Suchergebnisse

Предмет/тема. Глобализация характеризуется не только позитивными чертами, но и несет в себе существенные противоречия, которые, в частности, отчетливо проявились в период последнего мирового финансово-экономического кризиса. Япония вовлечена и продолжает вовлекаться в процессы глобализации, о чем свидетельствует сравнительная динамика индекса глобализации. Статья посвящена обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии в условиях глобализации. Цели/задачи. Поскольку мировой финансово-экономический кризис продолжает оказывать влияние на уровень экономической безопасности государств мира, представляет интерес рассмотрение мер обеспечения экономической безопасности, принятых в Японии в условиях глобализации. Закономерности обеспечения экономической безопасности государства в условиях глобализации позволили определить в качестве основных форм обеспечения экономической безопасности государства: во-первых, экономический патронат, который обеспечивает внутрисистемную безопасность систем экономического назначения страны, если совокупность этих систем рассматривать как целостную систему; во-вторых, экономическую кооперацию, которая обеспечивает экономическую безопасность государства при взаимодействии экономики страны с различными экономическими системами, не связанными с этим сектором национального хозяйства отношениями подчиненности; в-третьих, экономическое противоборство, которое является основной формой обеспечения экономической безопасности государства в конкурентной борьбе противостоящих сторон. Методология. В работе рассмотрена реализация перечисленных форм обеспечения защиты японской экономики от внешних и внутренних угроз, проанализирован подход к обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии в условиях устранения последствий мирового финансово-экономического кризиса, развития экономических интеграционных связей и обострения экономического противоборства. Применен индексный анализ, также использованы горизонтальный и вертикальный сравнительный анализ. Результаты. Экономические итоги и прогнозы по обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии представляют интерес для оценки текущей экономической политики и ее влияния на использование потенциала экономики в интересах безопасности государства. Выводы/значимость. Сделан вывод, что мировой финансово-экономический кризис значительно повлиял на возможности Японии и большинства стран мира по повышению уровня своей экономической безопасности, что до сих пор обусловливает принятие и реализацию правительствами и центробанками этих стран дополнительных антикризисных мер, активизацию усилий по экономической кооперации и ведению экономического противоборства. ; Importance Globalization has not only a positive effect, but also generates significant contradictions, which, in particular, became evident in the last global financial and economic crisis. Japan is involved into globalization, continues this process and demonstrates respective dynamics in the globalization index. The article focuses on ensuring the economic security of Japan during globalization. Objectives Whereas the global financial and economic crisis continues influencing economic security of nations, it is reasonable to consider the economic security measures Japan undertakes during globalization. Common practices of ensuring economic security allow qualifying the following processes as the principle formats of national economic security: first, economic protectionism that ensures internal system security of the nation's economic systems provided that a combination of the systems is regarded as an integral system; second, economic cooperation that results in economic security of the nation through the national economy's interaction with various economic systems, which are not subordinate to the national economic sector; third, economic confrontation that is the main form of the national economic security in circumstances of opposing parties' competition. Methods The research examines how the above economic security measures are implemented to protect the Japanese economy from external and internal threats, analyzes the approach for ensuring Japan's economic security in remedying the global financial and economic crisis, developing economic integration ties and escalating economic confrontation. I apply the index analysis and horizontal and vertical comparative analyses. Results Economic outcomes and forecasts on the Japanese economic security are of interest to evaluate the current economic policy and how it influences the use of economic potential for the national interests. Conclusions and Relevance I conclude that the global financial crisis had a significant impact on opportunities of Japan and most countries in terms of improving their economic security. It explains why governments and Central Banks undertake and implement additional anti-crisis measures and remedies, strengthen economic cooperation and proceed with economic confrontation.

Предмет/тема. Глобализация характеризуется не только позитивными чертами, но и несет в себе существенные противоречия, которые, в частности, отчетливо проявились в период последнего мирового финансово-экономического кризиса. Япония вовлечена и продолжает вовлекаться в процессы глобализации, о чем свидетельствует сравнительная динамика индекса глобализации. Статья посвящена обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии в условиях глобализации. Цели/задачи. Поскольку мировой финансово-экономический кризис продолжает оказывать влияние на уровень экономической безопасности государств мира, представляет интерес рассмотрение мер обеспечения экономической безопасности, принятых в Японии в условиях глобализации. Закономерности обеспечения экономической безопасности государства в условиях глобализации позволили определить в качестве основных форм обеспечения экономической безопасности государства: во-первых, экономический патронат, который обеспечивает внутрисистемную безопасность систем экономического назначения страны, если совокупность этих систем рассматривать как целостную систему; во-вторых, экономическую кооперацию, которая обеспечивает экономическую безопасность государства при взаимодействии экономики страны с различными экономическими системами, несвязанными с этим сектором национального хозяйства отношениями подчиненности; в-третьих, экономическое противоборство, которое является основной формой обеспечения экономической безопасности государства в конкурентной борьбе противостоящих сторон. Методология. В работе рассмотрена реализация перечисленных форм обеспечения защиты японской экономики от внешних и внутренних угроз, проанализирован подход к обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии в условиях устранения последствий мирового финансово-экономического кризиса, развития экономических интеграционных связей и обострения экономического противоборства. жизни. Применен индексный анализ, также использованы горизонтальный и вертикальный сравнительный анализ. Результаты. Экономические итоги и прогнозы по обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии представляют интерес для оценки текущей экономической политики и ее влияния на использование потенциала экономики в интересах безопасности государства. Выводы/значимость. Сделан вывод, что мировой финансово-экономический кризис значительно повлиял на возможности Японии и большинства стран мира по повышению уровня своей экономической безопасности, что до сих пор обусловливает принятие и реализацию правительствами и центробанками этих стран дополнительных антикризисных мер, активизацию усилий по экономической кооперации и ведению экономического противоборства. ; Importance Globalization has not only a positive effect, but also generates significant contradictions, which, in particular, became evident in the last global financial and economic crisis. Japan is involved into globalization, continues this process and demonstrates respective dynamics in the globalization index. The article focuses on ensuring the economic security of Japan during globalization. Objectives Whereas the global financial and economic crisis continues influencing economic security of nations, it is reasonable to consider the economic security measures Japan undertakes during globalization. Common practices of ensuring economic security allow qualifying the following processes as the principle formats of national economic security: first, economic protectionism that ensures internal system security of the nation's economic systems provided that a combination of the systems is regarded as an integral system; second, economic cooperation that results in economic security of the nation through the national economy's interaction with various economic systems, which are not subordinate to the national economic sector; third, economic confrontation that is the main form of the national economic security in circumstances of opposing parties' competition. Methods The research examines how the above economic security measures are implemented to protect the Japanese economy from external and internal threats, analyzes the approach for ensuring Japan's economic security in remedying the global financial and economic crisis, developing economic integration ties and escalating economic confrontation. I apply the index analysis and horizontal and vertical comparative analyses. Results Economic outcomes and forecasts on the Japanese economic security are of interest to evaluate the current economic policy and how it influences the use of economic potential for the national interests. Conclusions and Relevance I conclude that the global financial crisis had a significant impact on opportunities of Japan and most countries in terms of improving their economic security. It explains why governments and Central Banks undertake and implement additional anti-crisis measures and remedies, strengthen economic cooperation and proceed with economic confrontation.

Предмет/тема. Глобализация характеризуется не только позитивными чертами, но и несет в себе существенные противоречия, которые, в частности, отчетливо проявились в период последнего мирового финансово-экономического кризиса. Япония вовлечена и продолжает вовлекаться в процессы глобализации, о чем свидетельствует сравнительная динамика индекса глобализации. Статья посвящена обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии в условиях глобализации. Цели/задачи. В статье рассматриваются меры обеспечения экономической безопасности, принятые в Японии в условиях глобализации. Закономерности обеспечения экономической безопасности государства в условиях глобализации позволили определить в качестве основных форм обеспечения экономической безопасности государства: во-первых, экономический патронат, который обеспечивает внутрисистемную безопасность систем экономического назначения страны, если совокупность этих систем рассматривать как целостную систему; во-вторых, экономическую кооперацию, которая обеспечивает экономическую безопасность государства при взаимодействии экономики страны с различными экономическими системами, несвязанными с этим сектором национального хозяйства отношениями подчиненности; в-третьих, экономическое противоборство, которое является основной формой обеспечения экономической безопасности государства в конкурентной борьбе противостоящих сторон. Методология. В работе рассмотрена реализация перечисленных форм обеспечения защиты японской экономики от внешних и внутренних угроз, проанализирован подход к обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии в условиях устранения последствий мирового финансово-экономического кризиса, развития экономических интеграционных связей и обострения экономического противоборства. Применен индексный анализ, также использованы горизонтальный и вертикальный сравнительный анализ. Результаты. Экономические итоги и прогнозы по обеспечению экономической безопасности Японии представляют интерес для оценки текущей экономической политики и ее влияния на использование потенциала экономики в интересах безопасности государства. Выводы/значимость. Сделан вывод, что мировой финансово-экономический кризис значительно повлиял на возможности Японии и большинства стран мира по повышению уровня своей экономической безопасности, что до сих пор обусловливает принятие и реализацию правительствами и центробанками этих стран дополнительных антикризисных мер, активизацию усилий по экономической кооперации и ведению экономического противоборства. ; Importance Globalization has not only a positive effect, but also generates significant contradictions, which, in particular, became evident in the last global financial and economic crisis. Japan is involved into globalization, continues this process and demonstrates respective dynamics in the globalization index. The article focuses on ensuring the economic security of Japan during globalization. Objectives The article deals with measures to ensure economic security, adopted in Japan in the context of globalization. Common practices of ensuring economic security allow qualifying the following processes as the principle formats of national economic security: first, economic protectionism that ensures internal system security of the nation's economic systems provided that a combination of the systems is regarded as an integral system; second, economic cooperation that results in economic security of the nation through the national economy's interaction with various economic systems, which are not subordinate to the national economic sector; third, economic confrontation that is the main form of the national economic security in circumstances of opposing parties' competition. Methods The research examines how the above economic security measures are implemented to protect the Japanese economy from external and internal threats, analyzes the approach for ensuring Japan's economic security in remedying the global financial and economic crisis, developing economic integration ties and escalating economic confrontation. I apply the index analysis and horizontal and vertical comparative analyses. Results Economic outcomes and forecasts on the Japanese economic security are of interest to evaluate the current economic policy and how it influences the use of economic potential for the national interests. Conclusions and Relevance I conclude that the global financial crisis had a significant impact on opportunities of Japan and most countries in terms of improving their economic security. It explains why governments and Central Banks undertake and implement additional anti-crisis measures and remedies, strengthen economic cooperation and proceed with economic confrontation.

Цель: на основе анализа технологий совершения «цветных» революций в разных странах сформулировать предложения по совершенствованию уголовного законодательства, направленные на противодействие данному явлению. Методы: общенаучный (индукции, дедукции, анализа, синтеза) и частнонаучные (формально-юридический и сравнительно-правовой). Результаты: используя результаты проведенных учеными-политологами исследований «цветных» революций, автор дал оценку характеру и уровню общественной опасности «цветных» революций; указал, что в результате последних создается угроза нормальному существованию страны и даже нескольких стран; сделал вывод о необходимости противодействия цветным революциям с помощью уголовно-правовых средств. В статье отмечается отсутствие в рамках действующего уголовного законодательства норм, позволяющих привлекать к уголовной ответственности организаторов, подстрекателей и участников «цветных» революций. Предлагается дополнить действующий уголовный закон нормой, устанавливающей ответственность за совершение указанного деяния, причем предлагается поместить данную норму в гл. 34 «Преступления против мира и безопасности человечества», приравняв по характеру и степени общественной опасности организацию, подготовку и проведение «цветных» революций к планированию, подготовке, развязыванию или ведению агрессивной войны (ст. 353 Уголовного кодекса Российской Федерации). Научная новизна: на основе изучения действующих правовых норм современной политологической и юридической научной литературы по теме работы сделан вывод, что в основе «цветных» революций лежит злоупотребление правом. Это позволяет организаторам «цветных» революций вполне легально готовить и осуществлять свержение неугодных по тем или иным мотивам политических режимов. Автором сформулированы предложения по дополнению уголовного законодательства. Практическая значимость: материалы статьи и содержащиеся в ней выводы могут быть использованы в правотворческой деятельности при разработке проектов законодательных актов о внесении изменений и дополнений в Уголовный кодекс Российской Федерации, научной работе при подготовке монографических и диссертационных исследований, учебных пособий и статей, в преподавании дисциплины «Уголовное право», на курсах повышения квалификации работников правоохранительных органов и суда. ; Objective: basing on the analysis of «colour» revolution technologies in different countries, to formulate propositions for improving criminal legislation aimed at counteraction against this phenomenon. Methods: general scientific (induction, deduction, analysis, synthesis) and specific scientific (formal-juridical and comparative-legal). Results: using the results of «colour» revolutions' research carried out by political scientists, the author evaluates the character and level of public danger of «colour» revolutions. The author states that the «colour» revolutions threaten the normal existence of the country or several countries. The conclusion is made that the «colour» revolutions must be counteracted by criminal-legal means. The article states the absence of norms in the existing criminal legislation, which would impose criminal liability on organizers, incendiaries and participants of «colour» revolutions. It is proposed to supplement the existing criminal law with the norm stipulating the liability for such deeds, and to insert this norm into Article 34 "Crimes against peace and security of humanity", thus equating organization, preparation and implementing «colour» revolutions with planning, preparation, launching and conducting an aggressive war (Art. 353 of the Russian Criminal Code). Scientific novelty: basing on the existing legal norms, modern politological and juridical scientific literature, a conclusion is made that the «colour» revolutions are based on the abuse of law. This allows the organizers of «сolour» revolutions to legally prepare and implement the subversion of undesirable political regimes. The author formulates proposals for supplementing the criminal legislation. Practical value: the materials and conclusions of the article can be used in law-making activity when elaborating the drafts of legal acts for changing and supplementing the Russian Criminal Code; for research activity when preparing monographs and dissertations, tutorials and articles; when teaching the "Criminal Law" course, in advanced qualification courses for personnel of law-enforcement bodies and courts.

В статье предпринята попытка анализа инвестиционного потенциала туристско-рекреационной отрасли Крыма с учетом современных геополитических и социально-экономических реалий. Охарактеризованы основные результаты и тенденции инвестиционной деятельности на территории Республики Крым в 2013-2014 гг., а также обозначены ее дальнейшие перспективы. Показано, что вследствие негативных общественно-политических и социально-экономических процессов на Украине и в Крыму на протяжении предшествующих лет в регионе практически не реализовывались крупные инвестиционные проекты, в том числе связанные с созданием курортных мегакомплексов так называемой «Крымской Анталии». В то же время на данный момент имеется большое количество инвестиционных предложений, связанных с созданием традиционных объектов размещения, объектов общекурортной инфраструктуры, объектов специализированного туризма (горнолыжного, яхтенного, гольф-туризма), а также развлекательных парков тематической направленности. На основе метода SWOT-анализа автор определяет сильные и слабые стороны, возможности и угрозы, связанные с инвестированием в туристско-рекреационную инфраструктуру Республики Крым на современном этапе. Также обозначены основные приоритеты региональной инвестиционной политики, для которой руководством Республики были задекларированы такие основополагающие принципы, как равные возможности, «прозрачность», заимствование лучшего опыта других регионов Российской Федерации. Важнейшими направлениями деятельности по улучшению инвестиционного климата должны стать окончательный переход туристско-рекреационной отрасли Крыма в правовое поле Российской Федерации; создание свободной экономической зоны (зоны приоритетного развития) со льготной системой налогообложения; синхронизация существующих инвестиционных проектов с Федеральной целевой программой «Социально-экономическое развитие Республики Крым и г. Севастополя до 2020 г.»; поддержание общественно-политической стабильности в регионе и преодоление негативных последствий международных санкций, введенных рядом государств Европы, Северной Америки и Тихоокеанского региона. ; In the article the author makes an attempt to analyze the investment potential of tourism and recreation industry of Crimea taking into account modern geopolitical and socio-economic realities. Main results and tendencies of investment activity on the territory of the Republic of Crimea in 2013-2014 are described, and also its further prospects are marked. It is shown, that because of the negative socio-political and socioeconomic processes in Ukraine and Crimea during previous years in the region large investment projects were not practically undertaken, including those related to creation of a resort mega complex, the so-called «Crimean Antalya». At the same time now there is a large number of the investment proposals, related to creation of traditional objects of location, objects of general resort infrastructure, objects of the specialized tourism (mountain-skiing, yachts, golf-tourism), and also entertaining parks of thematic orientation. On the basis of method of SWOT-analysis the author determines strong and weak sides, opportunities and threats related to investing in the tourism and recreation infrastructure of the Republic of Crimea at the current stage. Basic priorities of regional investment policy, for which the authorities of the Republic of Crimea declared such fundamental principles, as equal possibilities, «transparency», borrowing of the best experience of other regions of Russian Federation, are also marked. Major directions of activities on the improvement of investment climate should become: final transition of tourism and recreation industry of Crimea into the legal field of the Russian Federation; creation of a free economic zone (a zone of priority development) with a preferential tax system; synchronization of existent investment projects with the Federal Target Program «Socio-economic development of the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol until the 2020»; maintaining social and political stability in the region and overcoming negative consequences of the international sanctions, imposed on by a number of countries of Europe, North America and Pacific region.

Abstract:This document systematizes the main premises of a research project based on the forbidden eroticism, as a structured and structuring mechanism of power-based relationships that take place in patriarchal societies. The individual and collective practices of this power-based relationships are manifested in three dimensions: Decision making process, concrete relational environment, and the sense of praxis production. Reflections on this project are based on the hermeneutic and historic method which are applied to the main theories on power in two cinematographic productions that involve this topic, and the critical analysis of alternative thinking, experiencing, and comprehending sexuality that are socially judged of being "devious sexual practices". Forbidden eroticism is built on a power mechanism, as a hinge dispositif, which allows us to understand sexuality from a political perspective weaving the existing relationships between state, family, public spaces and individual subjectivity which condition legally and morally people's experiences of pleasure, enjoyment, and jouissance that re-produce discursive resistance practices, legitimizing or repressing the non-material dimension of their own sexuality. From this point of view the article attempts to expose how forbidden eroticism brings out the sexuality canon on which alternative forms are categorized as pathologies that threaten society's control over people and its conception of normality based on a hetero-normal discipline that as a technology of the self, centers the function of sexuality as merely reproductive and linked to the family as the core of every society.Keywords: forbidden eroticism; power mechanism; hetero-normative discipline; censored sexuality; code standardization; enjoyment - jouissance - pleasure.Resumen:El presente artículo sistematiza las tesis centrales de un ejercicio de investigación adelantado en torno al erotismo prohibido, en tanto mecanismo estructurado y estructurante de las relaciones de poder en las sociedades patriarcales, cuyo ejercicio por parte de actores individuales y colectivos se manifiesta en tres dimensiones, que son el proceso decisional, el ámbito relacional concreto y la producción del sentido de la praxis. La reflexión se realiza a partir del método histórico-hermenéutico aplicado a las principales teorías del poder, a dos producciones cinematográficas ineludibles en este campo y al análisis crítico de formas alternativas de pensar, experimentar y comprehender la sexualidad, socialmente valoradas como «prácticas sexuales desviadas». El erotismo prohibido se constituye así en un mecanismo de poder que, a la manera de un dispositivo bisagra, permite comprender la sexualidad desde una perspectiva política, entretejiendo las relaciones existentes entre el Estado, la familia, el espacio de lo público y la subjetividad individual, que bajo la forma del control social, ya sea con la vía jurídica o de la sanción moral, condicionan la experiencia del goce, el placer y el disfrute de sujetos sexuados re-creadores de prácticas discursivas de resistencia, legitimación o represión de la dimensión in-material de su sexualidad. Desde esta perspectiva, a lo largo del artículo se explicará cómo el erotismo prohibido hace posible visibilizar el canon de la sexualidad con base en el cual se catalogan formas alternativas como patologías amenazadoras del control social del sujeto individual y colectivo y de la normalidad alcanzada a través de una disciplina heteronormativa que, en tanto tecnología del yo, centra la sexualidad en la función reproductiva ligada a la familia como núcleo de la sociedad.Palabras clave: erotismo prohibido; mecanismo de poder; disciplina heteronormativa; sexualidad censurada; código de normalización; disfrute – goce – placer.

Abstract:This document systematizes the main premises of a research project based on the forbidden eroticism, as a structured and structuring mechanism of power-based relationships that take place in patriarchal societies. The individual and collective practices of this power-based relationships are manifested in three dimensions: Decision making process, concrete relational environment, and the sense of praxis production. Reflections on this project are based on the hermeneutic and historic method which are applied to the main theories on power in two cinematographic productions that involve this topic, and the critical analysis of alternative thinking, experiencing, and comprehending sexuality that are socially judged of being ¿devious sexual practices¿. Forbidden eroticism is built on a power mechanism, as a hinge dispositif, which allows us to understand sexuality from a political perspective weaving the existing relationships between state, family, public spaces and individual subjectivity which condition legally and morally people¿s experiences of pleasure, enjoyment, and jouissance that re-produce discursive resistance practices, legitimizing or repressing the non-material dimension of their own sexuality. From this point of view the article attempts to expose how forbidden eroticism brings out the sexuality canon on which alternative forms are categorized as pathologies that threaten society¿s control over people and its conception of normality based on a hetero-normal discipline that as a technology of the self, centers the function of sexuality as merely reproductive and linked to the family as the core of every society.Keywords: forbidden eroticism; power mechanism; hetero-normative discipline; censored sexuality; code standardization; enjoyment - jouissance - pleasure.Resumen:El presente artículo sistematiza las tesis centrales de un ejercicio de investigación adelantado en torno al erotismo prohibido, en tanto mecanismo estructurado y estructurante de las relaciones de poder en las sociedades patriarcales, cuyo ejercicio por parte de actores individuales y colectivos se manifiesta en tres dimensiones, que son el proceso decisional, el ámbito relacional concreto y la producción del sentido de la praxis. La reflexión se realiza a partir del método histórico-hermenéutico aplicado a las principales teorías del poder, a dos producciones cinematográficas ineludibles en este campo y al análisis crítico de formas alternativas de pensar, experimentar y comprehender la sexualidad, socialmente valoradas como «prácticas sexuales desviadas». El erotismo prohibido se constituye así en un mecanismo de poder que, a la manera de un dispositivo bisagra, permite comprender la sexualidad desde una perspectiva política, entretejiendo las relaciones existentes entre el Estado, la familia, el espacio de lo público y la subjetividad individual, que bajo la forma del control social, ya sea con la vía jurídica o de la sanción moral, condicionan la experiencia del goce, el placer y el disfrute de sujetos sexuados re-creadores de prácticas discursivas de resistencia, legitimación o represión de la dimensión in-material de su sexualidad. Desde esta perspectiva, a lo largo del artículo se explicará cómo el erotismo prohibido hace posible visibilizar el canon de la sexualidad con base en el cual se catalogan formas alternativas como patologías amenazadoras del control social del sujeto individual y colectivo y de la normalidad alcanzada a través de una disciplina heteronormativa que, en tanto tecnología del yo, centra la sexualidad en la función reproductiva ligada a la familia como núcleo de la sociedad.Palabras clave: erotismo prohibido; mecanismo de poder; disciplina heteronormativa; sexualidad censurada; código de normalización; disfrute ¿ goce ¿ placer. ; Artículo revisado por pares

Почему в одних региональных конфликтах члены «Группы восьми» одобряют использование материальных санкций, а в других применение военной силы?3 Будучи неформальным институтом безопасности, состоящим из крупнейших демократических сил Северной Америки, Европы и Азии, «Группа восьми» часто делала выбор в пользу применения санкций, в частности, в отношении Ирана в 1980 г., Афганистана в 1980 г., Судана в 2004 г., Северной Кореи в 2006 г. и Сирии в 2011 г. Также в последнее время организация все чаще делала выбор в пользу применения военной силы так было в Ираке в 1990 г., в Косово в 1999 г., в Афганистане в 2001 г., в Ливии в 2011 г. и в Мали в 2013 г. При этом выбор «Группы восьми», основания, приверженность обязательствам и их исполнение, а также внедрение и эффективность как санкций, так и военных операций каждый раз были разными. Военная сила выбиралась и эффективно использовалась лишь после «холодной войны», прежде всего, когда страна-объект была близка к Южной Европе. Высокое сравнительное превосходство членов «Группы восьми» над странами-объектами оказывает сильное влияние на выбор «Группы восьми» в пользу применения военной силы, а высокая, прямая, смертельная угроза, исходящая от стран-объектов в отношении стран «Группы восьми», не оказывает такого влияния. Географическая приближенность и взаимосвязь, оставшаяся от бывших колониальных отношений между членами «Группы восьми» и страной-объектом, слабо обуславливают выбор силы «Группой восьми». Поддержка со стороны наиболее влиятельной региональной организации НАТО, а также поддержка со стороны ООН в форме принятия резолюции Советом безопасности ООН или Генеральной Ассамблеей ООН имеют сильное и позитивное влияние на выбор силы «Группой восьми». Сопутствующие механизмы подотчетности со стороны самой «Группы восьми» имеют неоднозначное влияние, поскольку проработка проблем лидерами на последующих саммитах не улучшает выполнение обязательств «Группы восьми» по связанным с применением силы вопросам, однако последующее обсуждение проблем министрами иностранных дел в значительной степени оказывает положительное воздействие. ; Why do the Group of Eight (G8) members approve its members' use of material sanctions in some regional conflicts but military force in others?2 As an informal security institution composed of major democratic powers from North America, Europe and Asia, the G8 has often chosen sanctions, notably on Iran in 1980, Afghanistan in 1980, Sudan in 2004, North Korea in 2006, and Syria in 2011. It has increasingly chosen military force, notably in Iraq in 1990, Kosovo in 1999, the USSR over Afghanistan in 2001, Libya in 2011, and Mali in 2013. Yet the G8's choice, initiation, commitment, compliance, implementation and effectiveness of both sanctions and force has varied. Force was chosen and used effectively only in the post cold war period, primarily where the target was close to southern Europe. A high relative-capability predominance of G8 members over the target country strongly produces the G8's choice of force, but a high, direct, deadly threat from the target state to G8 countries does not. Geographic proximity and the connectivity coming from the former colonial relationship between G8 members and the target country only weakly cause the G8 to choose force. Support from the most relevant regional organization – the North Atlantic Treaty Organization – and support from the United Nations in the form of an authorizing UN Security Council or General Assembly resolution have a strong, positive effect on the G8's choice of force. Accompanying accountability mechanisms from the G8 itself have a variable impact, as leaders' iteration of the issue at subsequent summits does not increase compliance with G8 commitments on force-related cases, but their foreign ministers' follow up does to a substantial degree.

За последние десятилетия миграционные процессы обрели глобальный характер. Резкое увеличение масштабов миграционных потоков было обусловлено процессами глобализации и, прежде всего, экономическими обстоятельствами. Перемещение рабочей силы из государств «третьего мира» туда, где на рынке труда ощущается дефицит предложения рабочей силы, повышало степень взаимозависимости и взаимовлияния обществ и стран. Одним из важнейших центров притяжения мигрантов стала Западная Европа. В послевоенный период её потребности в иностранной рабочей силе для восстановления разрушенного хозяйства способствовали началу массовой миграции в регион. Особую актуальность проблема приёма иммигрантов, прежде всего, из мусульманских стран, приобрела для бывших колониальных держав, в частности Великобритании, Франции, Нидерландов. Не обошла эта проблема и Германию, для послевоенного восстановления которой требовалось большое количество рабочих. Германия и по сей день является мощным «магнитом», притягивающим к себе иммигрантов концентрация приезжих в этой стране ежегодно увеличивается. Несмотря на предпринимаемые немецким правительством шаги по устранению изоляции мусульман в немецком обществе, эти усилия не приносят ожидаемых плодов. Большинство мусульман Германии живёт в своих замкнутых мирках, будучи оторванными от светской общественной жизни. С укрупнением различных этно-конфессиональных сообществ в стране появилась угроза разрушения общегерманской общности. Проблема регулирования миграционных потоков является актуальной в политических дискуссиях как в ЕС, так и в Германии. Всё большее число иммигрантов прибывает в страны ЕС, и, по всей видимости, такая тенденция сохранится в дальнейшем. Опасения вызывает быстрый рост мусульман, число которых в почти 400-миллионной Западной Европе, по некоторым данным, варьируется от 20 до 24 млн человек. Формирование закрытых этнических общин и провоцируемая этим маргинализация части иммигрантов тяжелейшая социальная проблема для принимающих стран, мешающая интеграции мусульман в европейское общество. На фоне постоянно растущего иммиграционного потока особый характер приобретает проблема старения и депопуляции коренного населения в странах ЕС. ; The past two-three decades can be characterized by the period of global migration and sharp jump of migratory streams is connected with globalization and with the economic factor, generating labor movement behind resources from Third World countries to the countries with deficiency of labor. The desire to receive comfort life becomes the major reason, and the migrant makes the decision being guided by private interest more often instead of external factors. Western Europe became one of the most important center of gravity of migrants. During the post-war period the need of Europe in foreign labor for restoration of the economy destroyed by war, laid the foundation of mass international migration to this region. Globalization of migratory streams, penetration of foreign culture groups into structure of accepting society and prevalence of multicultural, multiethnic societies are important characteristics of a modern era. Western Europe became one of the most important centers of gravity of migrants. During the post-war period, the need of Europe in foreign labor for restoration of the economy destroyed by war laid the foundation of mass international migration to this region. Special relevance the problem of reception of immigrants, in particular from the Muslim countries, got for the former colonial powers, in particular Great Britain, France, and the Netherlands. Germany also faced this problem; migrants workers from other countries were required for the post-war restoration. Now Germany still is one of the main centers of an attraction of migrants, and concentration of them in this country annually increases. Despite the steps taken by the German government on elimination of Muslim isolation in the German society, its efforts did not bear fruits so far. The majority of Muslims live their life and are still torn off from high life of the country. A possible threat of destruction of the German community appeared when the various ethnic groups appeared in the country.

Nos limites deste artigo, analisaram-se os vários elementos da onda de transformações ocorridas no âmbito da economia capitalista mundial nos últimos decênios. Estas resultaram de medidas contra tendências, visando ao bloqueio e à superação da crise estrutural decorrente do esgotamento do crescimento de longa duração do pós-Segunda Grande Guerra. Contraditoriamente, ao tempo em que as mudanças introduzidas se revelaram poderosas alavancas inovadoras nos planos produtivo e financeiro, também carregaram conteúdos profundamente regressivos. Transformou-se profundamente o capitalismo, mas sem a consolidação de uma nova base sólida para remunerar crescentemente o grande capital, em substituição ao ciclo fechado no início dos anos 1970. Os países "subdesenvolvidos" e "emergentes" reproduzem, com algumas especificidades, tais contradições sob a dominação do capital financeiro. Por conseguinte, o novo modelo de reprodução do capitalismo do tempo presente exibe limites visíveis. Prolonga a crise orgânica que se desdobra em regressões ameaçadoras aos destinos da humanidade, mas não sem criar novas bases para uma superação anticapitalista. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Crise Profunda. Capital Financeiro. Lucros Decrescentes. Países Emergentes. Base Alternativa de Acumulação.THE FINAL STAGE OF CAPITAL. THE CRISIS AND THE DOMINATION OF FINANCE CAPITAL IN THE WORLD Jorge Nóvoa Paulo Balanco Within the limitations of this article the authors analyzed various elements of the wave of transformations which have occurred in the scope of the world's capitalist economy over recent decades. These transformations have led to measures against trends aimed at blocking and overcoming the structural crisis resulting from stagnation after a long period of post-World War II growth. In contradiction, at a time in which the changes that were introduced have proven to be powerful leveraging tools for innovation in the production and finance arenas, their content is also thoroughly regressive. Capitalism has undergone a profound transformation, but without the consolidation of a solid new base to increasingly reward big capital in order to replace the cycle which ended in the early 1970s. The "underdeveloped" and "emerging" countries reproduce, with some particularities, these contradictions under the domination of financial capital. Thus, capitalism's new model of reproduction currently shows visible limits. It prolongs the organic crisis which is developing regressions which threaten human destiny, but not without creating new bases for overcoming anti-capitalism. KEY WORDS: Profound crisis. Financial capital. Decreasing profits. Emerging countries. Alternative base for accumulation.LA DERNIÈRE ÉTAPE DU CAPITAL. LA CRISE ET LA DOMINATION DU CAPITAL FINANCIER DANS LE MONDE Jorge Nóvoa Paulo Balanco Les divers facteurs de transformation qui ont eu lieu au sein de l'économie capitaliste mondiale au cours des dernières décennies sont analysés dans cet article. Ces transformations sont l'aboutissement des mesures prises contre les tendances visant à bloquer et à surmonter la crise structurale provoquée par le manque de croissance à long terme de l'après-deuxième guerre mondiale. Paradoxalement, alors que les changements réalisés se sont révélés être de puissants leviers innovateurs sur les plans productif et financier, ils étaient chargés aussi de contenus profondément régressifs. Le capitalisme s'est beaucoup transformé mais sans consolider une nouvelle base suffisamment forte et capable de rémunérer de manière croissante le grand capital afin de remplacer le cercle fermé au début des années 1970. Les pays "sousdéveloppés" et "émergents" reproduisent avec quelques spécificités ces contradictions sous domination du capital financier. Par conséquent le nouveau modèle de reproduction du capitalisme des temps présents affiche des limites visibles. La crise organique se prolonge et se multiplie par des régressions menaçantes pour le destin de l'humanité, sans pour autant créer de nouvelles bases capables d'un dépassement anti-capitaliste. MOTS-CLÉS: crise profonde, capital financier, bénéfices décroissants, pays émergents, base alternative d'accumulation. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Раскрыто содержание понятия «система экономической безопасности» предприятия. Определен состав детерминантов в системе экономической безопасности предприятия и раскрыто их содержание: на микроуровне – финансовая, интеллектуально-кадровая, технико-технологическая, информационная, ресурсно-производственная, управленческая, сбытовая; на мезоуровне – характеристики сферы деятельности и характеристики развития территории; на макроуровне – политические, макроэкономические, социальные; технологические, институциональные; природно-экологические. Предложена комплексная методика оценки уровня экономической безопасности предприятия, включающая: определение соответствия необходимого объема имеющихся ресурсов потребностям предприятия; выявление характера и силы воздействия детерминантов мезои макроуровней хозяйствования; расчет интегрального показателя, характеризующего уровень экономической безопасности предприятия на основе оценки имеющихся ресурсов и учета характера и силы воздействия внешней среды. Разработана методика оценки детерминантов микроуровня в системе экономической безопасности предприятия, отличающаяся набором показателей и критериями оценки финансовой, интеллектуально-кадровой, технико-технологической, информационной, ресурсно-производственной, управленческой и сбытовой составляющих ресурсов предприятия. Применительно к задаче оценки уровня экономической безопасности предприятия проведена адаптация методов анализа внешней среды организации в части определения ключевых параметров экспертной оценки детерминантов мезоуровней (характеристика контрагентов; особенности развития сферы деятельности; ресурсное и инфраструктурное обеспечение территории; привлекательность региона) и макро(характер воздействия конкретных изменений в политической сфере и социального характера, характеристика макроэкономической ситуации и изменений в законодательстве, влияние изменений природных условий, изменение экологической обстановки), а также величины применяемых в комплексной оценке уточняющих коэффициентов. С позиций дифференцированного подхода предложен алгоритм выбора инструментария обеспечения экономической безопасности предприятия на основе последовательного анализа детерминантов микроуровня хозяйствования на предмет соответствия их величины необходимому объему и определение достаточности ресурсов предприятия для нивелирования угроз экономической безопасности мезои макроуровней. ; The concept of "system of economic security" of the enterprise is disclosed. The composition of the determinants in the system of economic security and their content are considered: at the micro-level – financial, intellectual and human resources, technical, technological, information, resource and manufacturing, management, marketing, at the mezo-level – the characteristics of the scope and characteristics of the territory, on the macro-level – political, macro-economic, social, technological, institutional, natural and ecological. A complex method of estimating the level of economic security, including determining compliance with the required volume of available resources to needs of the enterprise; identify the nature and impact of the determinants of mezoand macro-levels of management, the calculation of the integral index, which characterizes the level of economic security based on an assessment of available resources and accounting the nature and impact of the external environment, is offered. Method of estimating of determinants of micro-level in the system of economic security, wherein a set of indicators and criteria for evaluating the financial, intellectual and human resources, technical, technological, information, resource and production, management and marketing components of the enterprise resources, is disclosed. With regard to the problem of assessing the level of economic security the adapting of methods of analysis of environmental organizations in the definition of the key parameters of the peer review of determinants of mezo-(characteristic of counterparties, especially development of the activity; resource and infrastructural support of the territory; attractiveness of the region ) and macro (nature of the impact of specific changes in the political and social sphere, the characteristic of the macroeconomic situation and the changes in the legislation, the impact of changes in natural conditions, changes in environmental conditions), and the values used in the integrated assessment of refinement coefficients, is given. From the standpoint of differential treatment the algorithm selection tools to ensure economic security in a coherent analysis of the micro-level determinants of management in compliance with the required volume of their size and determination of the sufficiency enterprise resource leveling threats to the economic security of mezoand macro-levels is offered.

This thesis does not present a supplementary approach about the death of God and its effects but a study of nihilism, a disqualified way of thought, which could renew a diagnosis on the crisis of modernity. Nihilsm becomes really a threat as soon as scepticism takes shape in Ancient Greece. It is worth questioning stetting nihilism and scepticism as equivalent when considered through the history of metaphysics and rising of totalitarian regimes. This could be accepted only if one considers the ancient and modern forms of scepticism as proceeding from nihilism, and, on the other hand, if the crisis putting an end to modernity can be interpreted from a sceptical point of view. A dynamic approach to metaphysics (as tension and link between dogmatism and scepticism) casts a doubt upon a nihilist interpretation of scepticism. Suspensive thought in its ancient ways, carrying indecision in modern times, scepticism separates from nihilism. The latest eliminates all differences ; by itself, it is the abolition of the common ground between dogmatism and scepticism. Whatever the creative potential of nihilism from a speculative point of view, in the foundation of totalitarian politics, only its destructive aspect stands out. Indeed, modernity opens on a challenge of a sceptic type : which basis for one's belief ? Yet, after the death of God, this question witnesses no longer a state of indecision but truly as the permanent loss of foundation. While it leads to a crisis of the goal from a metaphysical scope, the institutionalization of nihilism provides a crisis of meaning. Contemporary scepticism, caught in the turmoil, appears as discredited because of its presumed involvement with nihilist politics. Could it still be a resource in our time when forced to pratice an original self-examination ? ; Cette thèse ne propose pas une variation sur la thématique de la mort de Dieu et ses retombées, mais une enquête sur un mode de penser disqualifié, le nihilisme, susceptible de renouveler un diagnostic sur la crise de la modernité. La menace du nihilisme prend consistance dès l'émergence du scepticisme en Grèce ancienne. Passée au crible de l'histoire de la métaphysique et de la prise de pouvoir des mouvements totalitaires, la mise en équivalence nihilisme-scepticisme mérite d'être interrogée. Elle n'est recevable que si les formes anciennes et modernes prises par le scepticisme sont autant de précédents nihilistes et si, inversement, la crise qui scelle la fin de la modernité est interprétable en termes sceptiques. Une approche dynamique de la métaphysique (comme tension et apparentement entre dogmatisme et scepticisme), rend une reconstruction nihiliste du scepticisme sujette à caution. Penser suspensif dans ses formes anciennes, porteur de vacillement à l'époque moderne, le scepticisme se démarque du nihilisme. Ce dernier évide et néantise toutes les différences et consiste, lui, en une négation du fonds commun entre dogmatisme et scepticisme. Quelle que soit la portée créatrice du nihilisme d'un point de vue spéculatif, c'est sa seule dimension destructrice qui s'impose avec l'instauration d'une politique totalitaire. La modernité s'ouvre bien sur un défi de type sceptique : où asseoir sa créance ? Cependant, avec la mort de Dieu, cette question ne se pose plus en termes de vacillement mais de perte définitive de toute assise. S'il en ressort une crise du but dans le cadre métaphysique,l'institutionnalisation du nihilisme donne lieu, quant à elle, à une crise du sens. Le scepticisme contemporain, emporté dans la tourmente, semble disqualifié par sa compromission supposée avec des politiques nihilistes. Forcé d'engager un auto-examen inédit, ne peut-il pas encore être une ressource pour notre temps ?

Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), founded in 2001 in Shanghai, with PR China, The Russian Federation, The Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, The Republic of Tajikistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan as members, and India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan as observers, is new, but very important security and economic organizational frame in Central and East Asia. During the last six years of its' existence the Organization grew stronger, as well as development of relations among the member states in numerous fields - from border demarcation issues and common border surveillance, common respond to traditional and non-traditional security threats, to political cooperation, co-op in culture, education, trade agriculture, transportation, transport infrastructure, investment, especially in the field of exploration, exploitation and transit of oil and gas. With the growing influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as successful framework for the confidence building in the region, development of various ways of cooperation, firstly economic and security ones, but on the principles of the equal footing and respect for differences among cultures and models and paths of development of its' members, influence and respect for the Organization has been growing in the region and globally. Since the strong presence of the USA and NATO in the region, especially since the invasion of Afghanistan, the role of the SCO has significantly changed, and been challenged. So far, it has found the way to respond through deepening its' cooperation and building its' institutional base. Nonetheless, because of the exceptional geopolitical sensitivity of the region, numerous inherited and existing contradictions, the Organization, beyond its huge economic perspective, especially in the fields of energy, traffic infrastructure and trade, has to count on serous limitations and challenges in its' future. On the other hand, it has already become security, political and economic factor in the region, counted on by all the other regional and global geopolitical players. ; Šangajska organizacija za saradnju (ŠOS), osnovana 2001. godine u Šangaju čije su članice NR Kina, Rusija, Kazahstan, Kirgistan, Tadžikistan, i Uzbekistan, a posmatrači: Iran, Indija, Mongolija i Pakistan, nov je, ali i izuzetno značajan bezbednosno-ekonomski oblik organizovanja u Centralnoj i istočnoj Aziji. Tokom šest godina postojanja došlo je do jačanja Organizacije, kao i razvoja odnosa između svih članica u brojnim oblastima - od utvrđivanja međudržavnih razgraničenja i zajedničkog nadgledanja granice zajedničkog odgovora na tradicionalne i netradicionalne bezbednosne pretnje političke saradnje, saradnje u oblasti kulture, obrazovanja, do trgovine poljoprivrede, transporta, transportne infrastrukture, investicija, a naročito u oblasti istraživanja, eksploatacije i prenosa nafte i gasa. Sa rastom uticaja Šangajske organizacija za saradnju kao uspešnog okvira za izgradnju poverenja u regionu, razvijanje brojnih vidova saradnje, a najpre ekonomske i bezbednosne, na principima ravnopravnosti i uvažavanja različitosti kultura i modela i puteva razvoja članica rastao je i njen ugled u regionu i globalno. Od snažnog prisustva SAD i NATO u regionu, naročito od invazije na Avganistan, uloga ŠOS je doživela značajan preobražaj, ali i jedan od najvećih izazova, na koji je, za sada našla načina da odgovori kroz produbljivanje saradnje i izgradnju institucionalnog okvira. Ipak, s obzirom na izuzetnu geopolitičku osetljivost regiona, brojne nasleđene i postojeće protivrečnosti, Organizacija, pored izuzetne ekonomske perspektive, naročito u oblasti energenata, saobraćajne infrastrukture i trgovine, u svom budućem razvoju mora da računa i sa ozbiljnim ograničenjima i izazovima. Sa druge strane, ona je već postala bezbednosni, politički i ekonomski faktor u regionu, na koji svaki od prisutnih aktera regionalnih, ali i globalnih geopolitičkih dešavanja računa.

With hundreds of cities declaring climate emergencies, there is little evidence about successful climate adaptation and its upscaling. In parallel to the case for adaptation, there is also a distinct need to mitigate climate change, reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Exploring synergies and trade-offs between adaptation and mitigation, a third concept – resilience (and resilience thinking) – is a perspective that can scrutinise adaptation and tie it to mitigation. Which adaptation, to what, and how do we measure the success or fallacy of adaptations to climate change in cities? Adapting to what? The growing awareness of "compound risks"While it seems we are becoming accustomed to news alerts in the manner of "this summer was the hottest of the last decade", the first images of Spanish or Italian mountains with no snow throughout the winter but blizzards in June should make us wake up to the fact that scientists' evidence about the Mediterranean being the fastest-warming region in the world is something we should be deeply concerned about. Far from being just something unusual about the weather, global warming is impacting our lives in many ways. To begin with, it is worth clarifying that climate change is not one risk, but a "risk multiplier", affecting our built environment, our life routines, our economies and our dependencies on local and distant resources.Apart from all the scientific literature, data and evidence, which may be too specialised for the broader public, there is a global awakening on the part of governments regarding regulations requiring official "disclosures of climate risks" from organisations, businesses and investors (see the recent UK or US Securities and Exchange Commission rules). This should grab our attention, because it finally means that climate change and its risks are not just one topic of concern, but a new normal to actively address in the course of our business, contracts or lives.The European Environment Agency (EEA) just released the first ever "European Climate Risk Assessment" report (EEA, 2024). What is interesting here is to see how indeed every single climate risk analysed across the five clusters (on food, ecosystems, health, infrastructure, and economy and finance) has a dedicated section on "risk cascades", highlighting how every risk is linked to a chain of other stresses and vulnerabilities (on which our life support system relies). The emergence and recognition of what are called "compound effects" (linkages between different climatic and non-climatic drivers of change that culminate with a high climate impact) was already mentioned in 2014 (in Chapter 19 "Emergent Risks and Key Vulnerabilities" of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report). When wildfires hit Portugal, Spain and Greece last year, those were compound effects of a heatwave, long-term vegetation stress and human negligence in managing forests and agriculture, resulting in hundreds of thousands of hectares burnt and dramatic socio-economic losses. A compound risk is also when, in our case near Barcelona, we have an economy living off coastal summer tourism, dependent on villas with private swimming pools near densely occupied beaches that are poorly connected to highways in a region suffering from drought and water shortage, as well as stressed vegetation. These vulnerable socio-economic patterns of development are the perfect ingredients for a compound effect both in the short and long term when a heatwave or a fire strikes.While IPCC scientists focused their attention more on how multiple climate hazards interact when they addressed compound risks, other scientists focus on the interaction and cascade effects between climate hazards and many other ecological, economic and sociocultural risks and vulnerabilities (Simpson et al., 2021). Such complexity calls for urgent improvements in climate risk assessments internationally (Arribas et al., 2022) because "existing constraints in current climate risk assessments make them inappropriate to effectively assess the true exposure of society and businesses" (Arribas et al., 2022: 4326), especially when laws start to require businesses and organisations to provide disclosures (thus assessment and evaluation) of climate risks. What we are learning from this state of play is that our exposure to them goes beyond rain, drought or temperature impacts. The EEA (2024) states that climate impacts compromise the ability of EU policies to meet their objectives, since most of the policy areas are directly or indirectly exposed to climate risks, while existing climate policies are insufficient to manage most of them.Are cities making enough progress on adaptation?Understanding and reporting progress in terms of adaptation has always been a challenge. There are many sources providing the state of the art on cities' performance in adapting to climate change, from assessing the quality of climate plans to climate governance mainstreaming within urban policies, and indicators measuring the results of implementation.Starting from what is perhaps the easier way of assessing progress, scientists have developed different qualitative evaluation frameworks for climate plans. In Europe, for example, there is a group of 40+ leading scholars collaborating through the EURO LCP (Local Climate Planning) initiative. They gathered most of the European cities' climate plans (885) across 28 countries and are delivering consistent quality assessments of them. The last comprehensive review of the 885 plans highlighted a north-south "divide" regarding the quality of the plans, which were addressing mitigation only (66%), adaptation only (26%) or both mitigation and adaptation (17%) (Reckien et al., 2018). At that time, six years ago now, apart from seeing mitigation as the main domain of climate action as against adaptation or integrated approaches, there was also a clear pattern correlating large cities with quality planning (or at least the presence of a climate plan). A total of 80% of the cities of more than 500,000 inhabitants had a strategy, while only one third of smaller cities (between 50,000 and 100,000 inhabitants) had a climate plan. According to the most recent study using the ADAQA (ADAptation plan Quality Assessment) framework, the evolution of the quality of urban climate adaptation plans over time is not so encouraging (Reckien et al., 2023). While half of the 327 plans analysed (assessing the progress of adaptation in those cities from 2005 to 2020) improved in overall terms, i) participation and monitoring aspects of plans are generally very weak; ii) consistency in connecting vulnerabilities and adaptation goals was also weak in most of them; and iii) the attention given to the most vulnerable groups decreased when looking at the implementation promised by the plans. This latter aspect is perhaps the worst one if we look at it from an ethical and political perspective since "climate plans focus more on impacts and risks of vulnerable sectors and industries than on the needs of vulnerable groups of citizens" (Reckien et al., 2023:8).Such a discouraging (European) climate planning overview recently received a boost from the European institutions through the establishment of enabling policies to accelerate local level action: the EU Adaptation Strategy, introduced in 2021. The strategy prepared the ground for making Europe the first climate neutral continent, with the European Climate Law writing the climate neutrality target for 2050 into a binding legal obligation for all member states. However, what do we know about the actual implementation of this strategy? Apart from academic literature, EEA Report 14/2023 entitled "Urban adaptation in Europe: what works? Implementing climate action in European cities" sheds some light on the dubious climate action performance. This 230-page report explores the governance, financial, technological, physical, nature-based and knowledge and behavioural solutions, presenting good practices across Europe, but also putting forward hypotheses on how to enhance climate action, since all the chapters candidly reveal the limitations of the solutions and the challenges of upscaling. While identifying sustainable political commitment, integrated and adaptive governance, peer learning and citizen engagement, effective use of knowledge and data, and sustained funding as enabling conditions for climate action, the report states in its conclusion: "we still miss the tools to be able to say whether real progress is being made or not and if the wide range of individual actions being taken by cities are really making an impact at the continental scale. Progress is being made, but it is clearly not yet enough" (EEA 14/2023: 198).The technicalities of the challenges of tracking adaptation and its performances are complex, as there is an ongoing debate whether outcome rather than output indicators should monitor adaptation and the International Platform on Adaptation Metrics (IPAM) has been recently launched in this regard. However, there is a more pertinent reflection on the reasons why climate action is so difficult to implement in an efficient way. It goes hand in hand with the concept of our "risk society" (as Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens named it back in the 1980s). In the light of the above-mentioned compound and cascade risks, knowing that we live in a society constantly exposed and vulnerable to multiscale risks, "what or who should adapt to what?". In other words, and to be more precise, we all know that it is better to adapt and fix the origin of the risk cascade than to address and adapt to its consequences, but sometimes adapting to the consequences is a better short-term political goal than launching into the political suicide of changing the deep root causes of problems. I will delve deeper into these adaptation fallacies threatening the effectiveness of climate action in the next sections.Adaptation, mitigation and "maladaptation": why do we so easily mismanage the two sides of the same coin?If from one side we addressed straight adaptation and its challenges, there is an easier way to address climate change, which was indeed how climate action began some 30 years ago: through the concept of sustainability and climate change mitigation (greenhouse gas emissions reduction). As noted in the review of European climate plans (Reckien et al., 2018), most of the plans tackled mitigation. While assessing the goal of reaching $100bn of climate finance per year in developing countries, the OECD revealed in 2022 that only $83bn had been raised, of which adaptation finance – increasing year after year, from $16.9bn in 2018 to $20.3bn in 2019 and $28.6bn in 2020 – still pales in comparison to the $48.6bn for mitigation. But why are we comparing and contrasting mitigation and adaptation if both are part of climate action? These concepts, and respective agendas, were launched as separate goals within the same mission of fighting climate change, and although the IPCC has been calling for integration since 2008, most climate action still operates in silos.The work in silos, also reflected by the European Union (EU) through the creation of Mission Net Zero Cities (a platform for climate change mitigation) as against another platform for Mission Adaptation, reveals the hidden problems of policy coherence in climate policy: climate action trade-offs. It all started when in 1999 Richard Klein first defined the concept of "maladaptation", highlighting that some specific adaptive action may increase, rather than only decrease, the exposure or vulnerability to other risks. Many academics embraced this concept, and there is now a literature studying adaptation failures, outlining how there could be i) infrastructural maladaptation (i.e. hard infrastructures preventing flooding which induce a series of negative environmental consequences for local ecosystems, decreasing ecosystem services to local communities while provoking a false sense of safety, allowing people to stay and grow in the long term in places where flooding risks rise and the community is exposed to increasing infrastructure failure risks); ii) institutional maladaptation (i.e. farmers becoming dependent on climate insurance covering their harvest and gradually losing their skills to adapt crops); and iii) behavioural maladaptation (i.e. when individuals dig a borehole for their own benefit, accessing fresh water during droughts and enhancing their resilience while exposing others to increasing water scarcity if many individual adaptations follow the same example, while also contributing to lowering groundwater levels and therefore inducing salt water intrusion and environmental crisis) (Schipper, 2020).Other clear examples of climate action trade-offs are the paradoxes of mitigation inducing greater exposure to climate threats. Biofuels policies in Brazil – a prominent climate change mitigation strategy for replacing fossil fuels – lead to extensive deforestation for sugar cane plantations, particularly in ecologically sensitive areas such as the Amazon rainforest. Deforestation is not only releasing carbon stored in trees but reduces a variety of ecosystem services including climate regulation, rainfall pattern and flooding regulation, causing loss of biodiversity and increasing extreme weather events (Nepstad et al., 2014). Solar power plants built in arid environments for producing renewable energy need water for cleaning mirrors and thus contribute to water scarcity (Chelleri et al., 2014), as hydropower development is well known for its environmental costs too. On the other side of the coin, adaptation action implying trade-offs with mitigating action is also recurrent. Cooling systems for coping with heatwaves are increasing carbon emissions through energy use, or water desalination plants coping with droughts at the cost of carbon emissions for the building of these infrastructures, and from the energy required to produce fresh water, as well as sea walls and coastal defence systems using carbon-intensive materials and construction techniques.Because of these trade-offs, an analytical framework for assessing the level of integration or conflict between climate change adaptation and mitigation in climate plans was recently developed (Grafakos et al., 2019). This framework was applied in the qualitative evaluation of 147 European integrated adaptation and mitigation plans, and the results were clearly showing that most of the plans scored a moderate level of integration, showing some qualitative consideration of the synergies between adaptation and mitigation, while lacking a systematic consideration of potential integration opportunities (Grafakos et al., 2020). As shown through these scientific papers gathering the evidence for maladaptation and trade-offs between adaptation and mitigation, the calls for an integrated approach between the two goals are crystal clear and have been well defined since the Paris Agreement of 2015 (Article 7 highlights the importance of enhancing adaptive capacity, strengthening resilience and reducing vulnerability to climate change, while recognising the synergies between adaptation and mitigation); the IPCC Special Report on Global Warming of 1.5°C of 2018 (highlighting the importance of "synergies between mitigation and adaptation strategies to achieve sustainable development and reduce climate risks…[with] integrated approaches [that] can provide multiple benefits, including enhanced resilience, reduced emissions, and improved health and well-being"); the UNFCCC Adaptation Committee technical paper of 2019 on adaptation co-benefits and mitigation co-benefits; the European Green Deal of 2019 and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (2015-2030).The answer to the question posed in this section's title ("why do we mismanage the two sides of the same coin?") could be as simple as: "because we think and work in silos". The next section elaborates on this by proposing resilience thinking as the not-so-easy fix for adaptation and mitigation misalignment.Urban resilience thinking as the golden coin?There is a great deal of confusion when somebody mentions "climate resilience". You never know whether they are talking about adaptation or about "climate action" in generic terms, including mitigation. This confusion is due to the metaphorical meaning of resilience, synonymous with "adaptive capacities". Most of the time, resilience is referred to as adaptation, thus climate adaptation. Yet it is also very true and logical that in order to adapt to climate change, and to be able not just to survive but adapt to it in the long term, we need not just to cope with impacts but also adapt our lives and economies. So we need to fight its drivers (carbon emissions). Climate resilience could, then, be seen as both adaptation in the short term and mitigation as a way of adapting in the long run. In other words, if adaptation is one side of the coin and mitigation is the other, resilience is the coin.This integrated and integrating view of resilience could be a promise of a better alignment of adaptation and mitigation, or a buzzword promoting fuzziness. The key feature of resilience, and resilience thinking, as a guiding principle towards integration is its comprehensiveness of approaches, among which we should look for consistency. To be more precise, resilience thinking as a comprehensive metaphor for adaptive capacities represents at least three families of operational approaches to action (as shown in Figure 1): i) recovery and robustness, ii) adaptive measures and iii) transformative measures.







The first approach of recovery and robustness is the one most related to short-term, shock or disaster responses. It is about building a robust system, one that can cope with disruptive events, withstand them, quickly reorganise and adapt to disruptions within its infrastructures, services or routines, while guaranteeing business continuity. It applies after the disaster, but also before as a preventive measure. This approach is widely used in disaster resilience and the aim is to maintain the status quo of routines and services.In the case of adaptive measures, the second approach, the aim is to protect the system and guarantee a "safe operational space" for as long as possible. Some examples are the dikes or mobile flood barriers in the Netherlands or Venice, where flooding risk is purposely monitored and these adaptation infrastructures intervene by closing the gates to water when floods threaten the harbour or city. It applies to all climate action that looks to adapt to the external drivers of change by protecting assets or routines without changing them. The benefits and performance of this approach are limited in time when long-term stresses are increasingly threatening the system to a point where these adaptations no longer work, leaving no other option but the third approach.It is time for transformation. This third, long-term approach calls for infrastructure, business and societal transformation, the modification of buildings, structures and routines so that the threat is no longer a risk but an element (heatwaves, floodwater etc.) with which to coexist. Clear examples are the floating houses in the Netherlands, representing transformations which no longer need the adaptive measures protecting the old-fashioned vulnerable houses from flooding. This approach, of course, takes the long view, requiring profound changes and thus time to happen, but simultaneously guaranteeing long-term resilience.If from one side the concept of resilience refers to and incorporates all these resistance/adaptive/transformative approaches, any resilience implementation could potentially imply trade-offs among them, because working on an infrastructure's robustness will impede the same infrastructure's transformation, whereas working on transformation will of course imply forsaking current infrastructure resilience. These resilience trade-offs (Chelleri et al., 2015) are natural and part of what is conceived as the "politics" of urban resilience (Vale, 2014). What is the difference, then, between climate change adaptation and mitigation trade-offs and these resilience trade-offs? Why might resilience be the new mantra aligning adaptation and mitigation?If adaptation or mitigation can be enhanced at the expense of the other concept, resilience, representing all three approaches, could not be enhanced without thinking of its possible trade-offs. The potential internal inconsistencies among robustness, adaptation and transformation should guarantee the implementation of resilience, harmonising and integrating its own approaches. Indeed, it is inconsistent with the long-term resilience (and therefore survival) of a city to only act on robustness. Sooner or later, without adaptation and transformation, the city will collapse under incremental stress. At the same time, working on long-term transformations alone would neither work nor provide resilience to the system either; without responsive mechanisms for shocks and short-term potential disruptions it would fail and collapse before seeing the transformation take place. Therefore, increasing city resilience should consist of enhancing response capabilities (to resist shocks in the short term), while building adaptations which would allow the city enough time to complete longer-term transformations, requiring prototyping, upscaling, people's behaviour and business model changes. Hence, in order to become resilient you cannot choose between adaptation and mitigation.From theory to practice: current challenges facing adaptation and resilienceTen years ago, Charles Redman, founding director of Arizona State University's School of Sustainability, described how politicians always preferred short-term adaptation over sustainability or transformation, because it helps to maintain preestablished orders without changing power relations (Redman, 2014). Many other critical scholars shared this view, highlighting how policy arenas always favoured short-term thinking and results, resulting in reactive adaptation approaches. Only recently, after a decade of critiques, has there been a trend towards defining "successful adaptations", leaving maladaptation behind (see Castán Broto et al., 2024, for a very recently published special issue on how to build new concepts of adaptation in cities).While new concepts and definitions of positive, or successful, adaptations are shaped, the challenge of resilience to be recognised as "the golden coin" spanning adaptation and mitigation remains a political battle for "legitimacy". Indeed, after so much work done by the Rockefeller 100 Resilient Cities programme (now the global Resilient Cities Network) to establish City Resilience Officers, convincing institutions internally that resilience is not just climate change adaptation but a new way to integrate urban policies, it seems resilience still has a long road ahead of it. The walls of city departments' silos remain reluctant to incorporate such a cross-cutting approach to reorganising city governance.As in many other cities, if one looks at resilience in Barcelona, for example, there is so much to describe beyond adaptation or mitigation per se. Thanks to the regional law establishing local centres for the promotion of cooperatives, many initiatives for cohousing, urban farming, for energy transition through energy communities, cooperatives offering local organic food that break long market chains, or neighbours self-managing rainwater to face drought started to pop up, demonstrating the citizens' capacity for co-managing resources. At the same time, Barcelona displays modern urban design in its public spaces through green blocks, which even while challenged because of induced gentrification, better regulate local microclimates and water runoff, reducing traffic pollution while offering a safe place for people to enjoy the city. And under these spaces there are infrastructures that are risk proofed thanks to the control room of Barcelona City Council, recognised by the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR) in 2013 as a role model for critical infrastructure resilience. All these different examples contribute to reducing climate risks through different responses, sometimes in a manner that is not coordinated yet (even if potentially they are highly synergistic). The challenge for resilience in driving adaptation and mitigation is a political one, as well as a matter of capacities and capability. Enhancing resilience and managing its different approaches from different urban spheres requires capacity building for our communities, industry and markets, and, last but not least, our political leaders and practitioners. Indeed, it is easy to choose a risk and propose a short-term-gain solution. It is more challenging to tackle the compound risk and act through capacity building, coordinating responses in both the short and long term, drawing in different actors in the urban sphere to work synergistically on the drivers of risks, in a coordinated fashion. This is what resilience implies.All the publications express the opinions of their individual authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of CIDOB or its donors.ISSN: 2013-4428DOI: https://doi.org/10.24241/NotesInt.2024/308/en

The impact of AI, and in particular of deep learning, on the industry has been so disrupting that it gave rise to a new wave of research and applications that goes under the name of Industry 4.0. This expression refers to the application of AI and cognitive computing to leverage an effective data exchange and processing in manufacturing technologies, services and transports, laying the foundation of what is commonly known as the fourth industrial revolution. As a consequence, today's developing trend is increasingly focusing on AI based data-driven approaches, mainly because leveraging user's data (such as location, action patterns, social information, etc.) can make applications able to adapt to them, enhancing the user experience. To this aim, tools like automatic image tagging (e.g. those based on face recognition), voice control, personalised advertising, etc. process enormous amounts of data (often remotely due to the huge computational effort required) too often rich in sensitive information. Artificial intelligence has thus been proving to be so effective that today it is increasingly been using also in critical domains such as facial recognition, biometric verification (e.g. fingerprints), autonomous driving etc. Although this opens unprecedented scenarios, it is important to note that its misuse (malicious or not) can lead to unintended consequences, such as unethical or unfair use (e.g. discriminating on the basis of ethnicity or gender), or used to harm people's privacy. Indeed, if on one hand, the industry is pushing toward a massive use of artificial intelligence enhanced solution, on the other it is not adequately supporting researches in end-to-end understating of capabilities and vulnerabilities of such systems. The results may be very (negatively) mediatic, especially when regarding borderline domains such those related to subjects privacy or to ethical and fairness, like users profiling, fake news generation, reliability of autonomous driving systems, etc. We strongly believe that, since being just a (very powerful) tool, AI is not to blame for its misuse. Nonetheless, we claim that in order to develop a more ethical, fair and secure use of artificial intelligence, all the involved actors (in primis users, developers and legislators) must have a very clear idea about some critical questions, such as "what is AI?", "what are the ethical implications of its improper usage?", "what are its capabilities and limits?", "is it safe to use AI in critical domains?", and so on. Moreover, since AI is very likely to be an important part of our everyday life in the very next future, it is crucial to build trustworthy AI systems. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to make a first step towards the crucial need for raising awareness about reproducibility, security and fairness threats associated with AI systems, from a technical perspective as well as from the governance and from the ethical point of view. Among the several issues that should be faced, in this work we try to address three central points: understanding what "intelligence" means and implies within the context of artificial intelligence; analyse the limitations and the weaknesses that might affect an AI-based system, independently from the particular adopted technology or technical solutions; assessing the system behaviours in the case of successful attacks and/or in the presence of degraded environmental conditions. To this aim, the thesis is divided into three main parts: in the first part we introduce the concept of AI, focusing on Deep Learning and on some of its more crucial issues, before moving to ethical implications associated with the notion of "intelligence"; in the second part we focus on the perils associated with the reproducibility of results in deep learning, also showing how proper network design can be used to limit their effects; finally, in the third part we address the implications that an AI misuse can cause in a critical domain such as biometrics, proposing some attacks duly designed for the scope. The cornerstone of the whole thesis are adversarial perturbations, a term referring to the set of techniques intended to deceive AI systems by injecting a small perturbation (noise, often totally imperceptible to a human being) into the data. The key idea is that, although adversarial perturbations are a considerable concern to domain experts, on the other hand, they fuel new possibilities to both favours a fair use of artificial intelligence systems and to better understand the "reasoning" they follow in order to reach the solution of a given problem. Results are presented for applications related to critical domains such as medical imaging, facial recognition and biometric verification. However, the concepts and the methodologies introduced in this thesis are intended to be general enough to be applied to different real-life applications.