4 Dollar bn and also sold new equity to a foreign investor. In order to provide European banks with sufficient liquidity at the end of the year, the ECB provided banks with 500 Dollar bn at the end of December. This timeline of the development of the subprime-crisis in 2007 shows the huge impact on the international financial markets and global financial institutions that the problems in the US subprime mortgage market have caused. The next chapter will highlight how the crisis in the subprime mortgage market was able to spill over to other asset classes on a global basis. In order to understand the consequences of the subprime-crisis and especially the need for central bank interventions in the money markets, it is necessary to understand the emergence of the liquidity crisis that appeared in the second half of 2007. Many economists such as Buiter define August 9, 2007 as the day when the subprime-crisis was evidently the trigger for the global capital markets crisis. The closure of the BNP Paribas funds due to its inability to value ABS had a spill-over effect on many asset classes and also forced the central banks to massively intervene in the money markets. In economic theory, these spill-over effects are called contagion, which is defined as the spread of a crisis from one specific market into different countries or asset classes. One major consequence was the widening in credit spreads in the global money markets that were caused by the liquidity shortage in the interbank market. Banks across the globe were more and more uncertain about other banks' involvement in subprime MBSs and CDOs and the financial health of their counterparties in money market transactions and became reluctant to lend money, even on a short-time basis. As a result, a liquidity crisis occurred that forced the central banks to provide enormous amounts of liquidity to the interbank markets. One characteristic of the liquidity crisis was a so-called flight to quality which means that banks and fund managers sell riskier assets such as subprime MBSs and CDOs and invest in safe assets such as government bonds. A flight to quality is generally regarded to be based on uncertainty in the markets or uncertainty about counterparties rather than on the risk of specific assets itself. This also seems to hold true for the subprime-crisis. Due to the large supply in these risky asset classes, the markets for MBSs, CDOs, and ABCPs became very illiquid because many sellers were opposing few buyers. As a result, credit spreads in these asset classes significantly increased. As a reaction to the liquidity crisis in the interbank market, central banks intervened several times and provided liquidity to the market.

Issue 69.1 of the Review for Religious, 2010. ; The ApostolicI Visitation Adapting the Ignatia~i Exercises From Ygung and Old " Prac~tic'al Wisdom QUARTERLY 69.1 2010 Review for Religious fosters dialogue: with God, dialogue with ourselves, and dialogue ~with one another about the holiness we try to live according to chariSms of Catholic religious life. AS Pope Paul V! said, our way of being church is _ . today the way of dialogue. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published quarterly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393 Telephone: 314-633-4610 ¯ Fax: 314-633-4611 E-Maih reviewrfr@gmail.com ¯Web site: www.reviewforreligious.org Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©2010 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library" clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribution, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. Editor Associate Editor Scripture Scope Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Philip C. Fischer SJ Ehgene Hensell OSB Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm Judy Sharp Paul Coutinho SJ Martin Erspamer OSB Margaret Guider OSF Kathleen Hughes RSCJ Louis and Angela Menard Bishop Terry Steib SVD QUARTERLY 69.1 2010 contents prisms 4 Prisms 6 16 the apostolic visitation The Apostolic Visitation of Institutes of Women Religious: A Visitator's Perspective M. Clare Millea ASCJ explains the purpose and process of the apostolic visitation of the U.S. institutes of women religious and its intended impetus to apostolic witness and vitality. The Apostolic Visitation: An Invitation to Intercultural Dialogue Kathleen Hughes RSCJidescribes the intercultural dialogue that provides the best framework for the apostolic visitation of United States women religious, a useful habit of heart, and some possible hope-filled outcomes. 31 47 adapting the ignatian exercises Discovering What Ignatius Does Not Say J. Thomas Hamel SJ examines the Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius to point out the subtle but consistent ways in which retreatants become authors of the Exercises, putting their own experience into words. Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation Louis M. Savary expands the reading of St. Ignatius's Call of the King meditation through the incorporation of ideas from the Jesuit Pierre Teilhard de Chardin. Review for Religious 63 71 from young and old ~1 Gleanings from My First Ten Years Ann Marie Paul SCC celebrates her profession of perpetual vows after living religious life for ten years by sharing eight pieces of wisdom she has learned. Monasteries of Meteora Mary Frances Coady gives her visual and spiritual impressions of ancient traditions kept by Eastern Christian monastics on a rocky peninsula of Greece. 77 practical wisdom ~ Kindness, the Everyday Virtue " James H. Kroeger MM delves into kindness's depth of meaning and inexhaustible potential for increasing goodness anywhere. 90 Ten Ideas on Priesthood George Olivera OFMCap offers ways to consider our Christian priesthood that may be helpful to priests and for those who pray for them and who enjoy their ministry. 97 102 departments ~ Scripture Scope: Praying the Psalms as Songs of Praise Book Reviews 69.1 2010 prisms T Apostolic Visitation of Women Religious in the United States has elic-ited a lot of speculation about its purpose and intended outcome and roused various emotional responses from religious and laity alike. Some speculation allows for an honest effort on the part of the Vatican offices to eval-uate the Vatican II-inspired renewal efforts of U.S. women religious, their discerned change in choices of ministry or ways of ministering, and the reality of their meager vocation recruit-ment. Most people, even among the critics, acknowledge that U.S. women religious took seriously the renewal call issued by Vatican II and responded more wholeheartedly than the men religious and the rest of the U.S. church. Realizing that certain ministries no longer required the massive effort of sheer numbers, women religious followed the church's lead and their own original charisms by seeking to serve those marginalized in our current society makeup--the poor, the handicapped, women in dire straits--and by advocating for justice in many spheres. While many more needy people were being served, women religious often lost the visibility that accompanied their corpo-rate mission in schools and hospitals. Among a Review for Religious number of factors in American family life and culture, vocational recruitment suffered from the positive secu-lar possibilities of the feminist equality movement and from the continued limits imposed on women's roles and leadership in the church. There is no doubt that the U.S. church is as strong as it is because of the work and witness of women religious through the 19th and 20th centuries. Many are the veri-fied accounts of bishops and local pastors using and mis-using the work of religious women in their own chosen endeavors. The generous sacrifices of women religious in the U.S. church are documented and unforgettable. What now needs to be honored in the current, often still hidden and unacknowledged, ministry of women religious is their being the church's arms reaching out to a world-in-need. The witness of their apostolic lives cannot now be measured by institutions, corporate devotional emphases, or monastic garb. Apostolic reli-gious life cannot be well evaluated by monastic criteria, which seemingly inspire the current study. The theology of religious life has never adequately explained the breadth of religious-life development because it has retained monasticism as its norm. Church leadership has consistently found apostolic religious life to be second-class and deficient as measured against the monastic ideal. Perhaps the Vatican s~dy will be the occasion for a breakthrough in the understanding and acceptance of the breadth of apostolic religious life in the church of the 21st century. U.S. women religious will have offered the worldwide church a most precious gift of wisdom and insight into the true living of the Spirit-given charism of active religious life. David L. Fleming SJ 69.1 2010 the . a, postol c Visitation M. CLARE MILLEA The Apostolic Visitation of Institutes of Women Religious: A Visitator's Perspective How many times in our lives, while living through a particularly challenging situation, we reflect on earlier situations in which we felt stretched beyond our own limited resources and abilities. Unable to do anything but rely upon God in surrender and trust, we later realize that not only did the Lord sustain us beyond our imagining, but those very expe-riences taught us the relational and practical skills we would need in far more challenging circumstances to come. I have reflected often during the past year about how many of my personal experiences have shaped and honed the gifts I hope to bring to the Apostolic Visitation of Institutes of Women Religious in the United States. M. Clare Millea ASCJ is the superior general of the Apostles of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Her U.S. address is Mt. Sacred Heart; 295 Benham Street; Hamden, Connecticut 06514. Review for Religious During my early years in religious life, I learned to see beyond external limitations--such as those of the mentally challenged children and adults I lived with and served--and was able to truly respect and cherish, as they do, the inner beauty of each unique person. Much later, as the newly elected superior general of the Apostles of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, and before beginning dialogue or canonical visitation with each of my more than 1200 sisters, I made a whirlwind tour of the communities in the fourteen nations in which my sisters are missioned. I was welcomed into every faith community by lively music, colorful dance, lovely handmade gifts, and much jovial hugging. At one point, exhausted by travel, extreme changes of climate and cul-ture, and the strain of communicating in various lan-guages, I tearfully confided to a priest my difficulty in responding with enthusiasm to these endless outpour-ings of love. Father gently explained to me that his peo-ple needed to use exuberant gestures to express their joy and gratitude for visible signs of God's presence so that they would not succumb to the weight of their daily struggles for survival. That simple explanation was a truly graced moment for me, a key to entering into the world of those faith-filled people and many others whom I would later come to know. Moments such as these throughout my many years of congregational service have intensified in me the desire to synchronize the beating of my .heart with the heart of the other person, to understand, accept, and lovingly embrace her in her uniqueness. International living and travel have strengthened in me the liberating conviction that "my way" is not the only valid way or necessarily the best way to be or to do. While I still struggle at times to succinctly articulate my congregation's unique 69.1 2010 Millea ¯ Tbe Apostolic Visitation of Institutes of Women Religious charism of witnessing that God loves each person with the human and divine love of Jesus, I am continually awed to sense the charism coursing through the veins of every Apostle of the Heart of Jesus throughout the world. I feel constantly renewed and challenged by my sisters to authentic religious living while at the same time I try to discover with them how we can grow in personal holiness, effective gospel witness, and fruitful ministry in communion with the church. My recent appointment as apostolic visitator to the institutes of women religious in the United States, the first instance of a woman religious being delegated with apostolic authority to carry out such a service to the church, seems ovei'whelming at times. While my affir-mative response to this mandate from the Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life (CICLSAL) requires considerable per-sonal sacrifice, I have embraced it as a joyful expression of that unconditional assent to the divine will that I freely offered to God, to the church, and to my supe-riors on the day of my religious profession. Personally and through the religious who assist me in carrying it out, I sincerely endeavor to encounter with holy respect the members of each of the religious institutes involved in the apostolic visitation. The Church's Pastoral Concern for Religious Life In the apostolic exhortation Vita consecrata, Pope John Paul II clearly affirmed that consecrated life, with its variety of charisms and institutions, is a treasure which has its origin in the example and teachings of Jesus Christ. It is a gift of God the Father to the church through the Holy Spirit, a precious and necessary gift for the present and future of the People of God, and an Review for Religious intimate part of the church's life, holiness, and mission.1 Women and men freely choose to live in institutes which are canonically erected by the competent authority of the church. Through the profession of ~ ,~ vows or other sacred bonds, according to the institute's proper law, they profess the evangelical counsels of chastity, poverty, and obedience and, through the charity ~ to which the coun-sels lead, are joined in a special way to ~ the church.2 On her - ~ part, the church has the duty of clarifying the identity, the vocation, and the particular mission of religious institutes and promoting their ecclesial communion? The apostolic visitation of institutes of women religious in the United States was promulgated with the express approval of Pope Benedict XVI.4 In a recent address to the members of the council for rela-tions between CICLSAL and the men's and women's International Unions of Superiors General, the Holy Father noted that religious communities are not exempt from the increasing difficulty encountered in proclaim-ing and witnessing to the gospel in our modern global-ized society. While acknowledging the difficult crisis that has affected many congregations by reason of the aging of members, a more or less pronounced decrease in the number of vocations, and a certain "spiritual and charismatic weariness," he indicated that the Holy Spirit The Church has the duty of clari~ing the identity, the vocation, and the particular mission of religious institutes an~d promoting their e~clesial communioh. 69.1 2010 Millea ¯ The Apostolic Visitation of Institutes of Women Religious continues to inspire a new commitment to fidelity in long-established institutes and in new forms of religious consecration as well. He pointed out that authentic actualization of the founders' charism has resulted in a promising new ascetic, apostolic, and missionary impe-tus for many congregations.5 The current apostolic visitation can rightfully be seen as a pastoral desire of the Apostolic See to journey with religious congregations as they respond to Pope Benedict's renewed invitation to "start afresh from Christ.''6 In open and honest dialogue with the univer-sal church, the visitation is a means for congregations to evaluate their present reality with courage and truth, to rediscover their founding charism, and to live it in a more authentic manner appropriate for the present time. In particular, it offer~ major superiors and their sisters a privileged opportunity to present to the Apostolic See their congregation's unique charismatic identity, as well as their communal and ministerial expression of religious life. It likewise affords the Apostolic See a way to listen to the joys, accomplishments, hopes, and concerns of the sisters and, together with the religious themselves, to seek strategies for enhancing the vitality of the individual institutes. In order to attain beneficial results, the dialogue with the Apostolic See must begin with an honest self-evaluation of the congregation's lived fidelity to its internal norms and to universal church law. The grace of the apostolic visitation can only occur in a climate of prayer, docility, open dialogue, and collaboration, with a sincere desire on the members' part to examine the congregation's strengths and weaknesses and to effect changes which would enhance the expression of its charism and ecclesial identity. Review for Religious Phases of the Apostolic Visitation The apostolic visitation is being carried out in four phases. In Phase 1, which lasted from April through July 2009, more than 75 percent of the superiors general whose institutes are included in the visitation responded to the invitation of Cardinal Franc Rodd, prefect of CICLSAL, to enter into personal dialogue with the visitator. Attentive and respectful listening to the hopes and dreams of those wonderful congregational leaders deepened my esteem for the women religious who courageously and faith-fully witness to their foundresses' and founders' spiritual patrimony and spend themselves in generous service to the church. The major superiors' love for and pride in their sisters were clearly evident as they shared their collective stoW and vision. These interviews and letters helped me formulate more precisely the objectives and procedures of the visitation. In July 2009 the Instrumenturn laboris7 or working document for the apostolic visitation was released, out-lining its nature, purpose, and procedures. Major supe-riors were encouraged to use the reflection questions contained in the working document to engage their sisters in a. process of self-evaluation regarding their congregation's unique identity, their present experience of community life, their mission and ministry, and their hopes and concerns for the future. During Phase 2 of the apostolic visitation, major superiors were asked to complete a questionnaire regard-ing fundamental aspects of their congregation's identity, present lifestyle, and future projections. The questions were similar in content to those already suggested for community reflection in the Instrumenturn laboris and were based on the model of religious life proposed in post-Vatican Council II documents on religious life8 69.1 2010 Millea ¯ The Apostolic Visitation of Institutes of Women Religious and the Code of Canon Law. The questionnaire was composed of three sections. Part A requested statistical data about the congregation itself, the demographics of its members, living arrangements, care for elderly and infirm members, and ministerial presence. Its results have been collected by the Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate (CARA), which will prepare an aggregate report of the findings for all reporting institutes, respect-ing the ahonymity of the individual congregations. The questions in Part B of the questionnaire offered the major superiors the opportunity to share with the Apostolic See the unique reality of their congrega-tion, They were designed to permit the major superi-ors to express each congregation's unique way of living the evangelical counsels, in accord with their founding charism and their own fundamental documents, approved by the church. The questions also sought basic informa-tion regarding governance, vocation promotion and for-marion policies, the spiritual and common life, mission and ministry, and financial administration. In addition, major superiors were invited to offer further explanations or comments to express their reality more completely. In Part C of the questionnaire, major superiors were asked to submit basic and supplementary congregational documents, such as constitutions, ancillary norms, for-marion plans, and chapter decisions. A complete copy of the questionnaire is available on the Apostolic Visitation website.9 The canonical model of religious life which under-lies the questions does not fully correspond to the lived reality of certain institutes. The questionnaire extended an invitation to those communities which appear to be evolving into a new form of consecrated life to describe their emerging expression of vowed living.1° Honest and Review for Religious respectful conversation between the institute and the Apostolic See could predictably lead to greater clarity of purpose and identity. During Phase 2 the apostolic visitator also extended an invitation to bishops and individual members of reli-gious communi-ties to share their observations. Input from any persons whose lives have been affected by women religious is also welcomed. All such contributions are assured confi-dentiality. A core team of religious who are aiding the visitator is currently evaluating the data received in preparation for the subsequent phases of the apostolic visitation. The third phase will begin in the spring of 2010 with on-site visits to a representative sample of institutes con-ducted by teams of religious visitors who will act indi-vidually and collectively in the name of the Apostolic See. The visitors were chosen from among the many fine religious nominated by superiors general and others and represent a variety of congregations and areas of exper-tise. Before conducting the on-site visits, all potential visitors will have participated in an orientation workshop during which they will pronounce the public profession of faith and the oath of fidelity to the Apostolic See that are made by those assuming offices to be exercised in the church's name2~ This profession carries with it a special grace which will strengthen the visitors in their delicate i~c: ,Adore~,team of religious who are ~aiding the visitator is currently ,,evaluating the data received in ~:preparation for the subsequent phases of the apostolic visitation. 69.1 2010 Millea ¯ The Apostolic Visitation of Institutes of Women Religious task. It will assist them to faithfully carry out their role in communion with the sound teachings and practice of the Catholic Church and not according to their own private judgment or subjective ideology.'2 The on-site visitors will engage in dialogue primarily with the members of leadership teams and a representa-tive group of the sisters, eliciting their vision of the joys, challenges, and obstacles the religious face in seeking to live authentically their charismatic identity. The details of the on-site visit will be arranged with the congrega-tions to be visited in such a way as to afford the visitors a broad and objective picture of the life and mission of the congregation and its impact on the local church. The visitation team will formulate a report for the apostolic visitator in which they will seek to articulate the accom-plishments, the key strengths, and the challenges of the institute as revealed in their dialogue and will include any recommendations which they consider appropriate. In Phase 4 of the visitation, drawing from the data gathered in the previous phases, the apostolic visitator will prepare for CICLSAL a summary report of each of the participating congregations, whether or not they will have received an on-site visit. Each of the congrega-tions will receive feedback for the purpose of promoting their charismatic identity and apostolic vitality in ongo-ing dialogue with the local and universal church. There is much good news to tell about the history and present reality of religious life in the United States. There are also great challenges to be faced so that reli-gious may continue to offer selfless service to the church and to the people who long for our unique witness to Christ through our lives, works, and words. May the fervent prayer of the church sustain women religious on the path of ongoing conversion and renewal that they Review for Religious may be a more vibrant presence and effective instrument of evangelization into the future. As did Pope John Paul in the conclusion to VTta consecrata, we entrust all reli-gious to the Virgin of the Visitation, that the church may always be gifted with generous women who, as lov-ing consecrated persons, will continue to bring Jesus to the poor, the hungry, those without hope, the little ones, and all who seek Jesus with a sincere heart.13 Notes ~ See John Paul II, Vita consecrata, §§1 & 3. 2 See Code of Canon Law, c. 573, §2. 3 See Vita consecrata, §4. 4 Decree, Prot. N. 16905/2008, at . 5 Benedict XVI, Address to Members of the Council for Relations between the CICLSAL and the USG and IUSG, 2/18/2008, at . 6 Ibid. See also CICLSAL, instruction Starting Afresh front Christ (2002). 7 To obtain a complete text of the Instrumentum laboris, see . 8 See especially John Paul II, Vita consecrata (1996); CICLSAL, Starting Afresh from Christ (2002); CICLSAL, The Service of Authority and Obedience (2008). 9 See and . ~0 See Questionnaire, Part B, Section 1, E: "Is your institute mov-ing toward a new form of religious life? If so, how is this new form specifically related to the church's and your institute's understanding of religious life?" ~' See ; Origins 28 (1998): 163-164. 12 See Lumen gentium, §25. ~3 See I/ita consecrata, §I 12. 69.1 2010 KATHLEEN HUGHES The Apostolic Visitation: An Invitation to Intercultural Dialogue EOtxrar owrodmineanry r etliimgieosu.s in the United States, these are In February 2009 Cardinal Franc Rod~, prefect of the Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life (CICLSAL), stunned American women religious by announcing "an Apostolic Visitation of the Generalates, Provincialates, and Centers of Initial Formation of the Principal Religious Institutes of Women in the United States of America." The pur-pose of the visitation is, according to Cardinal Rod4, "to look into the quality of the life of apostolic congre-gations of women religious in the United States.''1 Kathleen Hughes, a Religious of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, former professor of Word and Worship at the Catholic Theological Union in Chicago and former provincial of her order's United States prov-ince, is currently a mission consultant in the Network of Sacred Heart Schools. Her address is 541 S. Mason Road; St. Louis, Missouri 63141. . Review for Religious Scarcely had this news been absorbed when a second announcement compounded the surprise and confusion of United States women religious. In March 2009 the Leadership Conference of Women Religious (LCWR) was informed by letter that Cardinal William Levada, prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, had initiated a doctrinal investigation of LCWR's activities and initiatives, particularly citing the tenor and content of various addresses given at the LCWR annual assemblies in recent years. While the visitation of women religious and the investigation of LCWR are distinct, their simultaneity was not lost on many observers, and it has been reported that Cardinal Levada's decision to investigate LCWR was made while in communication with Cardinal Rod~. These two initiatives stirred up questions, a variety of feelings, and--given that those principally affected did not participate in the planning of these investigations--a broad range of speculation about motivations and pos-sible (or probable) outcomes. This article will focus on only one of these initiatives, the Apostolic Visitation. The first section will consider the process of the visitation and the storm that arose as knowledge of it spread across the country. The second section will offer a perspective with which to understand and prepare for the visitati6n, namely, as an invitation to intercultural dialogue. The third section will suggest a habit of heart which may prove useful for visitors and visited alike. The concluding section will propose some potentially beneficial outcomes of the visitation. The Visitation and Initial Responses to It On the face of it, the visitation is a fairly straight-forward two-year process. Cardinal Rodd appointed 69.1 2010 Hughes ¯ Tbe Aposto.lic Visitation The visitation "is intended to comprehensively assess and encourage the growth of Catholic institutes of women religious in the United States who engage in apostolic works." Sister M. Clare Millea, superior general of the Apostles of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, to oversee the visitation. Sister Clare announced three phases for the visitation. The first phase, completed in July 2009, offered major superiors of orders of women religious in the United States the opportunity to meet with Sister Clare in per-son or by phone or letter to express their hopes, ioys, concerns, and other observations about their orders; approximately fifty-two percent of them did so.2 The second phase was a question-naire, completed in November 2009. This questionnaire solicited a wide range of empirical data from every apos-tolic order of women in the United States, and asked for whatever observations and aspirations they wanted to express. Compliance with this second phase varied widely across the country. Because of concern expressed by many major superiors, the request for personnel and financial information was dropped from this phase.The third phase of the visitation, on-site visits of "a rep-resentative sample of religious institutes,''3 will begin in the spring of 2010. For this phase Sister Clare will be joined by other religious, women and some men, who will form teams of visitors. After on-site visits are complete, Sister Clare will send Cardinal Rod4 a confi-dential report summarizing all the information gleaned Review for Religious from the visitation's three phases. In addition, individual confidential reports of all congregations will be pre-pared for the cardinal. The reports of those congrega-tions receiving on-site visits will be more extensive. The visitation's website (www.apostolicvisitaton. org) offers both the reason for the visitation and its objective. The visitation "is intended to comprehen-sively assess and encourage the growth of Catholic institutes of women religious in the United States who engage in apostolic works." Why a visit? Because "reli-gious life has passed through challenging times. The Congregation for Consecrated Life is aware that many new congregations have emerged in the United States while many others have decreased in membership or have an increased median age. Apostolic works have also changed significantly because of societal changes. These and other areas need to be better understood and assessed in order to safeguard and promote consecrated life in the United States.''4 It sounds so benign. Why the furor from so many quarters? The anguish of many people, religious women and a throng of their supporters and friends as well, springs from the very nature of an apostolic visitation, some-thing generally intended for the correction of abuses. The lack of participation of major superiors in the visit's design, the secrecy about those chiefly responsible for it, and wonderment about its conclusions--all of this causes concern. What abuse exactly is this visitation meant to correct? Most women religious believe they have been living faithfully that form of religious life which emerged from their obedience to the church's mandate for renewal at Vatican Council II, and which is distilled in the congregations' constitutions--rules 69.1 2010 Hughes ¯ Tbe Apostolic Visitation of life previously approved by CICLSAL, the very con-gregation now mandating the visitation. Furthermore, congregations have built into their governance certain internal structures (general chapters, for example, or the periodic visits of those in leadership) for the protection of their spiritual heritage, for evaluation of their fidel-ity to their constitutions, and for assessment of people's needs in the light of the gospel so as to establish min-isterial priorities. Women religious in the United States have also embraced a pattern of discernment and decision-making which welcomes the participation of every member. For many religious congregations, transparency and collegi-ality have become a way of life. Why, then, a visitation initiated without the collaboration of those being vis-ited, lacking collegiality, shrouded in secrecy? The apos-tolic visitation of women religious and the concurrent investigation of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious make many feel beleaguered, others fearful, others suspicious or angry. There are other voices being heard, of course. Some think it is high time someone examined what is hap-pening among women religious--whether the vows are being lived, whether prayer is still the core of religious life, whether women religious should be working out-side institutional church structures, and whether women religious should be advocating for those on the margins or promoting issues of justice within and beyond the church. Still others believe that the visitation provides an opportunity for women religious to go more deeply into issues of substance. The forty questions posed by the visitation's Instrumentum laboris, that is, its working paper, touch on everything from charism, vows, lead- Reviem for Religious ership, formation, spiritual life, and community living to mission, ministry, and financial administration,s For many women religious today, conversations on these topics happen less frequently than they would wish because of the multiple demands placed on their time and energy. There is always the danger that values taken for granted or left unarticulated become inoperative. Conversations on the essential elements of religious life may help participants discern anew where the Spirit is leading. These conflicting voices and divergent responses mirror the church at large not only in response to the visitation but on __ myriad issues large and small. Clearly, we need to find a way to talk together, to speak with integ-rity and honesty about matters of substance with those who may not share our worldview. Above . all, we need to find a way to reframe the conversation which this visitation invites us to have among ourselves and with our visitors. Even though the visitation is limited to the United States, and visiting teams will be formed from members of U.S. orders, the visitation is sure to find a range of "cultures" among us because of differing generations, theologies, spiritualities, forma-tion experiences, educational opportunities, and so on. The growing discipline of intercultural dialogue may We :need to find a way to talk together, to speak with integrity and honesty about matters of substance with those Who may not share our worldview. 21 69.1 2010 Hughes ¯ Tbe Apostolic Visitation provide the best framework and some guidance for our exchange. Intercultural Dialogue: A Definition and Some Guidelines Choose any Internet search engine and you will find thousands of entries on intercultural dialogue, offering various definitions of it and rules for engaging in it. The following definition is representative: Intercultural dialogue is an open and respectful exchange of views between individuals and groups belonging to different cultures that leads to a deeper understanding of the other's global perception. In this definition, "open and respectful" means "based on the equal value of the partners"; "exchange of views" stands for every type of interaction that reveals cul-tural characteristics; "groups" stands for every type of collective that can act through its representatives (family, community, associations, peoples); "culture" includes everything relating to ways of life, customs, beliefs, and other things that have passed on to us for generations, as well as the various forms of artistic creation; "world perception" stands for values and ways of thinking.6 Intercultural dialogue invites all interested parties to an open and respectful exchange with a view to deeper mutual understandings. Intercultural dialogue promotes esteem for diversity and insists that "different" does not mean "deficient." It fosters mutuality in the face of unequal power relations and forges partnerships in a common cause. And surely the most profound outcome looked for is the transformation of all who take part-- interior conversions that make room for changed forms, images, and behaviors and the freedom to see new pos-sibilities and to make choices that promote growth. Revie~v for Religious Among some simple rules for intercultural exchange, the most important is that of active listening, listening to one another with respect and openness, indeed with reverence. Each religious community being visited has a unique history shaped by the founder and her or his culture and circumstances. Each order has a unique charism and spirit, a set of traditions, beliefs, customs, even a particular "vernacular language" shaped over the years from the teachings and writings of members who have gone before, prophets and mystics among them, who have had a formative influence on the institute. Each order has a rule of life which is precious to the members, having been carefully composed and then gradually finding its way into their hearts. There may be a common set of questions in the Instrumentum laboris and a range of issues to be explored during on-site visits, but the answers will be as varied as the wonderful variety of religious communities which for almost two millennia have grown up in response to the Spirit's prompfings regarding particular needs of the day and the place. There are no "right" answers, but there will be many ways that sisters will express their following of Christ within a particular rule of life. The visitors, too, will have specific and precious religious heritages that shape their understanding and expecta-tions of religious life. Active listening--listening that is open to the hearts of others in the dialogue~is required of visitors and the visited alike. A second rule for the dialogue is to speak from one's own experience, not in the language of "they" or even "we," but "I." I believe, I think, I choose, I struggle with, I have come to appreciate, even I don't know or I am not sure. The living of religious life is an imprecise science, dependent as it is in the last analysis on each 69.1 2010 Hughes * The Apostolic Visitation 24 one's intimate and unique relationship with God. We grow into our understanding of prayer, the vows, com-munal life and mission during the course of years of choices made before God, in the power of the Spirit, and in communion with one another. Each member's experience and expression of religious life has been shaped by so many different influences, chief among them prayer, community life, ministerial experiences, and wise guides along the way. Rarely, if ever, can we read one another's mind or heart. Best, then, to speak only our own truth. A third rule for the dialogue is not to fear differ-ences but to welcome a respectful challenge, a thought-ful follow-up question. Particular external choices of lifestyle--for example, regarding housing options or ministerial options or the use of money--are less impor-tant than the reasons such choices have been made, the communal discernments which prompted this or that decision. In some instances clearly life-altering decisions have been made by local communities or whole con-gregations after long and serious prayer and reflection. These choices do not admit of true or false, yes or no, but require a reflective exchange whose eventual reward will be deeper insight. A fourth rule of intercultural dialogue is to come to common agreement about the scope of the conversa-tion. Both the Instrumentum laboris and the question-naire of phase two of the visitation present a wide range of topics for personal reflection. Not all of these topics, however, were appropriate for comment in the ques-tionnaire of phase two, especially if major superiors were in possession of information gleaned in personal manifestations of conscience, nor should some topics be included in the on-site dialogues of phase three. Review for Religious There are canonical norms which govern the extent of the dialogue. Subjects such as the frequency of one's sacramental participation are more appropriate to the internal forum and, in any case, are beyond the scope of the visitation. Furthermore, any questions with poten-tially incriminating consequences may also be politely deflected. Participants in an intercultural dialogue must know and accept the boundaries of the conversation; in an apostolic visitation, the boundaries are demarcated in canon law.7 Finally, intercultural dialogue is best and most fruitfully employed when all the participants have had an opportunity to shape the dialogue and accept the rules which bind the par-ticipants. In the case of the apostolic visi-tation, certain rules have been imposed from the outset which are troubling to some of those expected to partici-pate. Especially neu-ralgic among women religious who are used to openness ¯ Participants in an intercultural dialogue must know and accept the .boundaries of the conversation; ~in .an apostolic visitation, ithe boundaries are ~,~demarcated in canon law. and transparency is the secrecy surrounding the visita-tion's motivation and its final reports. Some opportunity for participants to negotiate the rules of the visitationt[ would be a good-faith gesture to women religious who ~ welcome courageous, gende, and respectful dialogue as partners with a church they love. 69.1 2010 Hughes * Tbe Apostolic Visitation A Useful Habit of Heart The habit of heart I want to recommend in prepara-tion for the visitation comes from my own experience of an earlier visitation. More than twenty years ago, I was part of the first apostolic visitation of seminar-ies and houses of formation in the United States. In 1981 the Holy See appointed Bishop John A. Marshall of Burlington, Vermont, to serve as apostolic visitator for this process, which took nearly seven years from announcement to formal conclusion. At the time of the visit, I was a member of the faculty of the Catholic Theological Union (CTU) in Chicago, teaching in the department of Word and Worship. Bishop Marshall himself led the party of visitors to CTU, and I was invited by the administration to meet with him. My visit with Bishop Marshall was not a happy expe-rience for me, perhaps because intercultural dialogue had not yet been discovered. Upon my being asked "What are you doing here?" my half hour was spent, about equally, in parrying questions about the alleged behavior of oth-ers on the faculty and staff and in defending my inter-pretation of the General Instruction of the Roman Missal and other liturgical norms. Too quickly our conversation ended, and I realized almost at once that I had not had a chance to communicate my appreciation of CTU, its extraordinary faculty and student body, and its commit-ment to educating faithful ministers for the post-Vatican II world church. Furthermore I had been given no oppor-tunity to speak of my own contribution to the mission of CTU. I asked for and was granted a second visit. Why put myself through that experience twice? The words of 1 Peter 3:15 express it best. "Always be pre-pared to make a defense to anyone who calls you to account for the hope that is in you, yet do it with gen- Review for Religious tleness and reverence." I wanted to give an account of my hope, based on a faculty where intellectual rigor and faith, were wed, on a student body of women and men from all over the world preparing to commit themselves to a life of service of the gospel of Jesus Christ, and on the local church in Chicago, where the leadership of Cardinal Joseph Bernardin gave extraordinary witness to the very qualities of holiness and gospel service we were trying to nurture in ourselves and instill in our students. For many women religious, hope is what has kept us faithful to this privileged journey in the midst of the numerous challenges of these last several decades. Changing demographics, underfunded ministries, elder care decision-making, conversations towards merger, cus-toms no longer viable, and ministerial needs forever out-stripping our human and material resources--all of these realities have tested congregations and their leaders. At the same time, that basic love and longing for God which brought us to the threshold of religious life still drives us, together, to seek and find God in contemplative prayer, in a life of common purpose, in zeal which keeps even the oldest among us focused on mission. Hope is the glue in religious life today. That hope must be the undercurrent of every exchange during on-site visits. If our visitors discover little else, they should leave with the conviction that hope is why we came to religious life and why we stay and why we get out of bed each morning and why, despite all the challenges and limitations we experience, we try every day to be God's heart on earth. "Always be prepared to make a defense to anyone who calls you to account for the hope that is in you, yet do it with gentleness and reverence." How wise of 69.1 2010 Hughes ¯ The Apostolic V'~itation the author of First Peter to link hope to gentleness and reverence, two other habits of heart which we do well to foster. If we do so, the intercultural dialogues in our future will accomplish in all of us, visitors and visited, great transformations of head and heart and mission. Hopeful Expectation What might be expected at the conclusion of this apostolic visitation? Approximately three hundred forty communities of apostolic women religious will have con-tributed to a composite picture of religious life in the United States. Sister M. Clare Millea has the unenviable task of summarizing all the information and impressions gleaned from her visits with major superiors, from the empirical data tabulated from many questionnaires, and from the reports of numerous on-site visits to moth-erhouses and houses of formation. This composite report together with individual reports of the religious orders will be presented to Cardinal Franc Rod~ and the Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life. It is to be hoped that major superiors and their councils will have had an opportu-nity to see these reports, to correct factual errors, and to participate inthe assembling of recommendations before their formal presentation to Cardinal Rode. Then what? Here are some possible hope-filled outcomes, first on the institutional level. The Instrumentum laboris poses some thoughtful questions about institutional sponsor-ship, care of the elderly, ongoing formation resources, and so on. In the course of the visitation, it is possible that some "best practices" might emerge--the kind of information that the Leadership Conference of Women Religious has worked to surface and circulate among its Review for Religious members for many years. While respecting the auton-omy of each institute, congregations with similar proj-ects or needs might be invited to consult with other congregations that have addressed similar issues with success. Another institutional prospect might be that those communities no longer viable because of a lack of either personnel or financing might be given the sup-port they need to make decisions for their future. On the personal level, the visitation could have a profound outcome. The Instrumenturn laboris for this visitation has a long series of thoughtful questions for personal study and prayer. These questions touch on the essence of religious life with two serious omissions: contemplation and other forms of solitary prayer are not mentioned, nor is there any reference to the quality and tone of community life, only to religious exercises performed in common. Apart from those lacunae, the document together with its numerous citations of other documents from the Apostolic See is, on balance, a rich resource for reflection and prayer and for conversa-tions within and across communities and congregations. Whether a congregation receives an on-site visit or not, this process has the potential for renewal among us. It also has the possibility of instilling in us a deeper real-ization of our place in the church and a deeper appre-ciation of our work as collaborators with our ordained and professed brothers in the public life of the church. And is it foolish to hope for one last outcome? Is it possible that this Apostolic Visitation might conclude with a resounding "thank you" to nearly sixty thou-sand women who have lived religious life as faithfully as nature and grace could achieve, making God's love known through their ministries and by their very lives? For this, let us pray to the Lord. 29 69.1 2010 Hughes ¯ Tbe Apostolic Visitation Notes ~ Letter of Cardinal Franc Rod~ to the Superiors General of Congregations of Women Religious in the United States, 2 February 2009. 2 Of approximately 340 eligible communities, 177 responded through visits or letters to Phase One. See the Apostolic Visitation web-site "Update on the Progress of Phase 3 See Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life, Instrumentum Laboris for Apostolic Visitation of the General Houses, Provincial Houses, and Centers of Initial Formation of the Principal Religious Institutes of Women in the United States of America. Protocol No. 16805/2008. 4 The Apostolic Visitation website, Frequently Asked Questions. s A copy of the Instrumentum laboris is available on the Apostolic Visitation website. 6 European Roma Information Office, White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue. 7 See the Resource Center for Religious Institutes, The Apostolic Visitation of Women Religious in the United States: A Canonical Reflection. 9 March 2009. Review for Religious j. THOMAS HAMEL Discovering What St. Ignatius Does Not Say Having accompanied a number of people on retreat for quite a few years--the ordained, the married and single, religious of various congre-gations-- I continue to delight in seeing that people unacquainted with Ignatius's little book actually mirror it in their own retreat experi-ence. Along with those who are quite famil-iar with Ignatius's words ("Divine Majesty," "God our Lord," "Creator and Lord," "Two Standards," and so forth), they have a retreat experience that is personal, profound, and Ignatian. In this way the Spiritual Exercises show themselves to be primarily oral. The "annotations" that introduce them appear to be the result of conversations throughout the four Weeks of retreat. What happens to the retreatants is usually the very thing Ignatius j. Thomas Hamel SJ last wrote for us in 2008, in our 67.2 issue. His address remains College of the Holy Cross; 1 College Street; Worcester, Massachusetts 01610. adapting the ignati.an exercises 69.1 2010 Hamel ¯ Discovering What Ignatius Does Not Say How Jesus Christ is present in creation is how he: is present in the Eucharist. hoped would happen. Retreatants become authors of the Exercises, putting their own experience into words. Enlightened by graces asked for and received, and lis-tened to by their director, they gradually own the experi-ence they has been graced with. "For it is not so much knowledge that fills and satisfies the soul, but rather the intimate feeling and relishing of things.''1 Being led to search out and find in ourselves the desires and ways of God is the touchstone of the Exercises. Ignatius's sober language actually encour-ages us to go beyond his words, and yet at times his notes and suggestions seem like an overload. He takes note of our waking up and going to sleep. He comments on the way we take meals. He pays attention to the warmth of the sun in winter and the effect of closing the shut-ters of our room. His interest in physical posture seems as modern as yoga lessons, not to mention his sensitive and insightful responses to inner changes and emo-tions, high and low and in between. In the end, how-ever, Ignatius does not tell us what to do. He will not interfere with God's coming and communicating (§ 15). Like John the Baptist at Jesus' baptism, Ignatius simply disappears so that retreatants may (like Jesus) hear the Father's voice and feel the Holy Spirit descending like a dove (Mk 1:10-11). A striking instance of Ignatius disappearing in the Exercises is the Principle and Foundation: "The human person is created to praise, reverence, and serve God our Review for Religiotls Lord and by so doing to save his or her soul . One must use created things insofar as they help towards one's end, and free oneself from them insofar as they are obstacles to one's end. To do this we need to make ourselves indifferent to all created things" (§23). A subtle glory radiates from the name "God our Lord." It refers to the Trinity, and we know from Ignatius's "autobiography" or Reminiscences~ what great devotion he felt when praying to the Blessed Trinity, often,.with prayers and sobs (Rent §28). If this happened when he saw three keys on a keyboard, what might he have experienced before the triad of praise, reverence, and service of God? What Ignatius does not say here is revealed in the poetry of a mystical experience at Manresa. There is only one way he looks upon the gift of creation: "Once the way in which God had created the world was repre-sented in his understanding, with great spiritual joy: it seemed to him he was seeing a white thing, from which some rays were coming out, and that God was making light out of it" (Rent §29). He also saw "with his interior eyes some things like white rays which were coming from above as the body of the Lord was being raised at Mass" (Rent §29). How Jesus Christ is present in creation is how he is present in the Eucharist. The One who alone can praise, rever-ence, and serve the eternal Father is Creator and Lord (§5). Annotation 5 was traditionally given along with the Principle and Foundation at the beginning of the retreat, and so the glory of Jesus, Creator and Lord, pervades the Principle and Foundation. How appropri-ate that Ignatius would tap our generosity and openness at the beginning of retreat by having us offer our desires and liberty to our Creator and Lord! 69.1 2010 Hamel ¯ Discovering What Ignatius Does Not Say When Ignatius first arrived at the Benedictine Abbey of Montserrat, he made a general confession that lasted three days. Just how long was his list of sins? If one thing stands out in the First Week, it is the repeated reference to many sins: "How many times I deserved to be damned forever on account of my many sins" (§48). "Numberless other people have gone to hell for fewer sins than I have committed" (§52). "I look at myself. the source of many sins and evils" (§58). Rather than making a theological statement about sin, Ignatius seems to be pointing to his own spiritual journey, without actually saying so. So aware of the mal-ice of sin, he cannot but put into stark language the hor-ror of even one grave sin against one's Creator and Lord. M1 the while, Ignatius never loses sight of God's power, justice, wisdom, and goodness (§59). Suddenly we have a picture of Ignatius hugging himself in sheer wonder and joy before the whole range of created beings. Who are we, prayed over by angels and saints? Who are we, kept alive by earth and sky, stars and sun and moon and " the animal kingdom? (§60). What to do but talk to our Creator and Lord about mercy, and thank God for giv-ing us life to this very moment. When Ignatius left Montserrat after making a gen-eral confession, little did he realize that his own First Week was just beginning. Manresa was not in his plans, but it surely was in God's. There in Manresa the chiv-alrous ex-knight had to be knocked down by scruples. Slowly and painfully he had to learn he was no lon-ger in charge of anything, not even his own sinfulness. Instead of feeling duty-bound to keep on confessing his sins, he had to leave them to God. We can only wonder how many times Ignatius felt that the Lord "willed that he wake up as if from sleep," ever so slowly learning Review for Religious "the difference in kind of spirits through the lessons God had given him," so that at last "he decided, with great clarity, not to confess anything from the past any more. Thus from that day onward he remained free of those scruples, holding it for certain that our Lord in his mercy had willed to liberate him" (Rein §25). "As if from sleep" aptly describes Ignatius recu-perating from the wounds of Pamplona in his home at Loyola. He was given over to daydreaming. Tales of chivalry would foster his fantasies, but the only books available to him were Ludolph the Carthusian's Life of Christ and Jacobus de Voragine's account of lives of the saints. For the first time, in the Flos Sanctorum (or Golden Legend), Ignatius read about the knights of God who did great deeds in the service of the eter-nal Prince, Christ Jesus. Ignatius, it seems, woke up to hear the call of the eternal Lord and King of all people everywhere. Seeing "with the eyes of the imagination the synagogues, towns, and villages where Christ our Lord went preaching" (§91) leads us to see our world here and now immediately present to the risen Lord Jesus calling each of us in particular. The geography of the Kingdom goes from the Holy Land to the world at large and ends up "before your infinite Goodness, and before your glorious Mother and all the saintly men and women of the court of heaven" (§98). The grace not to be deaf to his call is an enormous grace. Summoned to know, love, and follow Jesus of Nazareth means a life-time journey that includes being with Jesus suffering and dying, rising and ascending. The desire to distinguish oneself in loyal dedica-tion is itself a grace. But where does such a desire come from? Before the Kingdom meditation, the last use of the phrase "infinite Goodness" was in the context of sin: the 69.1 2010 Hamel ¯ Discovering What Ignatius Does Not Say Ignatius does not e~cpect that this offering of oneself will happen right away. horror of sinning "against the infinite Goodness" (§52). Here we find "before your infinite Goodness." The Lord's favor and help are clearly at work in the prayer of oblation (§98). Surely Ignatius himself is among those who desire to distinguish themselves, though he does not say this. David Fleming captures the energy and emotion of the prayer: "Those who are of great heart and are on fire with zeal to follow Jesus" (~97).3 Of course, Ignatius does not expect that this offer-ing of oneself will happen right away, or even in the same words. What is of great moment is the coming together of desire, feel-ing, and imagination, radiating in some myste-rious way the glory of the risen Jesus. Imagine the change of feeling from having sinned against infi-nite Goodness to having a ~ heart on fire with zealous . desires and seeing in faith the Mother of Jesus in glory along with all the saints waiting to hear what I want to say. Among the saints that Ignatius read about at Loyola was St. Ignatius, bishop of Antioch. The account of his life opens: "The name Ignatius comes from the Latin ignem patiens, which means being on fire with love of God.''4 For Ignatius of Loyola ignem patiens describes the Second, Third, and Fourth Weeks of the Exercises. In contemplating the mysteries of Jesus' life, I am reminded of the Song of Songs: "How right it is to love you" (Sg 1:4). Such assurance is the fruit of inte-rior knowing nourished and fed by desire, feeling, and imagination. In the Second Week the fifth of each day's Review for Religious prayer periods highlights the imagination. In the prayer of the senses, we are to imagine what the three Divine Persons are saying, what our Lady is saying to her new-born at his birth (§123). In this way we are further drawn into their pres-ences, where we may pause to imagine what we could say to the Holy Trinity, or to the Mother of Jesus, or to the Newborn. During the retreat we speak from different positions, whether as friend, servant, or sin-ner (§54), not to mention as child, as beloved, and so forth. In our prayer of the senses and in the colloquies we make, an oral history is taking shape. The same is true of repetitions. In contrast to all that Ignatius says about preparation for prayer, along with detailed aids to prayer, he has very little to say about the repetitions. He clearly expects, however, that something will happen. These are his words: After the preparatory prayer and two preambles, repeat the First and Second Exercises, noting and dwelling upon the points where I have felt greater consolation or desolation or greater spiritual relish. (§62) After the preparatory prayer and the three pre-ambles, the repetitions of Exercises 1 and 2 will be made, attention always being given to any more important places where one has experienced new insight, consolation, or desolation. (§ 118) Two repetitions will be made on the First and Second Contemplations at the times of Mass and Vespers. (§204) Listening to the "sounds" of movements is at the heart of repetition. The peace and quiet that flow from a sense of being so loved by God is like hearing water falling upon a sponge; agitation, disturbance, any resistance to God is like hearing water fall upon a stone (§335). In the meditation on the Two Standards, Ignatius has 69.1 2010 Hamel * Discovering What Ignatius Does Not Say a great deal to say and little is left to the imagination. Lucifer is described as "sitting on a throne of fire and smoke in Babylon, while in a great plain of the region of Jerusalem stands Christ our Lord, his appearance comely and gracious" (§§138, 140, 144), who "selects apostles, disciples, etc. and sends them out over the world spreading his sacred doctrine" (§145). Christ our Lord, leader of all good, draws us to spiritual poverty and to the surprising joy of being chosen to imitate his humility and so to come to know the true life. In the first contemplation of the Second Week, a battle was already alluded to with people living in great blindness, wounding, killing, and going to hell, etc. (§106). The enemy of human nature is clearly at work sending demons to every region of the world to get peo-ple to crave riches and honors, thereby ending up with swollen pride. In contrast are the goodness of spiritual and actual poverty and the consolation of being allowed to share in the insults and rejection that Christ suffered. Could it be that here is the seed of the Suscipe prayer? When growing up in Nazareth, did Jesus himself begin to pray the Suscipe and Ignatius heard it? May we imag-ine the Suscipe becoming the song of the beloved dis-ciples when they are fishing on the Sea of Galilee, or all the more when they are sent out to preach? (§281.3). They were to travel without gold or silver, and Ignatius adds the abbreviation "etc." (Versio Prima text). It is noteworthy that "etc." occurs over forty times in the Exercises, chiefly in the Vulgate text, and thirteen times in the Reminiscences. The et cetera's in the Exercises may be nothing more than space savers. They might, however, also be an invitation to complete a thought, a sentence, or a scriptural quotation. In the opening days of the Second Week, the autograph text mentions "etc." Review for Religious twice, while in the Vulgate text it occurs fourteen times. "The Blessed Virgin burst with joy in this canticle: 'My soul magnifies the Lord, etc.'" (§263). It would seem that we are being invited to complete her canticle. At the birth of Jesus "all of a sudden a multitude of the celestial militia joined the angel, praising God and saying: 'Glory to God in the highest, etc.'" (§264). The words "and on earth peace among those whom he favors" are left to us to sing, all the while imagining ourselves as poor servants waiting on Mary and Joseph. Another unnamed angel comes to the shepherds nearby: "I announce to you a great joy, etc. Today a Savior is born for you, etc. After their visit they returned, 'giv-ing glory and praise to God, etc.'" (§265). Later, in the temple, Simeon took the child in his arms, blessed God, and said, "Now, Lord, let your servant go, etc." (§268). As we complete his Nunc Dimittis, are we holding the Child? Later still, after the unexpected night journey, etc., into Egypt, the Holy Family is back in Nazareth, where the Child grows in wisdom, age, and grace etc. (§271). These texts, replete with et cetera's, nourish our desires, feelings, and imagination in reflecting upon the mysteries of Jesus' early life. During all those years at Nazareth, I wonder if Jesus ever climbed Mount Tabor, which is fairly close by. There came a day on that mountain when Jesus was transfigured in the presence of his three dearest dis-ciples, Peter, James, and John. Upon hearing a resound-ing voice from heaven announcing "This is my beloved Son, etc., listen to him," they were frightened and fell to the ground, but Jesus came and touched them. He said, "Get up and be not afraid, etc." (§284). Why would the beloved disciples fear the Father's voice of intimacy? How many books have been written about the fear of 69.1 2010 Hamel ¯ Discovering What Ignatius Does Not Say Is it by mere chance that comes immediately after "be not afraid"? Ignatius leaVes that to us. God? Is it by mere chance that "etc." comes immedi-ately after "be not afraid"? Ignatius leaves that to us. In the Third Week, Ignatius focuses more on Christ our Lord's interior sufferings than on his external suf-ferings. In this way he simply allows the Gospel nar-ratives to speak for themselves as we strive to remain at Jesus' side every step of the way, imagining what he might be saying to his Father. On the first day of the Third Week, Ignatius wants us to nttice whether the road from Bethany to Jerusalem is "broad or narrow, level, etc.," and similarly to notice the place of the sup-per (§192). On the morning of the same first day, Ignatius again considers the road from the place of the supper, Mount Zion, to the valley of Josaphat, "and also the garden, whether - - -- wide, whether long, whether of one form or another" (§202). "With the eyes of the imagination" he sees the road from Nazareth to Bethlehem, its length, whether flat or through valleys or over hills; and also the place of the grotto of the nativ-ity, how big or small, how high, and what is in it (~112). Roads, of course, lead to a place, like the grotto or the garden or the upper room. One would expect, then, another consideration regarding the length and breadth of the Via Dolorosa, but that is left to our imagination. We are even encouraged to imagine ourselves seeing Jesus eating with his disciples (while we eat, §214), and this is the event that opens the Third Week. Jesus says, Review for Religious "Take and eat, etc." (~289). His supreme sign of love in the Eucharist creates the church community. "Take and eat" will be heard until the end of time. Nothing is spared in asking for the grace proper to the Passion. From grief, brokenness, and tears to this interior suffering, how he suffers for my sins, etc. (§197). This particular "etc." lifts us into Jesus' heart, where we are reminded that his "labors, weariness, and grief began at the moment of his birth" (§206, re Addition 6, §78). Once the Lord is put in bonds, his name is only Jesus, as in his early life. From then on, Jesus is silent until he speaks from the cross. Through all his silences we may imagine what he was saying to his Father and in turn what we want to say to his Mother, to him, and to the Father in the triple colloquies. From house to house Jesus is led back and forth. It seems worthy of note that the Third Week does not end at the tomb of our Lord's burial but at the house where our Lady went. The seventh day of the Third Week is spent with our Lady in her loneliness and grief, and, on the other hand, on recalling the bitter loneliness of the dis-ciples (§208, 7th day). There is no scriptural reference to our Lady's loneliness and grief, and when the risen Christ appears to his Mother there is no mention of the doors of her house being closed. Oral tradition, not Scripture, supports the Lord's appearance to her. She is the perfect instance of our Creator and Lord communicating himself to a faithful soul, "inflaming her in his love" (§ 15, reading abrasdndola for abrazdndola). Curiously enough, for those who may doubt, Ignatius quotes a line of Scripture: "Are you also without understanding?" (Mt 15:16). After we have spent a whole day with our Lady in her loneliness, what can compare with experiencing her exultation upon meeting her Son risen from the 69.1 2010 Hamel * Discovering What Ignatius Does Not Say tomb? His appearing to her is the first of many appear-ances. Ignatius seems to delight in recounting every single appearance of the risen Christ, just as he seems to relish seeing us present to our Lady's great gladness and rejoicing over our Lord's glory and joy (§221). Her house is transformed, her oratory is the new sanctuary of an infant church, of which she is the sign. The Holy Spirit is newly present in these Fourth Week mysteries. The disciples are given the Holy Spirit. Jesus has said to them: "Receive the Holy Spirit; whose sins you will remit, they are remitted, etc." (§304.3, Vulgate text). The infant church itself is in need of reconciliation in the person of the apostle Thomas. It happens on the eighth day of the resurrection. Cyril of Alexandria writes: "With good reason we are accustomed to having sacred meetings in churches on the eighth day" (Commentary on the Gospel of John). The church proclaims, "When we eat this bread and drink this cup we proclaim your death, Lord Jesus, until you come in glory." The apostle Thomas, who all too keenly experienced the death of his Master, has to wait until he comes in the glory of his wounds. So Jesus says to him, "Put your .finger here and see etc., and be not unbelieving but believing" (§305.2, Versio Prima text). Christ the Lord .is living within his new church when he appears to Thomas and to ourselves in our unbelief before the mystery of the resurrection. Christ lives on in his church, appearing again to Thomas and six other disciples on the shore of Lake Tiberius. He is Lord of the sea as well as Lord of the Sabbath when he brings about a huge catch of fish. Who counted all 153 of them? Of the fish they had just caught, Jesus "gave them some bread and fish, etc. (§306.3, Vulgate text). Did Jesus first bless the bread, Review for Religious then break it? And were there leftovers? After the hot breakfast, there is one more catch: three times Jesus asks Peter "Do you love me?" and each time tells him to feed his sheep. Jesus commissions his new church to feed his flock, chiefly with the Eucharist. To hear Thomas's confession "My Lord and my God," to hear Peter's confession "Lord, you know all things, you know that I love you," to hear the Lord of Mount Tabor say "Go and teach all peoples" (§307): this is already to hear the Suscipe being sung. Do we hear Mary, Mother of the risen Lord, Mary Magdalene, the other Marys, the couple on their way to Emmaus, the fishermen of Tiberius, other disciples behind closed doors, the five hundred brethren together, St. James, Joseph of Arimathea, and St. Paul all singing the Suscipe? Is that not one of the ways friends experience consolation, including Jesus himself, who is the glory and generosity of the Father? With what affection and with what great love may we hear him say: "All that I have and possess you gave it all to me; to you, Father, I give it all back" (§234). The great joys of gratitude are all found in the Suscipe. With what great desires would God our Lord, the angels, and the saints want to hear us repeat the Suscipe? Participating in this prayer may fittingly be one of the "holy effects of the most holy resurrection" (§223). The Suscipe may not even be the last word. Ignatius leaves it to our creativity to consider some other way of thanksgiving that we feel to be better (§235). And what we may feel to be a better gift can only be due to God at work giving being, conserving life, granting growth and feeling, etc. (§236). "For it is not much knowledge but the inner feeling and relish of things that fills and satisfies the soul" (§2). Ignatius 69.1 2010 Hamel ¯ Discovering Wbat Ignatius Does Not Say was fond of concluding his letters by saying: "May His perfect grace be granted to all of us always to feel and fully accomplish His most holy will.''5 Although love is shown more in deeds than in words, Ignatius for his part is more wordy than usual in the Contemplation to Arrive at Love (§230). His words seem to carry the weight of deeds. This is evident in the first point of the Contemplatio where Ignatius refers to "particular gifts" (§234). Naturally these particular gifts are individual and personal; and yet, without say-ing so, it appears likely that Ignatius had in mind "the true bride of Christ our Lord, our holy mother, the hierarchical church" (§353), which--like our Lady as the new temple of the Lord's dwelling--humbly gives thanks to the Divine Majesty (§108). A vision of church rather than of the individual arises in the fourth point of the Contemplatio. The church's power, her goodness, her sense of justice, piety, mercy, etc. reflect the supreme and infinite power, goodness, justice, loving kindness, and mercy of her Lord and eternal King (§237). I am reminded that, when Ignatius traveled to the Holy Land, he did not have time to see Nazareth, watch sun-beams sparkle across the Sea of Galilee, or climb Mount Tabor. But he did see these holy places in his imagination, where his desires and dreams appeared. Later in Rome, seeing Christ "like a sun" as he had in Manresa (Rein §99), he saw the pilgrim church of the disciples go forth and teach all people, baptizing them in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit (§307). Likewise it is the story of Jesus that invites, challenges, and informs our ser-vice in the world. It is not by accident that the majority of Ignatius's et cetera's follow upon a biblical text. Just as the Scriptures never come to an end, there is no last medita-tion or contemplation in the Spiritual Exercises. Review for Religious Ignatius says goodbye to retreatants (as directors do), but seeking and finding seem to become a never ending duet. There is no final step, nor does the music have any final note. Providence goes on giving birth to God's deeper presence within us and even to our pres-ence to ourselves. As Karl Rahner wrote, "God speaks us to ourselves.''6 In some analogous fashion, is this not what Ignatius also does? As we make the Exercises, per-haps Ignatius is speaking each of us as their author. Notes ~ Saint Ignatius of Loyola, Personal Writings: Reminiscences, Spiritual Diary, Select Letters, including the text of The Spiritual Exercises, ed. and trans. Joseph Munitiz and Philip Endean (London: Penguin Books, 1996), §2. Hereafter I will refer to the Exercises by giving the paragraph number in parentheses. ~ Reminiscences, §28. Hereafter I will refer to this text with Rein and the paragraph number in parentheses. 3 David L. Fleming SJ, Draw Me into Your Friendship: A Literal Translation and a Contemporary Reading of the Spiritual Exercises (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1996), p. 87, §97. 4 Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints, 2 vols., trans. William Granger Ryan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), I:140. 5 Personal Writings, Select Letters #38, p. 275. 6 Harvey Egan SJ, Karl Rabner: Mystic of Everyday Life (New York: Crossroad Publishing Co., 1998), p. 84. Questions for Personal and Group Reflection Hamel points out that the Ignatian Exercises in their language structure call for the retreatant's involve-ment. As you have experience retreats, have you felt the freedom to follow the promptings of God's grace? 4Y 69.1 2010 Hamel * Discovering Wlzat Ignatius Does Not Say 2. Can you give some examples of certain scripture passages that continue to open up new meanings .and insights for you? Transformation Behold the glory of a rose. All it has to do is be. From tightly closed bud to emerging blossom to exquisite flower - it happens so slowly that very few notice. The gentle rain, the warming sun, the nurturing soil - all contribute to the life within. Holy Spirit, the power of your love is my source of transformation. All I have to do is be in You. Mary Frances Herkender SND 46 Review for Religious LOUIS M. SAVARY Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation at Ignatius is primarily trying to do in the ¯ ¯ Kingdom meditation, and many miss the point, is to create a major shift in the retreatant's mind. The shift is necessary in order to have a proper mindset for the Second Week of the Exercises. It is a mindset quite different from that of the First Week. Theologically, it is a shift in how one sees one's purpose in life. The shift goes from simply seeking one's own salva-tion, which is probably the purpose of most believers, to committing oneself to a divine project on Earth. Ignatius has Christ refer to the divine project as "the work" (SpEx §96). In committing to this work, one's attention and energy shift from personal salvation to involvement in the divine project. For the retreatant, this shift is from avoiding sin and getting to heaven to a new goal: accepting responsibility for helping change the human face of the earth.1 Louis M. Savary has given many lectures, workshops, and classes on the spirituality of Pierre Teilhard de Chardin. His address is 3404 Ellenwood Lane; Tampa, Florida 33618. 69.1 2010 Savary ¯ Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation After the retreatants' First Week preoccupation with Christ's forgiving their sins and enabling their salvation, the Kingdom meditation may come as a surprise--when its meaning dawns on them. It presents retreatants with a new and grand "horizon," as the Jesuit philosopher Bernard Lonergan might describe it. Their attention expands from a narrow spotlight on their personal life to a horizon as big as the world. In this meditation Ignatius wants retreatants to begin thinking globally, looking toward "a much larger horizon than they had been living within" during the First Week.2 The Divine Project Christ's project, as we read in Ignatius's Kingdom text, involves nothing less than transforming the "whole world." It will certainly call for hard work ("share the labor with me"), and will require great generosity of ser-vice ("make offerings of greater worth and moment").3 Ignatius wants retreatants to recognize that in this medi-tation Jesus is inviting them to join him in a special proj-ect, initiated by God, which is so important that it needed God's own Son to reveal it clearly and accurately.4 Many ordinary Christians, those who try merely to save their own souls, fail to hear this call. Ignatius hopes to find "worthy knights" who hear Jesus' call to establish the reign of God on earth and who want to work with others to make it happen. He recommends that the one giving the Exercises be sure that the retreatant is ready to hear this call and has the generosity to respond to it.5 Jesus, in the Ignatian text, is clearly.proposing and working toward a historical result. His project has to do with what we humans, with his help, are meant to accomplish here and now for a better planetary future. It has to do with changing history and how people live Review for Religious and interact on earth. The project is far bigger than simply baptizing as many people as possible. As the hymn to the Holy Spirit puts it, humanity's true pur-pose with the Spirit's help is to "renew the face of the earth." It is a project that goes far beyond keeping the commandments and avoiding sin. In this meditation we enter into Jesus' vision and dream for humanity. Joseph Tetlow says Ignatius wants you to "feel the excitement of a call to transcend everyday concerns.''6 A New Purpose in Life Most people live their entire lives concerned about food, shelter, and clothing. They may think about the future, but mostly about everyday concerns. Their life purpose is to take care of daily wants and needs--food, grooming, safety, security, accep-tance, approval, belong-ing, esteem, and personal development. They see no '4' larger horizon than that. Speaking of everyday concerns, Jesus said, "All these things the pagans seek." He adds, "Your heavenly Father knows that you need all these things. But seek first the kingdom of God and his righteousness, and all these things will be given you besides" (Mt 6:32-33). Jesus calls his hearers to a new life purpose: finding out what the worldwide kingdom project wants from you ("seek first the kingdom of God"), carrying it out, and letting God take care of the rest. This worldwide transformation, the divine project, begins in individuals with a special kind of repentance, Repentance in this context " much closer to a change :" lifepurpose, 69.1 2010 Savary ¯ Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation a change of heart, which is quite different from sorrow for sin. Repentance in this context is much closer to a change in life purpose. "Repent for the reign of God is among you.''7 Most Christians do not really spend much time meditating on this simple, foundational statement. When understood, it calls for a new way of looking at ourselves, the human family, and all of creation; it means establishing the reign of God. Individually, the "work" calls for a change in mind-set because it requires people to begin thinking about transforming all of humanity and the planet rather than simply saving their own soul. It also calls for a conver-sion of heart because Jesus asks us to love all people and to accept responsibility for everyone, rather than limiting our responsibility to our own life and immediate family. Instead of merely waiting for the gift of salvation from God on high, Ignatius hears in the call of Christ an invita-tion to shoulder the creative responsibility of "living for others."8 Instead of the abstract virtues or commandments required for salvation, Jesus emphasizes the practical contributions each person's talents and abilities can bring to this divine project on earth. Once we under-stand Christ's divine project, says Tetlow, "each of us, with God, must create our own response.''9 Jesus in his teachings and miracles is announcing what Juan Luis Segundo calls a "project-Christology" that is "centered around the reign of God on earth.''I° In the light of this project, we each have a destiny, a part, that we alone can fulfill. Love Is Central in God's Plan Jesus reveals that God is unconditional love and that this love is active and plan-centered. In other words, Revie~v for Religious God's love is not just responsive to individual and col-lective human needs as they happen to occur; it is also forward looking, proactive, and evolutionary. God has had a loving plan for his creation since the beginning. It was enunciated by Christ. It is spelled out in Jesus' teachings, and it is all about love. Psychologically, we know that love blossoms and matures where the lovers have a shared project and a shared dedication to it. We are invited--no, com-manded- by Jesus to love one another. We may be invited to join the ranks of the "knights" who follow Jesus, but once we join we are commanded to love one another. Nothing less than unconditional love for all humans and all of creation will suffice. The love Jesus (and Ignatius) is talking about is no infatuation or emo-tional attachment. It is a mature love that thrives on sharing the responsibility for a project--"that they may be one as you, Father, and I are one" (Jn 17:20-23).13 Each individual is called to become God's coworker (synergos in Greek; see 1 Co 3:8-9, 21-23) in establish-ing God's reign on earth. Kingdom as Reign Many scripture scholars emphasize this Christological project by suggesting that Jesus' use of the word "king-dom" is less about physical boundaries and more about God's reigning. To reign is to do something. When you talk about a king "reigning," you are referring to his plans for the future of his people and the ways he wants his wishes to be carried out. Such reigning includes the effective fulfillment of the king's will in the structures of society under his charge. It means carrying out the king's program or "standard.''~ As the divine "stan-dards" (such as the beatitudes) become more and more 69.1 2010 Savary ¯ Revisiting St. Ignatius'~ Kingdom Meditation established on earth, there will be ever-increasing love. From this will follow conditions of freedom, justice, equality, peace, and so forth for all human beings and respect for all creation. So, in this meditation, when people think the call of the temporal king (to conquer infidel lands) applies directly to the call of the divine King, they need to note that Ignatius's words refer to a conquest, not by the sword, but by covering the planet with people full of unconditional love. It is only love that will conquer all. It is probably appropriate to say that the Kingdom med-itation is really a parable about the power and attraction of real love on the human heart, more than about kings and knights.12 An Evolutionary Viewpoint of the Kingdom Pierre Teilhard de Chardin reminds us that the divine project did not begin with Jesus' public ministry two thousand years ago. It started about fourteen bil-lion years ago at the Big Bang. Creation itself has been a book of divine revelation that we are just beginning to learn to read with the help of science. According to Teilhard, God implanted his love in every particle that burst forth at the first moment of creation. Everything that exists lives in what Teilhard calls a Divine Milieu of love, and this Divine Milieu is the Universal Body of Christ On 1:3). As St. Paul says, "In him we live and move and have our being" (Ac 17:28). In studying the evolution of the universe, Teilhard dis-covered a law that has been operative since the Big Bang. He called it the Law of Complexity-Consciousness.13 Expressed more completely, it is the Law of Attraction- Connection-Complexity-Consciousness.14 It asserts that the universe is not static or cyclical, but has always been Review for Reli~ous on the move. Furthermore, its evolutionary movement has a direction. From the beginning, it has been mov-ing toward higher levels of complexity and conscious-ness-- or to higher levels of interiority, if you wish. ~s In simple language, the law of attraction is at work everywhere. All units, from atomic particles up to human beings, are attracted to other units to form con-nections. In first-year chemistry class, you learned about the Table of Chemical Elements. These connections of subatomic particles that evolved over time are listed on the Table from the simplest to the most complex. Connections are, by definition, more complex than the elements that make them up. Vvnnen evolution is looked at over eons, it is clear that this law of attraction-connection-complexity has been at work, especially on our planet, in generating forms of life. After about a billion years of trying, Earth finally evolved single-celled creatures. And over another billion years the continually evolving Earth gave birth to life forms with increasing complexity--insects, plants, trees, flowers, fish, reptiles, birds, mammals. Consciousness and awareness appeared and increased. Starting about a hundred thousand years ago, the Law of Attraction-Connection-Complexity-Consciousness generated not only human beings on Earth, but also societies, cultures, arts, and sciences. For Teilhard, this Law is universal. It applies not only to biology, but to all levels of existence. Over many millennia, psychologi-cal, social, and cultural evolution has been happening and keeps happening, following that same divine law. As Henry Kenney puts it, for Teilhard "there is only one cosmically integrated evolution. Physical and social evolution are an essential part of this one evolution.''~6 Can this understanding of evolution help us to 69.1 2010 Savary ¯ Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation understand the divine project? If that general law of divine love that Teilhard discovered studying the book of creation is accurate, then it is clear how we can foster the divine project. We simply follow the universal evo-lutionary law. We do it, first, by making ourselves attrac-tive for more connections and relationships. Second, we welcome connections and the complexity they bring to our lives. Third, the struggle to live lovingly in that complexity will bring us, fourth, to greater consciousness of who we are, who we are meant to become, and how we can respond to the call of Christ. Teilhard's law does not contradict any of the laws Christ gave; it merely applies them more broadly in our scientific world. For example, it allows people to see in their professions and careers how their work contributes to the divine project and promotes the reign of God. Kingdom and Cosmos God's divine Word has been breathing into the universe the divine creative Spirit for almost fourteen billion years. During all these eons, God's wisdom has been watching creation grow and evolve in complexity and consciousness. This ever-expanding cosmos, which God loved so much that he sent his only Son to become one with it and to show us that love, must be a special part of the Kingdom of God. This evolving cosmos is the original and continual blessing God has been giv-ing to us since the Big Bang. God has been waiting for us to emerge from within it and become conscious of its almost infinite temporal stretch of divine revelation and blessing--and become conscious of the divine law of love that Teilhard identified. God not only has immersed us and all of creation in this Divine Milieu, but also has written upon our hearts Review for Religious the desire to know, love, and care for the cosmos (and everything in it)--as God knows, loves, and cares for it. To do this with all your heart, mind, soul, and strength is to love as God loves. To learn to love God passion-ately, we must learn to love the cosmos passionately.~7 With the incarnation, God has doubly sanctified this cosmos. Not only is the cosmos one single immense entity beloved of God and living in the Divine Milieu; it is also, in Christian lan-guage, living within God's own Son, as part of his Body, the Total Christ. All of creation lives and moves and has its being in this Universal Christ. With these ideas Teilhard introduces us to an evolutionary way of under-standing the Kingdom meditation. ' :With the incarnation, Godhas doubly sanctified 'i this cosmos. A Prelude to the Kingdom Meditation A quotation from the jacket of a recent book may best provide an Ignatian "history" prelude a for new century's Kingdom meditation: The dawn of the twenty-first century has witnessed two remarkable developments in our history: the appearance of systemic problems that are genu-inely global in scope, and the growth of a worldwide movement that is determined to heal the wounds of the earth with the force of passion, dedication, and collective intelligence and wisdom. Across the planet groups ranging from ad-hoc neighborhood associa-tions to well-funded international organizations are confronting issues like the destruction of the envi-ronment, the abuses of free-market fundamentalism, social justice, and the loss of indigenous cultures. They share no orthodoxy or unifying ideology; they 69.1 2010 Savary ¯ Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation follow no single charismatic leader; they remain sup-ple enough to coalesce easily into larger networks to achieve their goals. While they are mosdy unrecog-nized by politicians and the media, they are bringing about what may one day be judged the single most profound transformation of human society.18 According to the author of that book, Paul Hawken, there are at least two million organizations worldwide working toward ecological sustainability and social jus-tice. This vast collection of committed individuals does not constitute a traditional "movement," nor does it have one charismatic person inspiring or directing it. It is a global, leaderless conglomerate that reaches every corner of the world. Hawken says it is "dispersed, incho-ate, and fiercely independent. It has no shared manifesto or common doctrine, no overriding authority to check with.''~9 It is taking shape, however, in schoolrooms, farms, jungles, villages, companies, deserts, fisheries, slums, and hotel rooms. From an evolutionary perspective, the movement is the most complex collection of human beings ever assem-bled. Most people know only the organization or two they chose to link with, but the movement's overall global database is mammoth. This collection of organizations is tackling issue~ that governments are failing to face: energy, jobs, conservation, poverty, and global warming. Its function as a coherent system is mysterious. Compelling, coherent, innovative, organic, self-organized congregations involving tens of millions of people are dedicated to change. "What I see," says Hawken, "are ordinary and some not-so-ordinary indi-viduals willing to confront despair, power, and incalcu-lable odds in an attempt to restore some semblance of grace, justice, and beauty to this world.''z° According Review for Religious to Hawken, while in the past most people filed griev-ances only with respect to themselves, this new move-ment involves millions of people working altruistically on behalf of strangers. Individually and together they think and speak for the planet. For them, healing the wounds of the earth in this way is a sacred act. This unnamed movement is a healing life force striv-ing for social justice and planetary welfare under and through and around national boundaries. All these small and large groups are intertwining, creating worldwide a web of relationships that are increasingly conducive to life. Perhaps this perspective can serve the Kingdom meditation. An Evolutionary Kingdom Meditation Part One: Ten Thousand Earthly Leaders First Point. Perhaps, instead of an earthly king, Teilhard might ask us to imagine ten thousand leaders spread all over the cities and villages of the earth, people of all races and classes, of all religions and no religion, young and old, rich and poor, in storefronts and board-rooms, in homes and churches, in classrooms and picket lines, in jungles and around campfires, in laboratories and offices. These leaders represent ten thousand dif-ferent groups, all rising above their daily difficulties, finding ten thousand different ways to improve the earth and the beings on it. These "activist" groups are committed to bringing human rights to all. They con-front local injustice or seek multinational solutions to world hunger and poverty. Scientists seek new drugs to alleviate suffering. Authors and journalists suggest solu-tions to local and world problems. Educators concern themselves with literacy and other areas of knowledge. Some people try to solve employment problems. Some 69.1 2010 Savary * Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation address ecological concerns. Some are philosophers and theologians, some are concerned parents. Some people have dedicated their lives to meditation and to prayer for world peace, for an end to war and terrorism. Every field or life path you can imagine is represented by these ten thousand leaders. Second Point. Imagine yourself standing in this crowd, not knowing where to turn or whom to speak with, and one or two of these leaders approach you. You discover they are persons just like you working in the same area of interest. They describe their work and their aim to improve the lives of others in their circle of influence. You feel their excitement and enthusiasm. It is contagious. They may even suggest ways that you could uniquely help them pursue their purpose. Other leaders are approaching other persons like you who have found their way here. In stages-of-consciousness language, these leaders would be encouraging people to grow beyond their egocentric and ethnocentric stages of development and commit themselves to anthropocentric and geocentric mindsets.21 Anyone failing to support and find a way to actively participate in one or more of these programs might be considered an unworthy or unconscious citi-zen of the earth. Part Two: The Universal Christ While you imagine yourself still standing amid these ten thousand leaders, you can imagine Christ speaking to you as a voice heard in your heart: You see all these people representing thousands of small-to-large organizations worldwide, each doing its own small part to transform the world. They and all their groups live and move and have their being in me. They were meant to come into being and work Review for Religious in peaceful and loving concern for the betterment of all. Each small and large group has been part of the Creator's plan and vision from the beginning of time. That vision is to bring all creation together in one supreme loving union. These people love Earth and all of creation. I invite you to find the individuals and groups that you are most attracted to and most qualified to help, and commit yourself to supporting them. For we all have a long evolutionary way to go to fulfill the Creator's plan. When you hear these leaders speaking to you, realize that it is I speaking to you. When you work with them, realize that it is I working with you, alongside you. Those who want to be more devoted and signalize themselves in service of the Body of Christ will not only offer their persons to the labor required for the Creator's project, but will also make offerings of greater value 'and greater importance, saying:22 Eternal Creator of all things, I make my oblation with your favor and help, in the presence of your divine Son and in the presence of our compassionate Mother and all the saints of heaven: I want and desire, and it is nay deliberate choice and determination, with all my heart and mind and soul and strength, to be an instrument of your love and healing in the world. I beg for energy and clarity,23 so that I will contribute in all the ways I can, whatever the cost, to building up the Universal Body of your divine Son on earth as long as I live. Summing Up and Going Forward The job of achieving world peace and justice in today's world is too big for any one person or orga-nization. It is the work of thousands of organizations and individuals worldwide, rich and poor, cooperating in achieving a world at peace and an environment, a milieu, where life can be safe.24 69,1 2010 Savary ¯ Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation Teilhard offers us a fuller picture of the "work" of God's reign. It integrates fourteen billion years of divine revelation that science is teaching us how to read. In the Law of Attraction-Connection-Complexity- Consciousness, he offers people in every walk of life specific ways of cooperating in the evolving divine plan. He shows how the global humanitarian movements coming up everywhere are organically inspired by the Divine Milieu. They represent an instinctive collective response of the human spirit, inspired by God, to many different needs and challenges around the planet. What these people and groups are in effect telling us, perhaps still unconscious of what they are saying, is that the Body of Christ is alive and well in our day.25 Notes t George Aschenbrenner SJ points out that Ignatius uses words like "all" and "whole" to emphasize that this meditation takes retreatants beyond their individual selves. It is a call to universal salvation. See his Stretched for the Greater Glory (Chicago: Loyola Press, 2004), pp. 68 and 98. 2 Joseph A. Tetlow SJ, Ignatius Loyola: Spiritual Exercises (New York: Crossroad, 1992), p. 90. 3 See Tetlow, Ignatius, pp. 95, 97. 4 See John 3:16-21. Jesus' project--actually it is the Father's project--encompasses the cosmos, the universe. It includes "living the truth" about creation--what it is and where it is going. s Tetlow, Ignatius, p. 90. "Ignatius would not continue an exerci-tant into the next three Weeks unless the exercitant had a great desire to go into them. That desire--to continue in the Spiritual Exercises a search for something more--itself comes as a gift from the Spirit of God." Aschenbrenner, Stretched, p. 66, makes the same point. 6 Tetlow, Ignatius, p. 91. Aschenbrenner, Stretched, pp. 66-68, sug-gests three prerequisites for truly grasping the call of the Kingdom. The first two are "a desire to know Jesus in your unique vocation" and "a capacity for intimacy." The third is "some personal lived expe-rience of the need for salvation and liberation in the social dimension of our world." Review for Religious 7 The theme of John the Baptist's preaching was "Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand"; Jesus does not modify that message at all (Mr 3:2 & 4:17). John and Jesus are talking about the same divine project. Jesus merely enlarges upon it in his other sermons. s See Rm 14:7, 20-23; Mt 25:34-40. 9 Tetlow, Ignatius, p. 92. ,0 Juan Luis Segundo SJ, The Christ of the Ignatian Exercises (Maryknolh Orbis Books, 1987), p. 96. ~ This seems to be Ignatius's intent in using the word "standard" in the Two Standards. His king's "standard" stands for his plan and its fulfillment. ,2 See Aschenbrenner, Stretched, pp. 66-67, 72-73. ,3 Pierre Teilhard de Chardin SJ, The Phenomenon of Man, 2nd ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), p. 300. ,4 See Louis M. Savary, The Divine Milieu Explained (New York: Paulist Press, 2007), pp. 29-30. '~ See W. Henry Kenney SJ, A Path through Teilhard's Phenomenon (Dayton: Pflaum Press, 1970), pp. 60-64. 16 Kenney, Path, p. 70. ,7 While Aschenbrenner, Stretched, says the grace for this medita-tion is to "fall in love with Jesus" (p. 66), Teilhard would have you also ask for the grace to fall in love and become "intimate" with the cosmos. While Ignatius focuses on Christ of the Gospels, Teilhard focuses on the Cosmic Christ. ,8 Paul Hawken, Blessed Unrest: How the Largest Movement in the World Came into Being and Why No One Saw It Coming (New York: Viking, 2007). You may enjoy a short video: http://www.blessedun rest.com/video.html ,9 Hawken, Blessed, p. 3. 20 Hawken, Blessed, p. 4. 2, Here egocentric would imply caring only about my own salva-tion. An ethnocentric stage would imply putting a high value on pro-tecting and caring for my family, my tribe, my country, my race, my gender, my religion. The anthropocentric stage would mean desiring to protect and care for all human beings, seeing them as my brothers and sisters under God our Father. A fourth stage, geocentric, is emerg-ing around the planet; it means extending my care and concern to all living things. We all share one planet. 22 SpEx §98, adapted. Ignatius sometimes suggests specific col-loquies, but a colloquy must always come from each one's heart. 69.1 2010 Savary ¯ Revisiting St. Ignatius's Kingdom Meditation Aschenbrenner, Stretched, p. 74, says, "You must make the offering that is in your heart." He notes, though, that a major function of this colloquy is to lead the retreatant into the exercises of the Second Week. 23 VChile Ignatius suggests that the retreatant ask for "injury, affronts, and poverty," Teilhard feels that there will be plenty of unwanted "diminishments" to endure if one commits oneself with energy and clarity to the divine project of building the Body of Christ on Earth. See Teilhard's Divine Milieu (New York: Harper & Row, 1962, 1968), Section Two, "The Divinization of Our Passivities." 24 Ignatius does not identify the Kingdom with the Roman Catholic Church, but sees Christ's reign as including all people and all the world. Teilhard might say that Christ inspires everyone with the desire to promote the loving unity of all beings, but that many of us are not yet conscious of that desire, and that many of those who are conscious of it have not yet followed that desire. Evoking that commitment is the purpose of Ignatius's Kingdom meditation. 25 Hawken, Blessed, pp. 4-5, says: "We must also remember that humans are frail and imperfect. People are not always literate or educated. Most families in the world are impoverished and may suffer from chronic illnesses. The poor cannot always get the right foods for proper nutrition, and must struggle to feed and educate their young. If citizens with such burdens can rise above their quotidian difficulties and act with the clear intent to confront exploitation and bring about restoration, then something powerful is afoot. And it is not just the poor, but people of all races and classes everywhere in the world." Review for Religious ANN MARIE PAUL Gleanings from My First Ten Years It is still difficult for me to believe that the time passed so quickly. July 2009 marked ten years since I entered the Sisters of Christian Charity, and August 2009 saw the profession of my perpetual vows. Shortly before that, I was asked what advice I would give to those just starting out. Although fully cognizant that I s611 have much to learn, I came up with pieces of advice that were too numerous to count. After omitting many important items (includ-ing emptying trash cans and filling the car's gas tank), I have committed myself to the fol-lowing tidbits. Be grateful, no matter what. A few years ago I lived in a convent with a sister who was commemorating the 60th anniversary of her entrance into the community. I asked her, Ann Marie Paul SCC wrote as a novice an article we pub-lished in 2001. Her address is Divine Providence Hospital Convent; 1100 Grampian Boulevard; Williamsport, Pennsylvania 17701. from young and old 69.1 2010 Paul ¯ Gleanings from My First Ten Years "What do you have to say on this auspicious occasion?" Without skipping a beat, she answered, "Three words: Thank you, Jesus!" What a lesson for me and for all younger religious-- Be grateful, no matter what! Living community life calls for gratitude in abundance. The five convents where I lived during these ten years have provided numerous reasons for expressing gratitude. I am grateful for the welcome I received from the sisters and the guidance they gave me--everything from where to find extra toilet paper to how to persevere in living my vows. I am grate-ful for the extra effort these women expended not only in making me feel at home but also in making me who I am today. I am grateful for the way they live and love in community and the example they have been for me. But that is the easy part of thankfulness--being grateful to those who have loved you. The "no mat-ter what" enters in when we are grateful to those who have found it hard to love us or those we have found it hard to love. Remember that not everyone will find it easy to love you and you will not always find it easy to love everyone else. These are the people who will teach you the most about loving as Jesus loves. Be grateful to them, although it might take time and distance for this gratitude to manifest itself. Forgive early and often. Forgiveness, it has been said, is the scent that the rose leaves on the foot that crushes it. The scent we leave when we are "crushed" by or when we "crush" someone else is most important. No matter how Christlike you strive to be, you are human, and so are the people with whom you live. Your com-munity will never be perfect, and neither will you. You will make mistakes (~ometimes big mistakes), and so will they. Sometimes your mistakes will hurt people deeply. Re~iew for Religious Learn early to forgive yourself and others, and to ask for forgiveness frequendy and quickly, so that everyone comes up smelling like roses! It is not a mathematical coincidence that, when asked about how often we should forgive, Jesus says, "Not seven times, but seventy-seven times" (Mr 18:22), or "seven times in one day" (Lk 17:4). The number seven is symbolic of perfection or totality. So, when Jesus uses the number seven (or seventy-seven, for real emphasis), he is saying that our forgiveness should be limidess. That is a tall order, but one that is absolutely essential to living community life. Be the community you want to see. Mahatma Gandhi is widely quoted as having said, "Be the change you want to see." These words apply to many situations in diverse regions of the world, but they can apply just as easily to your situa-tion in your local com-munity. To be sure, at some point you will rea'ch the conclusion that your community does not live up to your not meet your needs, !:: f! st.a k yourself if you have :g!ven enough, of yourself yoUr:Community. expectations. Do not let your disillusionment get the best of you. If your community does not meet your needs, first ask yourself if you have given enough of yourself to your community. That is, have you been the community you wish to see? When I hear younger sisters complain about what their community does not do often enough (or does too often), I usually ask, "What have you attempted to initi- 69.1 2010 Paul ¯ Gleanings from My First Ten Years ate in your community recendy?" (In the interest of full disclosure, I have been asked that very question a few times, too.) If the answer revolves around waiting for an elusive "someone else" to initiate an elusive "something else," warning flags should go up. Such a complaint is rarely about "them"; it is usually about "me." Own these complaints and use them as springboards to action. Be as foolish as God. Whenever you make deci-sions, always choose the most loving thing. On the surface, this looks blatantly obvious for someone in religious life. However, if you had been responsible for making practical, efficient decisions before entering your community, you will have to reprogram yourself toward making loving decisions. This is not to say that religious life lacks practicality and efficiency; it simply means that what is practical is not always what is loving. Many times the loving choice will go against your culturally pro-grammed response toward practicality and efficiency. If you have trouble figuring out what the loving thing is, turn more deeply toward the Gospels. There we find a God who is foolish in the eyes of the world-- encouraging the payment of a full day's wages both to those who worked a full day and to those who worked only one hour; leaving ninety-nine sheep in the des-ert to search for one lost sheep; and welcoming back a repentant child who had left saying "I wish you were dead" with "Let's throw a party!" So, when you are given a choice, be as foolish as God. Try not to miss too many community meals. As you struggle to find and honor your own rhythm in religious life, be aware of the rhythm of.your commu-nity, especially as it pertains to meals. Because of various schedules and commitments, the community meal (and the accompanying preparation and cleanup) may be the Review for Religious only meaningful contact we have with each other as a community on some days. That is where the debrief-ing of the day occurs, where the stories are told, and where bonds of community are formed. When you miss too many community meals, you run the risk of losing touch with the rhythm of the community. So, if you have ministry commitments that prevent you from shar-ing the community meal on Monday and Wednesday, it is probably not a good idea to accept an invitation to dinner from a friend on Tuesday or Thursday of that same week. That would make it quite difficult for you to regain your place in the rhythm of the community. Be a servant. You entered religious life to serve, but you probably lacked an understanding of the precise types of service that would be required of you. Perhaps you had an idea of service as going out to the poor and doing wonderful things for God. While that is an admi-rable goal and one that you still hope to accomplish, the actual service we are asked to do rarely matches the enchanting stuff of our imaginations. John 13 tells us that, after Jesus has washed his dis-ciples' feet, he says "As I have done for you, you should also do." Note that Jesus does not say that his disciples should follow his example only when it is convenient or when they are not tired. He does not tell the disciples to think about it; he simply says "Do it." The example of Jesus' service should be foremost in our minds as we listen to a sister tell about her day when we would rather watch the evening news; car pool when we would rather drive alone; and' go to a community meeting when we would rather have a relaxing weekend. These are the times when our service, although less glamorous than we originally envisioned, answers the call that Jesus issued to his disciples shordy before he died. 69.1 2010 Paul * Gleanings from My First Ten Years If we do not take the time ~o let God in through attentive praye, r, we may block God from~ .~ ~ working through us, ~ 681 Pray, pray, pray. This is another piece of advice that seems fairly obvious for someone in religious life. However, as we leave the novitiate, we run the risk of our prayer life taking a back seat to all the other good things that we can choose to do. As we become busier with many things, we sometimes try to convince our-selves, "My work is my prayer." While our work--that is, what we do-- ~, certainly is prayer, prayer is also who we are. If we do not take the 6me to let God in through attentive prayer, we may block God from work-ing through us. We cannot give what we do not possess. My awkward translation of the advice of St. Francis de Sales on prayer goes something like this: "You should pray thirty minutes each day, except when you are very busy. Then you should pray for an hour." In our initial formation, we spend time praying, reading about prayer, and being taught many things about prayer. We have heard what some saints have said about prayer, and most likely we have studied what our founders said about it. In 1851 the founder of my com-munity, Pauline yon Mallinckrodt, said, "What water is to the fish, prayer is to the religious." On the surface, this is a nice saying about prayer. But looking more deeply gives us a much truer picture. Try to remember the last time you saw a live fish out of water. Maybe it was a goldfish as you cleaned the bowl or a larger fish you caught in a lake on vacation. Review for Religious Do you remember the desperate flailing and gasping of that fish? Now try to think of yourself without prayer as that fish. When you flail and gasp while living your religious life without prayer, it will become apparent to those around you and will quickly become an obstacle to living a meaningful life in community. Do whatever it takes to dive back into the "water" of prayer. Talk to your spiritual director, your soul friend, or any of the various support people available to you. But do not stay out of the water for so long that you cannot be revived. Remember that we are all in this together. Religious life is a wondrous journey filled with joy and sorrow, surprises and banality, times of deep joy and times of darkness. As in other walks of life and voca-tions, people will "wow" you and disappoint you; you will have times of complete connectedness and utter loneliness. Through it all, remember that you are part of a community of people called by God to follow Christ more closely in this particular way of life. Every mem-ber- from the one who most annoys you to the one you most admire--was called to your community by God at a particular time for a particular mission. Avoid wasting time questioning how God could have ever intended this seemingly motley group to do anything together, let alone live in community and witness to God's love. Instead, praise and thank God for the wondrous diver-sity in which you are privileged to participate, and think of all of these persons as doing their best. When you think you have had enough and cannot go on, remember what "the call" was like for you. Think about what it was like to say "Yes," no matter how long ago it was, and begin again to follow Jesus more closely. Ask others, if you are comfortable doing so, to share 69.1 2010 Paul ¯ Gleanings from My First Ten Years their stories with you. Shared vocation stories not only create unity, but they also give us the possibility of hav-ing something to whisper in each other's ears when our memories fade. What--and how often--we whisper is a testimony to our commitment to God and to each other. We are all in this together, and our communi-ties' futures depend on how well we witness this to each other and to those who seek to join us. Ten years have passed. That is a minuscule amount of time, given the years of service of most of the mem-bers of our communities. Every year of service, how-ever, consists of distinctive days, hours, and minutes in which we strive to live in grace-filled fidelity to our vows and trusting commitment to our religious community. Whether we have done this for one, ten, fifty, or eighty years, each day we have the responsibility of living in ways that bring ourselves, our community, all those we meet, and the entire church closer to God. Keeping the present moment--the dailyness--at the forefront of our prayer and consciousness aids us in doing God's will in our lives. The ideas I have shared above are, I think, some of the many things that, gathered together, can help us be who God calls us to be. Review for Religious MARY FRANCES COADY Monasteries of Meteora a n the chapel of St. Stephen's Monastery, set high mong the giant outcroppings of rock that stand before the Pindos Mountains in central Greece, the nuns' chanting of Vespers goes on and on as evening turns into night. Their voices, singing in a minor key of mournful solemnity, become a drone, the unfamiliar sounds an incantation. The nuns themselves, draped in black cloaks, their faces flamed with severe black bands, sit motionless or move about freely from one icon to another--strange, fearsome paintings of,Christ, Mary, and various saints--across the top of the chapel. Lighted candles hang from brass chains. There is no other light--only shadow, and black figures moving, and incense hanging sweet and thick in the air, and a heavy feeling of enclosure. Sleep begins to overtake me, despite the discomfort of the hard benches we are sitting on. To shake myself awake, I shift my body and cross my legs. Immediately a nun glides over Mary Frances Coady writes from 35 Cowan Avenue; Toronto, Ontario; M6K 2N1 Canada. 69.1 2010 Coady * Monasteries of Meteora to me, gives a light tap on my knee, motions with her hand, and looks at me with deep blue eyes. Her face is a mixture of kindness and unquestioned authority. Like a child caught in mid-mischief, I uncross my legs. And the chanting goes on and on . Later, in the nearby town of Kalambaka, we sit in the taverna drinking wine. Red and white checkered cloths cover the tables, and pictures of blonde American movie stars line the walls. In the darkness outside loom enormous rocks, called Meteora, a name derived from a word meaning high in the air. Bare and gray and phal-lic- shaped, they stand like a monstrous fortress. Hidden among them, as if suspended between earth and heaven, is a series of medieval Greek Orthodox monasteries. A handful of these, including the one where we have just attended Vespers, are still inhabited. This is desert land, the abode of ascetics. I wonder aloud why these monasteries were built in the first place and why anyone these days would want to return to such a medieval way of life. "You've got it wrong if you're thinking medieval," says my compan-ion, taking a sip of wine. "You've got to think Eastern." Eastern: the fierce mysticism, that is, of Byzantine Christianity. In the 1 lth century, hermits first came to Meteora seeking refuge from "the world." Here the caves and clefts of the forbidding rocks seemed the perfect home for those who sought to retreat from society and who strove to punish their bodies with rigorous practices so that they might purify their souls. The landscape was an exact mirror of their desire to disregard the things of earth and attend to heavenly matters. Once they had found their way up the rock face and had established their niche, the hermits remained Review for Religio~s undisturbed and free to pursue God in the silence of their own hearts. They fasted for days and even weeks on end, depending on the kindness of local peasants for their meager sustenance. They went years without washing, for this was one of the signs of a holy man (and indeed these early hermits seemed to be only men): one who disdained his body so much that even as his clothes rotted on top of him he remained lost in the contempla-tion of the eternal, oblivious to his own stench. In succeeding centuries, wars forced the hermits to group together for protection. In the 14th century the monk Athanasius arrived from Mount Athos, the group of monasteries that stretch over a fifty-kilome-ter peninsula jutting into the Aegean Sea southeast of Thessaloniki. With nine other monks he established the first Meteora monastery. As at Mount Athos, women were strictly forbidden to visit the monasteries, and the monks were instructed not to give food to a woman even if she were dying of hunger. (At Mount Athos, not even female animals were allowed. Athanasius himself, his early biographer tells us, never allowed the word "woman" to sully his lips.) At the height of the Middle Ages, the monasteries grew in number to twenty-four. Only three are now still inhabited: Transfiguration (Great Meteoron), All Saints (Varlaam), and St. Stephen's. It is not known exactly how the ascetics reached their lonely habitations, or how they got the materials hoisted up to build the monasteries. The likelihood is that they hired local hunters and goatherds who were intimately familiar with the passes and crags in the rock. The biographer of Athanasius says only: "And taking a certain climber, he put him on a stone, and building a hut he remained there a long time." Up until the early 69.1 2010 Coady * Monasteries of Meteora In 1961 the oldest monastery became a monastery for women. decades of this century, men who visited the monaster-ies either climbed by rope ladders, which were often frayed and barely secured, or were pulled up in net bas-kets, swinging precariously over the abyss. Visitors were instructed to avoid dizziness by closing their eyes as the creaking pulley lifted them up, and to chant a hymn in order to keep calm through the ordeal. In 1920 the monks began cutting steps into the rock leading up to the buildings, and in 1948 a paved road was completed, making the still-inhabited monaster-ies accessible by car. In the same year, permission was granted for women to visit the monaster-ies. (In these matters Meteora has sur-passed Mount Athos in modernization. At the entrance to the Holy Mountain, as Mount Athos is called, a sign still stands forbidding women to enter. Up until the late 1950s, wheeled vehicles were also forbidden, the only access to the Mount Athos monasteries being by foot or mule. The decision to build roadways still remains a controversy among some of the monks. Apparently no such controversy has yet arisen regarding the ban against women visitors.) In 1961 St. Stephen's, the oldest monastery and the only one visible from the road below, became a "nun-nery," or monastery for women. It is the most accessible of the monasteries; an eight-meter footbridge over the chasm brings the visitor face to face with the monas-tery's imposing iron door, which opens onto a sunny courtyard, the stark austerity softened by the presence of azalea and bougainvillea bushes and flowering plants Review for Religious in earthenware pots. This is the peaceful setting where the spiritual quest takes place in the stillness and soli-tude of the heart. Here nuns of all ages--a surprising number of them young, with smooth complexions and sparkling eyes--labor with rolled-up sleeves and easy smiles. A nearby plaque, however, refers to "the church of Christ" as the "new ark" that is saving the world from the "cataclysm of sin." The pleasant courtyard and happy faces can be deceptive: there is nothing sunny about the work that is carried out here. That work, here on a spot suspended between earth and sky, is nothing less than a lifetime spent in con-templation of the eternal--or, in other words, an inner search for what is essential and lasting. To carry out this quest, one leaves one's place of comfort and moves to a barren land where outward distractions have been left behind and the interior struggle begins. Anyone who has been on such a desert quest will tell you that the experience demands a healthy respect, and it is not to be undertaken lightly. In the ~adition of Byzantine Christianity, the search is carried out within the con-text of liturgical prayer, where one prays with the whole body, chanting, bowing, signing oneself with the cross, gathering in spirit the whole of humanity. We leave Meteora on a Sunday morning, driving past a church where men in well-pressed suits con-gregate outside, smoking cigarettes. No women are in sight; they are perhaps already inside, lighting tapers and placing them in a vat of sand at the back of the church. They too will pray with their bodies, moving about the church, bowing in front of icons, lighting more candles, moving their lips in prayer as bearded clerics in gold brocade vestments chant the prayers of the sacred liturgy. 69.1 2010 Coady ¯ Monasteries of Meteora Their sisters on top of the monastic rocks continue their lives of unceasing prayer. For them, Sunday is a solemn feast, and this means that there is more than the usual amount of liturgical prayer. There will be more chanting, more bowing, more lighting of candles. All that can be said, perhaps, of this stark way of life is that here there is a spiritual continuity, a sense of ageless prayer, a de