Suchergebnisse

This article compares the life and work of Sofía Robles Hernández, a Zapotecan activist, with the experience of Eufrosina Cruz Mendoza, a zapotecan woman, focusing on their struggle for social and political recognition in the transnational movement of indigenous people. The article reflects on both women's autoethnographic analyses in order to shed light on their political and ethical tensions and challenges. The latter originate the formation of a "body-territory" that, voicing the two women's claim to autonomy and selfdetermination, brings to the fore their different approaches to the economic policies of the neoliberal Pluricultural State of Mexico. The article also focuses on the indigenous women's struggle for political rights within the international juridical discourse. After many years, in fact, a diplomatic agenda now addresses the right of indigenous women to fight for decolonization.Keywords: U.N.; Indigenous Women; Economic Inequality; International Diplomacy; Transnational Autonomy ; Dans cet article, je compare l'expérience vécue de lutte pour la reconnaissance sociale et la représentation politique des militantes Sofía Robles Hernández (originaire zapotèque-ayuujk) et sa compatriote, Eufrosina Cruz Mendoza (originaire zapotèque) d'Oaxaca (Mexique), dans le mouvement transnational du peuple autochtone. A partir de l'analyse auto-ethnographique de ces femmes autochtones, je réfléchis sur les tensions, les défis et les conditions politiques et morales impliquées dans les processus de formation du corps-territorial de l'autonomie et les libres déterminations; ainsi que, leurs rapports économiques inégaux avec l'Etat pluriculturel néolibéral au Mexique. Au final, j'analyse la conquête par les femmes autochtones du droit politique les concernant dans le contexte du discours juridique international: après tant d'années, il y a enfin un agenda diplomatique sur la question des droits des femmes autochtones vers une complète décolonisation.Mots-clés: U.N.; Femmes autochtones; Inégalité économique; Diplomatie internationale; Autonomie transnationale ; . ; Dans cet article, je compare l'expérience vécue de lutte pour la reconnaissance sociale et la représentation politique des militantes Sofía Robles Hernández (originaire zapotèque-ayuujk) et sa compatriote, Eufrosina Cruz Mendoza (originaire zapotèque) d'Oaxaca (Mexique), dans le mouvement transnational du peuple autochtone. A partir de l'analyse auto-ethnographique de ces femmes autochtones, je réfléchis sur les tensions, les défis et les conditions politiques et morales impliquées dans les processus de formation du corps-territorial de l'autonomie et les libres déterminations; ainsi que, leurs rapports économiques inégaux avec l'Etat pluriculturel néolibéral au Mexique. Au final, j'analyse la conquête par les femmes autochtones du droit politique les concernant dans le contexte du discours juridique international: après tant d'années, il y a enfin un agenda diplomatique sur la question des droits des femmes autochtones vers une complète décolonisation.Mots-clés: U.N.; Femmes autochtones; Inégalité économique; Diplomatie internationale; Autonomie transnationale

Cette these a ete publiee par les Editions Universitaires Europeennes, voir le lien suivant: http://amzn.to/9AMfzn ; This PhD dissertation (2004-2007) at LATTS (Laboratoire Techniques, Territoires, Societes), Paris, and the UCLA Institute of the Environment. Drawing on previous work for the author's Master's degree on the links between urban fragmentation and the development of water and power networks in Los Angeles (MacKillop, F., Boudreau, JA, 2008 Water and power networks and urban fragmentation in Los Angeles: Rethinking assumed mechanisms, Geoforum, Volume 39, Issue 6, November 2008, Pages 1833-1842), the dissertation analyses claims and controversies around water supply 'sustainability' in major master-planned communities in the periphery of Los Angeles. Developers, water agencies and politicians claimed that these developments would herald a new age of water and land use stewardship in the region, through innovative practices and technologies ranging from novel landscaping to water demand management measures and water recycling. Despite this, local community groups, sometimes supported by national environmental organisations, were voicing their opposition on the grounds that these developments would make an already difficult situation even worse. The region would be exposed to more water shortages, especially in the context of climate change. To go beyond these sometimes passionate arguments, the author mobilised urban regime theory, urban political ecology and other approaches, to question the notion of 'sustainability' in this context by analysing what the word meant, for which group, and why, with the aim of producing an accurate picture of where this region is going in terms of managing its water and land use. ; Cette thèse examine le débat actuel en Californie du Sud autour de la planification de l'eau et du foncier, dans le cadre de projets immobiliers de grande taille. Ces projets immobiliers sont présentés, par les promoteurs immobiliers ainsi que les autorités locales comme plus « durables » que l'urbanisme traditionnel de la région. Ces affirmations sont contestées par de nombreux opposants, pour qui l'immobilier actuel est semblable aux pratiques habituelles de la région, notamment par sa surconsommation d'eau et d'autres atteintes à l'environnement. Ces controverses interviennent alors que les ressources en eau de la région semblent plus menacées que jamais par une conjonction de facteurs politiques, environnementaux et économiques. Nous analysons les positions des promoteurs, autorités, fournisseurs d'eau et leurs opposants afin de nous demander si l'urbanisme qui s'impose actuellement dans la métropole va plus dans le sens de la continuité que des ruptures, ainsi que les conséquences environnementales, politiques et sociales des évolutions en cours. Nous construisons ainsi une critique des notions de «durabilité » et de « protection de l'environnement », en montrant comment elles sont construites socialement et politiquement dans un contexte géographique donné.

Cette these a ete publiee par les Editions Universitaires Europeennes, voir le lien suivant: http://amzn.to/9AMfzn ; This PhD dissertation (2004-2007) at LATTS (Laboratoire Techniques, Territoires, Societes), Paris, and the UCLA Institute of the Environment. Drawing on previous work for the author's Master's degree on the links between urban fragmentation and the development of water and power networks in Los Angeles (MacKillop, F., Boudreau, JA, 2008 Water and power networks and urban fragmentation in Los Angeles: Rethinking assumed mechanisms, Geoforum, Volume 39, Issue 6, November 2008, Pages 1833-1842), the dissertation analyses claims and controversies around water supply 'sustainability' in major master-planned communities in the periphery of Los Angeles. Developers, water agencies and politicians claimed that these developments would herald a new age of water and land use stewardship in the region, through innovative practices and technologies ranging from novel landscaping to water demand management measures and water recycling. Despite this, local community groups, sometimes supported by national environmental organisations, were voicing their opposition on the grounds that these developments would make an already difficult situation even worse. The region would be exposed to more water shortages, especially in the context of climate change. To go beyond these sometimes passionate arguments, the author mobilised urban regime theory, urban political ecology and other approaches, to question the notion of 'sustainability' in this context by analysing what the word meant, for which group, and why, with the aim of producing an accurate picture of where this region is going in terms of managing its water and land use. ; Cette thèse examine le débat actuel en Californie du Sud autour de la planification de l'eau et du foncier, dans le cadre de projets immobiliers de grande taille. Ces projets immobiliers sont présentés, par les promoteurs immobiliers ainsi que les autorités locales comme plus « durables » que l'urbanisme traditionnel de la région. Ces affirmations sont contestées par de nombreux opposants, pour qui l'immobilier actuel est semblable aux pratiques habituelles de la région, notamment par sa surconsommation d'eau et d'autres atteintes à l'environnement. Ces controverses interviennent alors que les ressources en eau de la région semblent plus menacées que jamais par une conjonction de facteurs politiques, environnementaux et économiques. Nous analysons les positions des promoteurs, autorités, fournisseurs d'eau et leurs opposants afin de nous demander si l'urbanisme qui s'impose actuellement dans la métropole va plus dans le sens de la continuité que des ruptures, ainsi que les conséquences environnementales, politiques et sociales des évolutions en cours. Nous construisons ainsi une critique des notions de «durabilité » et de « protection de l'environnement », en montrant comment elles sont construites socialement et politiquement dans un contexte géographique donné.

1 Introduction: Does a Globalized Society Produce a Youth on Edge? -- 1 Toward a New Narrative -- 2 Youth at the Intersection of Global Crises -- 3 Open to the World, but Rooted in National Experience -- 4 How to Live Together -- 5 Voicing Tensions -- 6 A Survey Conducted in Two Phases -- 7 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Part I Living Together in a Time of Global Crisis -- 2 A Time of Uncertainty -- 1 Terrorism and Demands for Increased Security -- 2 Immigration and Identity -- 3 Economic Ultraliberalism and Widening Inequalities -- 4 Anti-liberal Practices and the Decline of the National Community -- 5 The Crisis of Multilateralism and the Rise of Nationalism and Populism -- 6 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 3 A Time of Fragmentation -- 1 Globalization and the Pitfalls of Academic Meritocracy -- 2 Globalization and the Losers of Integration in the Workplace -- 3 Globalization and Immigration -- 4 Globalization and the Recognition of Multiculturalism -- 5 Globalization and Challenges to the Principle of Solidarity -- 6 Globalization and Setbacks to a Shared Political Vision -- 7 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 4 A Time of Tension -- 1 Wanderlust and National Sentiment -- 2 Inequalities at Work and Demands for Social Protection -- 3 Fluctuations in Openness on Immigration and the Multicultural Society -- 4 Intolerance with Regard to Inequalities and Injustices -- 5 Apathy and Political Engagement -- 6 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Part II Living Together in a Changing Society -- 5 Freedom at the Risk of Decadence -- 1 The Progressives: More Civil Rights for All -- 2 Caught in the Middle: Adapting Norms to Reality -- 3 The Conservatives: The Price of Change and the Limits of Individual Autonomy -- 4 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 6 Inequality at the Risk of Ultraliberalism -- 1 An Unequal France -- 2 Greater Demand for State Intervention -- 3 Letting Economic Forces Operate Freely -- 4 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 7 Democracy at the Risk of Populism -- 1 Tired of Being Democrats -- 2 Tired of Democracy -- 3 Reinventing Politics -- 4 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Part III Living Together in a Plural Society -- 8 Homo nationalis and the Nation's Singularity -- 1 The Spirit of Homo nationalis -- 2 Those Left Behind by Globalization -- 3 Those Worried About Downward Social Mobility -- 4 The Executives or Ideologists of Nationalism -- 5 Converts to the Nation -- 6 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 9 Homo civicus and the Republican Canopy -- 1 The Spirit of Homo civicus -- 2 Between the Republic and the Nation -- 3 The Republic as a Driver of Integration -- 4 The Republic as a Path Toward Integration -- 5 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 10 Homo culturalis and Cultural Diversity -- 1 The Spirit of Homo culturalis -- 2 Multiculturalism in Praise of Multiple Identities -- 3 Multiculturalism Used to Counter the Failures of the French Republic -- 4 Communitarian Multiculturalism -- 5 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 11 Homo pontifex and Universal Humanity -- 1 The Spirit of Homo pontifex -- 2 Indifference to Difference -- 3 Ecumenism and Rootedness -- 4 Cosmopolitanism as Emancipation -- 5 Conclusion -- Bibliography -- In Guise of Conclusion.

Purpose Tunisia has been living a decade of democratic transition since 2011. In this new context, the civil society has been fervently expressing claims for democracy and social justice through creating thousands of NPOs (23456 NPOs in 2020 against 9000 established in 30 years up to 2010). However, this shift seems to be misleading, as only 3000 NPOs are actually active, indicating that NPOs are struggling to sustain their activities and ensure their survival. The purpose of this study is to uncover the factors hindering NPOs activities and survival. Design/methodology/approach Semi-structured interviews were carried out using a purposive sample of 32 NPOs members in two main economic and touristic cities -Tunis and Sousse- selected using snow ball method. A considerable amount of qualitative data was produced (400 pages of text). This seems representative of Tunisian citizens' inclination to protest in the new prevailing political and social context. The data collection benefited from the freedom of speech gained after the 2011 civilian uprising as interviewees were enthusiastic in voicing their opinions. Findings Two main categories of inhibitors were identified. First, endogenous inhibitors including (i) inhibitors under the control of the NPO (i.e. use of illegal and foreign sources of funding, limited financial resources, unavailability of NPOs' members, short term planning, conflicts between managers, autocratic leadership, organisational support, activities diversification and organisational justice, leadership and communication skills, "NPO culture", members' opportunistic behaviour and, generation gap) (ii) inhibitors related to NPOs inter-relationships: stiff competition, unfair and dishonest competition, lack of collaboration, trust and communication between NPOs. Second, exogenous inhibitors, i.e. perceived unethical practices and image transfer, economic crisis, foreign funding sources and the media. Research limitations/implications This study has some limitations mainly due to the sample size and characteristics of the selected interviewees. In addition, data was collected in only two regions (Tunis and Sousse). Therefore, the results lack generalisability. Practical implications The findings highlight the critical impact of the inhibitors under the control of NPOs compared to those out of their control. NPOs in crisis context, could overcome these inhibitors by ensuring congruence between the NPOs' mission, objectives and activities and designing suitable marketing strategies. Originality/value This study contributes to elucidate this complex circular system of exchange and its inhibitors in challenging and understudied context. It offers support to Bagozzi's (1974; 1975; 1994; 2011) calls for uncovering the factors constraining or facilitating exchanges that have an impact going beyond the relationship between three or more partners and the conditions that govern these exchanges. Moreover, and to the best of our knowledge, this is the first empirical attempt to support Bagozzi's (1994) conceptualisation. It also brings an update to NPOs' data and marketing strategy in a region near the crossroads of Middle Eastern, North African and Western influences. Keywords: Not For Profit Organisations (NPOs), endogenous and exogenous inhibitors, NPOs' inter-relationship, circular exchange system.

In Peru, the ratification of "The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)" that takes place in the beginnings ofthe 80's is part of a transition process not only in the political front, but also between two generations of women activists. One of which was represented by a group of professionals called to take an active role in the political front, women such as former deputy and first PUCP woman lawyer, Matilde Pérez Palacio as well as other founders of NGO's focused on child protection and abandoned mothers, such as María Vita de Alvarez. Prestigious group of professionals linked to "Consejo Nacional de Mujeres", founded in 1923, such as Sara Pérez Palacio, or Olga Paredes Lañas de De Olarte, just to name a few. This is the generation of women called to give a positive outlook towards the ratification of CEDAW -among which we find an important contingent of PUCP women lawyers, which they all do from their institutions by voicing the criticism about the difficult situation in which women lived then. Conversely, the next generation of women activists who represent the second wave of the Peruvian feminist movement are the ones called, years later, to claim the CEDAW. Moreover, this is the generation called to take a stand and assume now the political and public responsibility, just as the previous generation did. ; En el Perú, la ratificación de la Convención para la eliminación de toda forma de discriminación contra la mujer (CEDAW), dada a inicios de los 80, se enmarca en un proceso de transición no sólo política sino entre dos generaciones de mujeres activistas. Una de ellas es el grupo de mujeres profesionales, que luego de la conquista del voto han sido llamadas a participar en la vida política, como Matilde Pérez Palacio, primera abogada PUCP y luego diputada por Acción Popular, y otras que han fundado organizaciones no gubernamentales de protección a la infancia y a la madre abandonada como María Vita de Álvarez. Destacadas profesionales vinculadas siempre al Consejo Nacional de Mujeres, creado en 1923, como Sara Pérez Palacio, Olga Paredes Lañas de De Olarte y muchas más. Esta generación de mujeres, entre las cuales encontramos un importante contingente de abogadas PUCP, es a la que les toca dar opinión positiva para la ratificación de la CEDAW, lo cual hacen desde sus instituciones, pero sin acallar la crítica que les merece la situación de postergación que vivían las mujeres. Por otro lado, una siguiente generación de mujeres activistas de la segunda ola del movimiento feminista peruano es quien reivindicará la CEDAW años después, y a las que les tocará en su momento asumir la responsabilidad pública y política, como les tocó a la generación que las antecedió.

Purpose
In analyzing the field of strategic management in public organizations, scholars have noted a lack of studies that investigate how public organizations actually apply strategic management tools (Hansen, 2011) as well as studies that investigate how strategic knowledge is developed and used in practice in public organizations (Bryson et al., 2010). Voicing similar concerns, the 2013 World Health Report pointed out the challenges facing many governments in providing universal health coverage and the importance of conducting new studies that focus on practical approaches using the existing knowledge rather than only investing in research related to new technologies. The purpose of this paper is to analyze how Telemedicine System of Santa Catarina (TSSC)'s strategy has resulted in significant improvements as seen through the lens of structuration theory (ST).


Design/methodology/approach
The authors support the analysis using the strategy as practice (SAP) framework of practice, praxis and practitioners and the ST of Giddens (1984), using Orlikowski's (2000) technology in practice framework. The authors have applied a qualitative methodology using a single case study which analyzes a healthcare system that has resulted from a successful cooperation agreement between two public organizations in Brazil. This research is based on the analysis and identification of the structural aspects (interpretative schemes, facilities, norms and stock of knowledge) that are enacted by the practitioners through their practices and praxis.


Findings
The authors have identified five strategic practitioners that perform six strategic practices and praxis, and have analyzed the structures they enact during their praxis. The authors have also identified the interpretative schemes, norms and facilities that motivate these social practices and how they influence the results of the TSSC.


Research limitations/implications
As limitations of this study, the authors highlight the focus given to the service provider practitioners, leaving aside the political practitioners and patients. The researcher perception and possible biases must be considered also as a limitation, despite of the efforts to minimize them with the rigor of the methodology and the use of mixed data collection techniques to enable data triangulation.


Practical implications
This research contributes to a better understanding of the benefits that the practice perspective offers and provides insights into the possible management cooperation between institutions. It also provides substantial evidence of the relationship between SAP and ST as it contributes to the reinforcement of empirical studies using ST. In addition to academic advances, this study contributes to the field by highlighting how the relationship between practices, praxis, practitioners and the existing structures has positively influenced the results of a public healthcare system and by presenting a successful initiative that has helped to improve the public healthcare system.


Originality/value
The authors believe that this paper will contribute to the field by highlighting how the relationship between practices, praxis, practitioners and existing structures has positively influenced the results of a public healthcare system and the roles played by the human agents involved.

El artículo examina los discursos documentados de personas que fueron acusadas de criticar al monarca o al gobierno real en la Inglaterra del siglo XIV. Dichas palabras fueron atribuidas a individuos de fuera de la élite social, quienes estaban entonces inmersos en discursos políticos trazados por las ideologías y las estructuras institucionales de las cortes reales. Precisamente este proceso pudo influir en las relaciones entre vecinos y comunidades locales, así como entre los particulares y los oficiales que representaban a la Corona. Cuando tratamos de considerar en cómo ello afecta a nuestra comprensión de la cultura política bajomedieval, debemos tener en cuenta el contexto de la acusación: el papel de los informadores, los testimonios y los jurados locales. A veces las noticias políticas emanaban de los oficiales reales, mensajeros, ayudantes y alguaciles, que demostraban así su buena conexión con el poder. También podían manipular el proceso para acusar a sus oponentes de difundir rumores falsos y de perseguir venganzas locales a través de los tribunales reales. Todos aquellos que participaban en el proceso tenían que interactuar con el lenguaje y el procedimiento del sistema judicial real y construían cuidadosamente sus narrativas como parte de la representación requerida por los tribunales. Los registros escritos, entonces, nos permiten examinar cómo las palabras de dichos individuos eran reproducidas en forma de texto y, aún más, considerar con atención cómo eran representados en tanto que súbditos de la Corona. ; This article examines the reported speech of individuals who were accused of voicing criticism of the monarch or of royal government in fourteenth-century England. These words were attributed to individuals outside of the social elite, who were then drawn into political discourses shaped by the ideologies and institutional structures of the royal courts. This process might influence relations between neighbours and local communities, as well as between individuals and the officials who represented the Crown. When we think about how this affects our understanding of late medieval political culture, we need to think about the whole context of the accusation: the role of 'informers', witnesses and local juries. Political news sometimes emanated from royal office holders, messengers, clerks and sheriffs, allowing them to demonstrate just how well-connected they were with those in power. They could also manipulate the process to accuse opponents of spreading false tales and pursue local vendettas through the royal courts. All those who participated in the process had to interact with the language and procedure of the royal judicial system and they constructed their narratives carefully as part of the performance required by the courts. The written records, then, allow us to examine how the words of these individuals were rendered in textual form, and further, to think carefully about how they were represented as subjects of the Crown.

Over thirty percent of households in Nepal lack access to electricity. Most families utilize kerosene, candles, and traditional biomass to light their homes, cook food, and study. With an unemployment rate of forty-six percent, Nepal's economy offers limited opportunities for its citizens. Barriers to economic opportunity for Nepalese women are pronounced. Through the sale of reliable and affordable solar lanterns and energy systems, Empower Generation promotes women's economic empowerment by eradicating energy poverty through autonomous, women-led clean energy businesses. To document Empower Generation's social impact in Nepal, we conducted 36 semi-structured qualitative interviews with women entrepreneurs (henceforth solar CEOs), sales agents, and customers across eight districts. Interviews were conducted with an interview script and the help of a translator. Interview questions fostered discussion among solar CEOs about their personal history, the socio-economic impact of their entrepreneurial experience, and their future aspirations. We specifically focused on measuring women's empowerment, energy access, and the business performance of enterprises in the Empower Generation distribution network. During eight weeks in the field, we took over two thousand photos and filmed seven women entrepreneurs. Our findings demonstrate how Empower Generation fosters power and economic agency among women, stimulates independent income generation, and provides effective technical training and support. Solar CEOs report an increase in their sense of power and agency on individual, familial, and community levels. Empower Generation helps solar CEOs to develop their business acumen through training and support, leading to greater confidence in public speaking and in voicing their opinions in local politics. Income generation through sales also increases women's agency by diminishing women's dependence on their husband or family for economic support. Since 2012, 244,418 individuals have increased access to clean and safe lighting from products sold by Empower Generation enterprises. The possession of a solar lantern also provides clean, safe, reliable energy to off-grid consumers. Due to the inefficient and overloaded electric grid, even customers that have access to the grid can be without power for up to 18 hours daily (scheduled blackouts henceforth referred to as load-shedding hours) and find utility from using a solar lantern. Empower Generation has created nearly USD $2.8 million in energy savings for its customers since 2012. Customers also report that their children are able to study an increased 2.5 hours daily, on average, due to possession of a solar lantern. We provide four recommendations to help Empower Generation better achieve its impact. We recommend that Empower Generation: (1) increase the diversity of its products; (2) maintain a larger inventory—and teach solar CEOs and sales agents to make basic repairs—to circumvent import issues and delays relating to warranty replacement; (3) administer surveys to communities and customers in order to better understand consumer needs and desires; and (4) conduct research and analysis to determine the viability of instituting a pay-as-you-go system in rural communities for use with larger home solar systems.

Abstract.This study examines public statements by female candidates for the leadership of major federal parties in the period 1975–2006, with reference to the conceptual literature on political representation. Was the willingness of women politicians to voice feminist rhetoric more closely related to extra-parliamentary dynamics, notably the changing fortunes of feminist and antifeminist movements, or to parliamentary factors, including the ideological as well as competitive circumstances of their parties? The empirical discussion suggests feminist content was particularly strong in the language of Rosemary Brown for the NDP in 1975, Kim Campbell for the PCs in 1993 and Martha Hall Findlay for the Liberals in 2006. Overall results point toward the utility of a two-pronged perspective that merges a parliamentary view that centre-left through centre-right parties, as well as those in an opposition or weak governing position, were more likely sites of feminist discourse than hard right and firmly competitive parties, with a movement-focused approach that explains the diminished use of representational rhetoric during this period, even in relatively hospitable parties, with reference to the declining legitimacy of organized feminism. Unlike in the US, women candidates in right parties in Canada did not use their campaigns as vehicles for voicing strong antifeminist positions.Résumé.Cette étude survole la littérature conceptuelle sur la représentation politique et examine ainsi les déclarations publiques faites par les candidates lors des courses à la direction des principaux partis politiques fédéraux pendant la période allant de 1975 à 2006. La volonté des politiciennes d'exprimer la rhétorique féministe était-elle davantage apparentée à la dynamique extra-parlementaire, notamment la force des mouvements féministes et antiféministes, ou plutôt aux facteurs parlementaires comme l'idéologie et la compétitivité de leur parti? La discussion empirique suggère que le contenu féministe était particulièrement important dans le vocabulaire utilisé par Rosemary Brown pour le NPD en 1975, par Kim Campbell pour le PPC en 1993 et par Martha Hall Findlay pour le PLC en 2006. Les résultats indiquent qu'il est utile, pour ce type d'étude, de considérer une fusion des deux approches. La première est une perspective parlementaire, qui suggère que les partis se situant sur le spectre politique entre le centre-gauche et le centre-droit, de même que ceux qui se trouvent dans une position d'opposition ou de gouvernement faible ou minoritaire, sont les plus réceptifs aux discours féministes. La deuxième approche (movement-focused) porte son attention sur les mouvements sociaux pour expliquer la diminution de l'utilisation de la rhétorique représentationnelle pendant cette période, et ce, même dans les partis relativement réceptifs au féminisme organisé. Contrairement à la situation aux États-Unis, les candidates à la direction des partis de droite au Canada n'ont pas utilisé la course à l'investiture de leur parti comme tremplin pour exprimer de fortes positions antiféministes.

Introduction / Sämi Ludwig -- Multiculturalism as a challenge to aesthetic theory / Natalia Vysotska -- Multiculturalism versus inequality: a falst opposition / Meili Steele -- Democratic doxa: toward a genealogy of typicality in American nationalist literature / Christopher G. Diller -- Arab Americans: the example of Naomi Shihab Nye / Bouchra Bouterra and Toufik Lachouri -- 'D'ici et d'ailleurs': hybridity, double standards and the western Arab-Muslim woman / Rim Khaled -- Ex/tension of/in 'a nation peopled by the world': re-evaluating kaleidoscopic feasts in Arab American and Asian American texts / Sihem Arfaoui -- Asian birthright and anglo bequest: Chang-rae Lee and Bich Minh Nguyen / Sheng-mei Ma -- Transnationalism, multiculturalism, and cosmopolitanism: The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao by Junot Diaz / Fernando Valerio-Holguín -- Straddling worlds: a comparative study of the multicultural experiences of Anurag Mathur and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie / Arpa Ghosh -- Multiculturalizing America: Ishmael Reed and the cultural mosaic / Wendy Hayes-Jones -- The first rainbow coalition and the end of multi-cultural politics in Ishmael Reed's Mumbo Jumbo / Stephen Casmier -- Didn't I tell you?: the hoodoo conjurer of Japanese by Spring / Yuqing Lin -- The new irony of Ishmael Reed against the new racism of postracial America / Jiři Šalamoun -- Jazz musicians as pioneer multi-culturalists, the co-optation of them, and the reason jazz survives / Ishmael Reed -- Craig Santos Perez and Myung Mi Kim: voicing the integral divide: transcending suffering by reshaping American history and language / Jennifer K. Dick -- "The Avalanche of Sims im Engadin", "Mulhouse, France" / Tennessee Reed -- "Eavesdropping on the Gods" / Ishmael Reed -- "The Freshman," "Haskell," "White Indians," "The Question," "Together Separately" / V. Jean Tahdooahnippah -- Suzushi Hanayagi at Mulhouse / Carla Blank -- Multiculturalism in art: the African American tradition continues / Paul von Blum -- Multiculturalism in color: Zuni colors and the non-Native American art market / Charlaine Ostmann -- Multicultural or destitute Hawai'i? Re-visioning the symbolism of the aloha shirt / Roxane Hughes -- Rethinking multiculturalism: critical pedagogy and critical literacy in education / M. Kamel Igoudjil -- Identity politics in the ESL classroom / Amanda de Varona and Saghar Leslie Naghib -- Guests or comrades? The rights of migrants in the workplace / Edward Mortimer -- The Latino condition: understanding multiculturalism and Pan-Latino ethnicity in the USA / Marc S. Rodriguez -- Bricolage of protest: unveiling the multicultural dimensions of the Chicano movement through its murals of protest / Atalie Gerhard -- Yiddish and American multiculturalism: a 'postvernacular' language on the margin / Astrid Starck-Adler -- Multiculturalism in the United States: a fait accompli? / Christèle Le Bihan -- American multiculturalism in the 21st century: achieving domestic and international goals in a globalized world / Saïd Ouaked -- The evolution of political multiculturalism in the United States, Barack Obama, affirmative action, and the Affordable Care Act / Lea Stephan -- Should I stay or should I go? Multiculturalism in Mulhouse / Evelyne Troxler -- André Weckmann and the influence of African American culture on modern Alsatian poetry / Peter André Bloch -- Managing cultural diversity: multiculturalism and citizenship in America and Algeria / Abderrezak Dourari -- From snowball to pomegranate seeds: the troubled position of Han within Chinese multiculturalism / Chang Liu.

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :행정대학원 행정학과(정책학전공),2019. 8. 구민교. ; 유럽연합(European Union)은 그 기원이 경제공동체이지만, 오늘날 세계 인권의 수호자로서 자리매김하고 있다. EU는 여러 국제관계를 통해 전 세계적으로 유럽의 인권 규범을 전파하고자 노력하고 있으며, 무역도 예외는 아니다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 EU 인권규범과 통상의 연계 가운데 두드러진 이슈로 사형제를 살펴본다. EU는 사형제의 폐지를 인권 보호의 차원에서 강력하게 주장하고 있으며, 2005년에는 명시적으로 사형제와 관련된 물품의 유럽 외 수출을 법률로 금한 바 있다. 이슈연계라는 측면에서 본 논문은 사형제와 통상의 연계가 어떻게 발전되어 왔는가를 시기별로 분류하며, 그 원인으로 앨리슨(1971)의 관료정치 모형(Model III)을 들어 EU조직들 간의 정치행태를 이해한다. 이 논문은 유럽의회(European Parliament)가 사형제과 무역을 연결하려는 링커(linker)로서 어떻게 유럽집행위원회(European Commission)를 설득하여 효과적으로 이슈연계를 강화했는가 살펴봄으로써, 그것이 유럽의회의 EU 내 입지 강화의 결과와 원인으로 작용했다는 점을 밝힌다. ; For decades, the European Union (EU) has claimed to be a global champion of human rights and made many efforts accordingly both inside and outside the region. For many Europeans, linking human rights issues to internal and international trade has become as natural as linking the environment to trade. The death penalty is also a prominent human rights issue, and the EU calls for its universal abolishment. This study examines why and how the EU has connected the death penalty issue to its trade policy. Building upon the literature on issue linkages, this study categorizes the historical development of the linkage between the death penalty and trade in four different phases: recognition, integration, institutionalization, and expansion. It is argued that the linkage has been strengthened in terms of its "coerciveness" and "directness" over the past few decades. This study uses Graham Allison's (1971) bureaucratic politics model to explain how and to what extent the internal politics among European institutions, particularly between the European Parliament and the European Commission, have determined the ways in which the two otherwise separate issues have been linked. The European Parliament is the main advocate of such a linkage and has successfully induced the European Commission to promote the abolishment of the death penalty through its commercial power despite its earlier objection. This study claims that the consequence of the death penalty–trade linkage is the empowerment of the European Parliament vis-à-vis the European Commission. In each phase of the linkage development, the European Parliament has made explicit efforts to expand its formal and normative power by voicing strong opinions about the internal and external trade of which the European Commission is in charge. This study concludes that the European Parliament, which stands as an advocate and defender of human rights, has successfully engaged itself in the trade issue area by linking the death penalty to trade and thus increased its influence at the expense of the European Commission. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 Chapter 2. Frameworks of Analysis 10 Chapter 3. Analysis 22 Chapter 4. Conclusion 32 Bibliography 35 Abstract in Korean 41 ; Master

After Dariusz Libionka's pioneering treatise entitled Berkom Joselewiczom już dziękujemy… [Bereks Joselewiczs, goodbye and good luck...] (2009), this is the second analysis of Maria Kann's canonical and paradigmatic pamphlet. This time the research question is: why did the Holocaust not delegitimize antisemitism in Poland, and did not lead to a revision of the dominant culture and the majority's collective identity? The pamphlet Na oczach świata (1943) – ordered, published, and distributed by the Polish Underground State – condemns the extermination of Jews, while voicing the need of their elimination from the society. It maintains the belief in the existence of the "Jewish question" (without quotation marks in the original) and heralds that after the war Poles will "solve" it for the sake of the Polish "national interest" – without "foreign assistance" and, supposedly, without violence. The presented discourse analysis deconstructs this and other mechanisms of hate speech, which declaratively delegitimize violence, but in fact incite to it, and are acts of violence in themselves. In the situation of the Holocaust, a surgical separation of the praised elimination from the condemned extermination was but wishful thinking. This wishful thinking, presented as a description of reality, removed from the view the responsibility of the non-Jewish majority for co-creating the realities of extermination, and thus this majority's influence on the number of Jewish victims on the "Aryan side." An important tool of falsifying the state of affairs was the figure of the Polish witness to the Holocaust. In the analyzed perspective, at no time was the fate of Jews of any importance. The declared purpose of Na oczach świata was to stop Poles from participating in the Holocaust for the sake of Christian love of enemies, which in fact masked collective narcissism. After all, the more worthy of hatred an enemy is, the more glory it brings to one to refrain from aggression towards them. The presented analysis focuses on the techniques of constructing the enemy figure as, simultaneously, an irreducible abject, and an irreducible threat. This construction consisted in the reproduction of hateful and oppressive phantasms and argumentative schemes – like the myth of Judeo-communism or orientalization – none of which were original. However, Na oczach świata was novel (or restorative) and precedential in that it updated the antisemitic narrative to make it fully efficient in relation to and in the face of the Holocaust: "before the shooting in the ruins of the ghetto fell silent". Maria Kann's pamphlet was also a normative text in the sense that, with the full sanction of the Polish Underground State and its authority, it organized the Polish experience of the Holocaust. It established its legitimate variant. It shaped individual and collective emotional and mental dispositions. The analysis covers strategies and tools for pacifying empathy and cognitive dissonance. Na oczach świata contains peculiar guidelines for how to profess antisemitic pre-sumptions without confronting their consequences. What is secured in such a way, apart from the Polish (self-)image interest, is the Polish identity interest in its preclusive, chauvinist understanding. The dominant culture loses contact with reality and gains immunity to the imperative of reckoning and rejection of disgraced virtues, values and patterns.

A recent Globe and Mail editorial observed: "The trouble with school boards as they exist . . . is that they are somewhat accountable in theory, but barely accountable in practice." Voicing what has become common sentiment within government, and some public quarters, the editorial continued: "All residents may vote for the school board, but hardly any do; these large and barely visible institutions start to look like a little like taxation without representation." The editor's comments, which reflect a simmering public unease about school costs and the accountability of school governance institutions, have not gone unheeded by politicians. Since the early 1990s, provincial governments across Canada have been restructuring school governance systems within their respective jurisdictions. Commenting on this restructuring movement, the Canadian Teachers Federation has accurately observed: "The drastic reduction in the number of units of local government for education has been one of the most dramatic of all changes in Canada's pattern of government. And yet, it has occurred and is continuing with relatively little public concern or debate." Although these initiatives to reduce the numbers of local school boards and, in one province, to eliminate them entirely, are of relatively recent origin, they are certainly not new in their intentions. They simply represent the latest form of a larger century-old movement to reorganize public school governance at local levels and to make boards and their administrative systems more efficient. But it is not the history of school consolidation in Canada that this paper wishes to address--that has been treated elsewhere. Rather, the purpose of this paper is to examine the character of developments in the restructuring movement now underway in Canada. The following discussion is divided into three parts. The first part reviews the broad historical context in education and government which has given rise to the restructuring movement. The second examines the main forms, features, and traits of restructuring initiatives as they are now presenting themselves in provinces from the Atlantic to the Pacific. More specifically, it describes the particular provincial conditions that have produced these organizational changes, the agendas and objectives associated with them, the planning and implementation strategies governments have adopted, and outcomes achieved to date.The third part of the discussion is more analytical than descriptive in character. It explores several of the central ideas underlying provincial restructuring efforts, the agendas and implications of restructuring largely unstated in official documents, or what might otherwise be described as restructuring's "sub-text." Attention here is directed toward examining why senior governments have selected school district consolidation, euphemistically known as "restructuring," as the principal instrument for such reform, given that government commands various other legislative and policy tools to bring about efficiency and change. In addition, it suggests why other strategies or approaches have not been chosen. What is it about school district consolidation that has made it so fashionable in the 1990s as a way of demonstrating government's commitment to efficiency and reform' Understanding such questions constitutes an important part of understanding the real character and meaning of current restructuring exercises.

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The University of Bedfordshire ; The landscape of Tourism Studies has been marked recently by scholars calling for new approaches to tourism and greater levels of transparency, placing the emphasis on the cultural politics of research making, criticality, situated research, and broader levels of theorisation. This composite agenda of issues has been voiced and marked under the umbrella terms The Critical Turn, and "new" tourism research. In the contemporary context of emerging innovative work and an expanding range of research, this thesis asserts that tourism and travel play an important role in today's world and contribute greatly to the formation of various social phenomena. Tourism Studies as a field is beginning to expand beyond the applied business approach, and critical enquiry is becoming more prominent with increasing numbers of researchers voicing their discontent over deprived tourism theorising. The three broad issues providing impetus for this work are the lack of philosophical research and researchers' understanding of emic and etic involvement in the process, the poverty of tourism theory, and the lack of critical approaches in the field. In this critical framework of reference, this research study is mainly concerned with examining the process of knowledge production in Tourism Studies. I employ a constructionist approach to research and present tourism as a social phenomenon that cannot hold meaning independently of cultural interpretations. I highlight that the widespread use of etic, situated, and perspectival voices of researchers leads only to one type of knowledge that tends to disregard other ways of knowing and understanding. I point to the plurality of places and objects and propose that one's understanding of tourism is the result of our situated being in the world, a philosophical notion proffered by Martin Heidegger. I thus present tourism as a phenomenon that can "tell us" about our being in the world – an act which summons a theoretical shift as to what tourism "is", what it "does" and what it "can do". With regard to the use of empirical data, I employ hermeneutic phenomenology as the research methodology and focus on the New Age phenomenon to demonstrate the construction of meaning and production of knowledge. Additionally, New Age is relevant in the context of the shifting social, political and cultural climate. I examine some of the emerging works in the field and conclude that travellers (in this thesis, New Agers) not only make, re-make, and constitute places; they also become entangled in tourist performances and use their bodies to learn, to experience and to grow spiritually. I conclude that post-disciplinarity, criticality, and reflexivity are valuable in the constructionist line of enquiry, and I present tourism as a creative endeavour into the understanding of the lived world. The key findings show that there is room for more constructionist and subjectivist epistemologies and further explorations into tacit knowledge, and also the need for researchers to pay more attention to the philosophical assumptions guiding their work.