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This article analyzes the problem of the brand crisis in contemporary business. The brand crisis is said to be a public and press-related event that is most commonly caused by consumers voicing their experiences regarding unsafe, poor-quality or even harmful products. It is noted that the crisis can affect the entire product category of the company or only a certain group of goods and damage the everyday business, thus endangering future activities, leading to material losses and damaging other property – the company's image and reputation. The aim of this article is to analyze the causes of Lithuanian brand crises and to identify the strategies of brand communication crises that would allow the companies to manage their images in crisis situations. Based on a quantitative analysis of the content analysis, separate examples of Lithuanian brand crises, their social responsibility issues and risk management, as well as the brand management issues, were analyzed. It discusses how to prepare a communication strategy for managing a brand crisis that would reduce reputational risk and anticipate an action plan to "exit" from the crisis with the smallest business losses.The results of the survey showed that the reputation of the crisis does not differ between the less or more commonly chosen brands, the awareness of the crisis did not differ between the most commonly chosen Lithuanian brands and those that are more likely to pick up their competitors' goods. This shows that manufacturers and/or vendors must take care to communicate not only with their loyal customers and provide and explanation of how to deal with a crisis in order to minimize damages, but that manufacturers and/or vendors must also ensure that this message reaches all potential users of the product category.Often, the authors point out two more components of the impact of the crisis, namely the perception of reliability and the perceived risk and the importance of brand loyalty. Crisis communication strategies suggest that these variables should be included, as this can help in identifying what exactly affects the perceptions and behavioral changes of consumers after a brand crisis.

This research article is an attempt to evaluate the Native and Afro American women writers 'sustained efforts to articulate a continuous and internal cultural female identity by constructing re evaluative narratives that deconstruct institutionally supported universal female images inflicted upon the third and fourth world women by the first world feminist intelligentsia. To do so these women writers radically depart from the conventions of Euro American stylistic, formal and structural modalities of the narrative and use instead a stylistic mosaic allowing the native and black oral traditions to imbricate with the white normative models. Since literature and arts have always been an effective medium, an expansive domain, and a discursive field where writers have been voicing the aureate human feelings, conflicting passions and the continuous struggles of the different societal segments, especially of deprived strata against those who maintain and perpetuate their cultural and political hegemony by suppressing the subalterns, the women writers from the fourth world ethnic communities have expressed whole range of the intensely personal and communal human emotions that radiate from the springboard of social, cultural, historic and political practices One of the significant features that the Native American and Afro American women writers often demonstrate include the use of magical realist strategies that express, on one hand, their efforts to indigenize narrative and, on the other hand, help them construct female identity from their own perspective since, within main concerns of contemporary fourth world feminist criticism, the (re) construction of female identity merits special attention and analysis. The stereotypical discursive construction of the Native and Afro American women by the dominant Euro American discourses bracketed them into essentialist categories glossing over the medley of vital differences that these women reveal in their social, cultural, anthropological and sexual strictures. Tackling the issue of the discursive construction of female identity that involves conceptual and perspectival problems, both Native American and Afro American women writers deconstruct the sweeping generalization of the fourth world women by challenging and subverting the clichéd images replacing them with empowered and agentive subjects who are no more subjected to, what Gyatri Spivk conceptualizes, subalternity and "epistemic violence".

Abstract Background The low status of women prevents them from recognizing and voicing their concerns about health needs. This study aimed to examine the relationship between gender characteristics, health and empowerment of women in an attempt to understand between 2005 and 2011. Methods Data from the Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) 2005 and 2011 were used. Bivariate and multivariate analyses were used to determine the relative contribution of the predictor variables. The hypotheses tested in this study were that gender (men and women), health and empowerment of women in region are highly significant with women's education and work status. Results Study findings showed that the low status of women and their disempowerment are highly associated with poor health outcomes. In both 2005 and 2011 men school ages were positively associated with their attainment in primary education, whereas for women it was negatively related with their attainment in some education. In both 2005 and 2011 women in the richest wealth quintile had the highest odds ratio of relating to some education. The results show that the odds ratios of women with some education (within the richest wealth quintile) has improved from 6.39 (in 2005) to 10.90 (in 2011), whereas among men there has been a decrease from 10.33 (in 2005) to 2.13 (in 2011). The results indicated that in 2005 and 2011, when comparing the percentage distribution of both genders on employment status and type of occupation, the percentage of men who were employed was higher than women. The percentage of males who were engaged in the agricultural-type of occupation was higher than that of women. Men and women knowledge about family planning methods have been improved, yet, there are wider gender gaps in family planning users. Conclusions The officials such as policy makers, planners, program managers and government and non-government organizations need to addressed. The issue of child marriages in order to minimize the number of girls who never attend school or drop out to become wives Planners should also work on improving family planning to empower women. There was a significant relationship between status of women and quality of healthy life, and this relationship appeared to differ by education and work status.

Proponents of deliberative democracy argue that it enhances procedural democracy by bringing policymakers and the public closer together and by generating new alternatives rather than just choices. But what role does deliberation play under autocracy, where basic democratic institutions are absent? In China, citizens cannot elect their governments but are regularly consulted on matters of governance and policymaking. For example, all national and many sub-national policy initiatives in China currently proceed through at least one round of public consultation prior to adoption. Why do non-democratic regimes consult their citizens? One explanation is that consultation is simply "window dressing" for an otherwise authoritarian decision-making process. Indeed, no new political actors are empowered, the outcomes are non- binding, and critical comments can be kept private. But why then is the Chinese regime investing resources into a politically inconsequential activity? Similarly, why are hundreds of thousands of citizens voicing comments and criticisms if they have no effect? I argue that consultative autocracy is more than window dressing. In particular, I argue that public consultation helps inform and legitimate the policymaking process, contributing to more durable and legitimate policy outcomes. Testing these arguments required overcoming several empirical challenges. For example, public consultation is not randomly distributed, and policy outcomes are issue- specific, making them difficult to generalize. To address non-random selection, I created an extensive sub-national policy database that allows me to identify the effects of consultation across unique policy initiatives implemented in different parts of the country. To proxy for policy outcomes, I measured amendment and repeal rates, which should be lower among more effective policies. I find that no policies adopted with consultation have yet been repealed and that their amendment rates are significantly lower as well. To measure the legitimizing effects of consultation, I took advantage of a budget deliberation experiment in Zeguo, China, where participants are randomly selected to participate in annual budget deliberations. In January 2012, after multiple interviews with political leaders and legislative delegates in Zeguo, I organized a survey of the participant cohort along with a representative sample of non-participants. Survey results demonstrate that approval for local government and its policies is significantly higher among participants than non-participants but that consultation has no positive effect on views towards the central leadership

Social mobilization in Central Asia comes in a rare form, alongside political, economic, social and ethnical overtones, aligned with post-Sovietic difficulties and dependencies. Although standing as independent nations, economic instabilities, political insurgencies and social inequalities are triggering circumstances of uprisings in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgystan. As countries still struggling to sustain and perpetrate democratic values, social mobilization resurface as a tool to establish political change. However, although understanding that the range of protests are regional and do not offer its nations a challenge concerning national security, the casualties and government accommodations were not as peaceful and organized as it was expected. The participation of the international community, specially playing a role in cooperating and co-opting with Central Asian insurgencies, is a crucial for the understanding of these protests as a way of its population to come in aid of their own political standards and voicing their grievances towards its ruling elites. Nevertheless, the necessity of social mobilization in Central Asian countries arrive in a time and place where its political standards can do no longer curb its dependencies and sufficiently generates instabilities that are most certainly, critical. Resumo A mobilização social na Ásia Central assume uma forma rara, com conotações políticas, económicas, sociais e étnicas, alinhadas com as dificuldades e dependências pós-soviéticas. Embora permanecendo como nações independentes, as instabilidades económicas, insurgências políticas e desigualdades sociais estão a provocar circunstâncias provocatórias no Azerbaijão, Cazaquistão e Quirguistão. Enquanto países que ainda lutam para manter e perpetuar os valores democráticos, a mobilização social reaparece como uma ferramenta para estabelecer mudanças políticas. No entanto, apesar de entender que a gama de protestos é regional e não oferece às suas nações um desafio relativamente à segurança nacional, as baixas e as acomodações do governo não foram tão pacíficas e organizadas como era esperado. A participação da comunidade internacional, que desempenha um papel especial na cooperação e cooptação com as insurgências da Ásia Central, é crucial para a compreensão desses protestos como forma da população proteger os seus próprios padrões políticos e expressar as suas críticas perante as suas elites dominantes. No entanto, a necessidade de mobilização social nos países da Ásia Central atingiu um tempo e lugar onde os seus padrões políticos não conseguem mais conter as suas dependências e gerar instabilidades que são certamente críticas.

Late in 1948, one of the radical Luganda newspapers in Buganda printed Dionizio Sifirwakange's rhetorical and distinctly aggrieved questions: "Has it become a crime for schoolchildren to evince patriotic sentiments? Why does the Government prohibit the assembly of the Bataka at the houses of their 'grandfathers'?"1 Sifirwakange was complaining about the repressive response of the Kingdom of Buganda and its ally, the Protectorate of Uganda, to a political and social movement whose most visible adherents were the patriotic schoolchildren, along with other youth and men of all ages, who assembled by the thousands at the homes of their grandfathers as they learned about politics, organized coalitions, donated money, and prepared to struggle for Buganda.2 During the late 1940s, activists in the "Bataka Union" expressed themselves as grandfathers and grandsons and mobilized tens of thousands of Baganda to read newspapers, attend mass meetings, donate money for international lobbying, and petition the kabaka (king of Buganda) with a vigor that turned into an armed insurrection. In voicing a rhetoric of grandfathers and grandsons, these activists imagined a new sort of citizenship grounded in local concerns over land, graves, and inheritance. But they deployed that identity to build a mass political movement that understood Buganda' s connections to a much bigger world. Why? What did patriotism have to do with grandfathers? Why did young men - especially young men with education, military service, and a sense of patriotism toward a young Buganda - spend so much time meeting with and listening to senior men? Why were adult men in their 20s and 30s identifying themselves politically as grandchildren? The movement these youth and elders joined was not a culturalist movement emphasizing the past, but (at least in the 1940s) a dynamic, modern mass politics. Bataka activists used the technologies and tactics of modern politics - newspapers and pamphlets, loudspeakers and mass demonstrations, and international lobbying - to critique the power of British-allied chiefs. They called for elections, pursued self-help economic initiatives and discussed Buganda's future. They offered a vision of citizenship full of discussions of responsibilities and rights connecting Baganda with each other within an expansive moral community. Citizenship for Bataka activists was not about acting as loyal subjects to the kabaka; activists were concerned with Uganda and Britain, not just Buganda.

The paper reveals that the communicative component of evolving the conflict-crisis which combines the periods of confrontation of varying intensity is verbalized by the linguistic units evoking the relations of sensori-motor origin known in cognitive linguistics as image schemas, i. e. recurring, dynamic patterns of our perceptual interactions and motor programs that give coherence and structure to our experience. The relations underlying the representation of conflict-crisis communicative component include counterforce, blockage, contact, and enablement. The communicative counterforce is rendered by the verbs denoting accusation, blockage is evoked by negations expressed by the particle "not" and the notional words with negative prefixes to downplay blame or mishaps, eliminate the planned actions, or avert contact. The communicative contact is represented by the units denoting meetings and talks aimed at solving the conflict-crisis with the majority of headlines foregrounding the units referring to Western powers. The argumentative contact is renderedby the units designating the evidence concerning perception, visual control or prediction mainly characteristic of the Russian side. The role of the communicative contribution which is reflected by performative utterances equal to an action and by promises depends on the status of the side voicing it. The performative headlines render intentions, promises, confirmations, changes of the participants' political or legal status. The communicative contribution has two variants: self-contributions and other-contribution. Promises are coded by the verbs pledge, vow, bid at the national, international and global levels. It is found that the biggest number of promises, though failed, is characteristic of the national level. The article reveals that the structure of news headlines is tantamount to that of utterances which results in distinguishing two types of their structure: canonical coinciding with the organization of the underlying image schemas with the source affecting the target and non-canonical with the foregrounded units denoting the counterforce target or the relations between the conflicting sides. ; У статті доведено, що комунікативний складник розгортання конфлікту-кризи, яка поєднує різні за інтенсивністю етапи протистояння, вербалізується мовними засобами на позначення відношень сенсомоторного походження, представлених протидією, перешкодою, контактом і забезпеченням можливості, які є продовженням фізичного протистояння. Комунікативна протидія відтворена дієсловами англійської мови на позначення звинувачень, перешкода – заперечними засобами. Комунікативний контакт втілений одиницями на позначення зустрічей і переговорів, спрямованих на розв'язання кризи, а роль комунікативного сприяння, відображеного перформативами, які вказують на виконання дії, та промісивами, що стосуються обіцянок, залежить від того, яка сторона протистояння їх висловлює.

This essay examines a Korean opera-film Chunhyang (2000) to show how it departs from the standard practice of Western opera-film and how its uniqueness is generated by the characteristics of indigenous Korean opera P'ansori. In spite of its uniqueness, however, Chunhyang shows its affinities with its Western sisters by confirming what has been criticized by many feminist scholars as one of the most serious problems in the Western tradition of cinema, especially Hollywood's classical films: namely, the gendered politics of the voice. ; Čunhjang je korejska opera-film proizvedena 2000. godine u režiji Kvon Taek Ima, dobitnika nagrade za najboljeg reditelja u Kanu 2002. Ovaj film je kinematografska produkcija pansorija, koreanskog žanra koji se može smatrati operom samo u vrlo širokom smislu. U ovom radu se razmatra kako se Čunhjang razlikuje od standardnih praksi zapadnjačke "opere-filma" (kinematografske produkcije opere) i te razlike se povezuju sa karakteristikama koje pansori odvajaju od zapadnjačke opere, uz posvećivanje naročite pažnje dvostrukoj ulozi pevača pansorija kao operskih likova i naratora. Analizom centralne scene filma može se pokazati kako ova dvostruka uloga doprinosi da odnos između operskog glasa i filmske slike bude raznovrsniji, složeniji i sofisticiraniji od onih u standardnom zapadnjačkom tipu opere-filma. Uprkos ovim razlikama u odnosu na zapadnjačku tradiciju Čunhjat pokazuje iznenađujuću bliskost sa svojim zapadnim sestrama utoliko što potvrđuje ono što su mnogi feministički pisci kritikovali kao jedan od najozbiljnijih problema u zapadnjačkoj filmskoj tradiciji, naročito klasičnoj holivudskoj: rodno definisanu politiku glasa. Čunhjang poprima formu pozorišta u pozorištu: on predstavlja lažno scensko izvođenje predstave pansori Čunhjanga koja se prekida i preseca sa vizuelnom ilustracijom pansori narativa. Usredsređujući se na ono što definišemo kao "dvostruko oglašavanje" ("double voicing"), t.j. na simultanu upotrebu operskog pevajućeg glasa i filmskog govornog glasa, demonstriramo da je ženski glas sveden na zvučni efekt, lišen diskurzivne snage, dok je muški glas predstavljen kao sveznajuća moć (kao glas koji prekriva ostale - a voice-over) i kao autorska moć nad filmskim slikama - moć koja se može uporediti sa onim što Džudit Mejn zove "primitivnim naratorom" u filmu spektakla. U zaključku se razmatra kulturni identitet žanra opere-filma. Iako se današnji istraživači područja na preseku opere i filma fokusiraju na Zapadnu Evropu i Ameriku, tvrdi se da su takvi preseci transkulturni fenomeni i da su uzajamni uticaji između opere i filma mogli da se uoče i u azijskim zemljama.

The chief wrongdoing of patriarchal societies throughout history and into the present dayare their labelling of women as the second sex akin to Simon de Beauvoir's magnumopus of the same name. Women have consistently struggled in order to put across theexistence of their own gender, as well as to make themselves present within the strata ofsocial life. They have given voice to this struggle through politics, art, and a great manyother means ever since Mary Wollstonecraft's penning of A Vindication of the Rights ofWomen. In this paper, the existence of woman in the poem Lady Lazarus by Sylvia Plathwho is accepted to be one of the strongest writers of the 20th century Western Literaturewill be examined under the lens of French Feminism. In this poem, Plath attempts todispose men by correlating them with a female Lazarus symbol, as taken from the resurrection story of Lazarus in the Bible. She hence aims to bring the concept of thewoman to a new level in place of the pre-existing patriarchally oppressed female figure bychallenging male dominance and by establishing the re-birth of as well as identity ofwomen in society. Plath moreover conveys in her poem the emotions of a woman whoselects suicide as a means of freedom and lives under pressure. Lady Lazarus in thiscontext, in its voicing the challenges Plath faced within patriarchal society and her revoltagainst it, is an important piece that contributes to the struggle for gender equality. ; Ataerkil toplumların, geçmişten günümüze değin en büyük yanlışı kadınlara tıpkı Simon deBeauvoir'in çalışmasına verdiği isim gibi İkinci Cinsiyet etiketini yapıştırmak olmuştur.Sosyal hayatta kendi cinsiyetinin varlığını kabul ettirmek ve kendilerini gerçekleştirmekiçin kadınlar, her daim bir mücadele içerisinde olmuşlardır ve Mary Wollstonecraft'ınKadın Haklarının Gerekçelendirilmesi' nden beridir bu mücadeleyi siyasal, sanatsal vedaha birçok alanda ortaya koymuşlardır. Bu çalışmada, Batı edebiyatın da 20. Yüzyılın engüçlü yazarlarından biri olarak kabul edilen Sylvia Plath'ın Lady Lazarus adlı şiirin dekadının var olmak adına yeniden doğuş metaforu çerçevesinde yazdığı dizeleri, Fransızfeministlerin ışığı altında incelenecektir. Plath bu şiirde İncil'de geçen Lazarus'unyeniden doğuş hikâyesini bir Kadın Lazarus sembolüyle bağdaştırarak erkeği alt etmeçabasına girişmiştir. Böylece, Kadın Lazarus erkek hegemonyasına meydan okuyarakyeniden doğmayı ve kadın kimliğini toplumda kabul ettirerek, mevcut ataerkil düzendekibaskılanıp ezilmiş kadın figürü yerine, güçlü kadın kavramını getirdiği yeni bir düzenkurmayı amaçlar. Ayrıca, Plath özgür olmak için seçtiği bir çözüm yolu olan intihargirişimini ve baskı altında yaşayan bir kadın olarak hissettiklerini eserine yansıtmıştır. Buanlamda, Plath'in ataerkil düzen içerisinde karşılaştığı zorlukları ve bu düzene karşı olanisyanını anlatan Lady Lazarus şiiri, cinsiyet eşitliği mücadelesine katkısı olan önemli bireserdir.

Zunehmende ökologische und soziale Herausforderungen stellen die Zukunftsfähigkeit und Lebensfreundlichkeit des derzeitigen Wirtschaftens vermehrt in Frage. Studien belegen, dass gerade in Industriegesellschaften die Nachfrage nach sozialer Eingebundenheit und ausgeglichener Lebensbalance ansteigen, während sich durch die wachstumsgedrängte Wirtschaftsweise Ängste, Depressionen und Burnouts vermehrt ausbreiten. Dennoch geht der Mainstream in Wirtschaftswissenschaft und Politik davon aus, dass ökologische und soziale Problemlagen nur zu überwinden seien, wenn weiteres wirtschaftliches Wachstum generiert werden kann. Es mehren sich allerdings seriöse Stimmen, dass diese Herangehensweise keine zukunftsfähige und lebensfreundliche Perspektive darstellt. Eine neue Ausrichtung der Wirtschaft auf Zukunftsfähigkeit und Lebensfreundlichkeit ist eine der wichtigsten Aufgaben der Gegenwart.Dazu werden zunächst theoretische Ansätze herangezogen, die beschreiben, was ein gutes Leben ausmacht. Um einen Orientierungsanker zu geben, wie ein gutes Leben durch Ökonomie ermöglicht werden kann werden zwei Konzepte herangezogen: die Postwachstumsökonomie und das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften. Aus diesen Konzepten werden vier Handlungsprinzipien herausgearbeitet: Subsistenz, Suffizienz, Vorsorge und Kooperation. Diese sind auf die Verwirklichung und Sicherstellung eines guten Lebens ausgerichtet und werden weiterführend als tiefergehendes Analyseinstrument für die Beschreibung und Analyse der drei Fallbeispiele zukunftsfähigen Wirtschaftens (Spiel des Lebens, Sieben Linden und Buschberghof) herangezogen. Der empirische Teil ergänzt die theoretischen Grundlagen und dient der Bewertung von Voraussetzungen und Potenzialen zukunftsfähigen und lebensfreundlichen Wirtschaftens. ; The increasing number of environmental and social challenges call the sustainability and hospitality of the current economic system into question. Studies show that the demand for social connectivity and improved life balance is currently rising in industrial societies, while anxiety depression and burnout are increasingly observed in the congested rapidly growing subsistence economy. Nevertheless, the mainstream in economics and politics adheres to the belief that environmental and social problems can only overcome by further economic growth. However, an increasing number of serious members of society are voicing the opinion that this approach is neither a viable nor sustainable one. Providing a new direction to the economy, to increase its sustainability and hospitality, is one of the most important contemporary tasks. First, for this reason, theoretical approaches are presented, which describe what constitutes a good life. To provide a firm description of how a good life can be made supported by the economy, two concepts are introduced: the post-growth economy and the preventive economy. These concepts provide a platform from which four principles of action are launched: subsistence, sufficiency, prevention and cooperation. These are aimed at achieving and ensuring a good life and can be used more thorough analytical instruments for the description and analysis of three case studies related to sustainable economic activity (the game of life, the Sieben Linden ecovillage and the Demeter establishment Buschberghof). The empirical part of the thesis includes the theoretical foundations and evaluates the requirements and potential of a sustainable and hospitable economy. ; Eleonora Wenzel ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassungen in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2015 ; (VLID)789608

When, beginning on June 22, 1941, German forces sliced through Soviet defenses, Soviet citizens severed their ties with the Stalinist state. In the Western Borderlands, annexed in 1939–1940 as a result of the Hitler-Stalin pact, locals welcomed the invaders with bread and salt as liberators from the Bolshevik yoke. Red Army men hailing from these regions left their posts and went home. Soldiers from the pre-1939 Soviet territories stationed in Ukraine deserted, too, reasoning that the Bolsheviks had "sucked our blood for twenty-five years, enough already!" A group of two hundred soldiers, including an outspoken Siberian, "decided to force our way back, at all cost, toward the Germans." When army commissars tried to stop them, "[w]e killed them and moved on." Further East, collective farmers in the pre-1939 territories greeted the German "liberators" in some localities, while displaying a "wait-and-see" attitude in others. One day after the start of the war an inhabitant of Leningrad region reacted to the news of his mobilization by threatening the official bearing the news with a revolver, exclaiming "I will not fight for Soviet Power, I will fight for Hitler!" Urban dwellers rejoiced at the arrival of the long-awaited apocalypse, believing that "the fascists kill Jews and Communists, but don't touch Russians." As Moscow descended into panic in October 1941, crowds stopped functionaries leaving the city, pulled them out of their cars, assaulted them, and scattered the contents of their luggage on the ground. "Beat the Jews," yelled the crowd, and protesting their non-Jewishness did not help the victims; to the mob, "Jew" and "functionary" were one and the same. On October 19, workers struck in Ivanovo, an industrial center with a long tradition of militancy. Excited by the spectacle of the advancing Germans and the apparent inability of the Stalinist leadership to stop them, rioters destroyed administrative and Party buildings and beat up state and Party activists, including the first secretary of the region. They demanded "Soviets without communists," while discussing seriously whether life would be better under Hitler or Stalin. Meanwhile, back at the frontline, where news of the "massive beating up of Jews" in Moscow quickly spread, the state's enforcement agencies arrested soldiers voicing their discontent. They also ensured that both the confused and the hostile would fight. By October 10, People's Commissariat Internal Affairs (NKVD) forces had detained 657,364 soldiers separated from their units. The majority were returned to the front and thrown back into battle; 25,878 were arrested, 10,201 of them shot.

By arguing for the multicultural dimension to be employed in social policy as well as in social work studies in Lithuania, the article aims at explicit display of arguments for the anthropological perspective and anthropology itself to be applied for the implementation of that dimension. The article discusses applicability of such anthropological essential as sensitiveness to human nature. Conceptualized as analytical perspective of cultural relativism it enables "opening up and voicing" cultures and heritages of the most overlooked and marginalized social groups. Another key point of the discipline is to study people's lives from "their point of view". Such emic approach and prevailing usage of the field research methods enables the most vulnerable groups "to be heard" and it could become critical in particular in solving problems of misrepresentation of those groups. It is also stressed in conclusion that the best use of anthropology in multiculturalism-enhanced social work is its fieldwork-oriented methodology. So it could be the most instrumental as applied science, i.e. by monitoring social mobility, integration/segregation, acculturation processes and conflict situations of subaltern, migrant and minority groups as well as by being able to provide counseling, reconciliation and to develop multidimensional tolerance by using particular culture informed knowledge as well as skills of intercultural dialog. ; Laikantis nuomonės, kad Lietuvos socialinėje politikoje ir socialinio darbo studijose būtina taikyti multikultūrinį požiūrį, šiame teoriniame straipsnyje siekiama pateikti keletą argumentų "už" ir, juos svarstant, atsakyti į klausimą, kaip antropologinė perspektyva ir pats antropologijos mokslas gali buti panaudotas šiam požiūriui įgyvendinti. Straipsnyje pristatomos tokios principinės antropologinės nuostatos kaip jautrumas žmogiškajai (kultūrinei) prigimčiai – žinomas kaip kultūrinio reliatyvizmo principas, jis "atveria" pačių labiausiai užmirštųjų ir atstumtųjų socialinių grupių kultūras kaip lygiavertes. Kita nuostata – metodologinė, siekianti pažinti kultūras ir visuomenes jų pačių požiūriu, t. y. taikant eminę perspektyvą bei antropologinius lauko tyrimo metodus, kurie padeda "išgirsti" pačias pažeidžiamiausias grupes. Tai itin svarbu siekiant išvengti dažnai pasitaikančio iškreipto minėtų grupių problemų pateikimo. Šios ir kitos straipsnyje pateiktos antropologinės nuostatos bei analitinės perspektyvos yra kaip argumentai "už" ir būdai, kaip įgyvendinti multikultūralizmo aspektą socialinėje politikoje ir socialiniame darbe. Straipsnis baigiamas išvada, kad efektyviausia, ką antropologija gali duoti įgyvendinat multikultūrinę dimensiją Lietuvos socialinėje politikoje bei socialinio darbo studijose, yra jos metodologinė orientacija į lauko tyrimus. Todėl ji gali geriausiai pasitarnauti kaip taikomasis mokslas, pvz., vykdant socialines atskirties, pažeidžiamų, "balso neturinčių" grupių, migrantų bei mažumų socialinio mobilumo, transmigracijos, integracijos/ segregacijos, akultūracijos stebėseną, taip pat ir konfliktinių situacijų reguliavimą, paremtą konkrečių (pvz., konfliktuojančių) kultūrų pažinimu bei tarpkultūrinio dialogo išmanymu.

As research efforts have ventured away from major Ur centers, new & unexpected problems arise with a rigid use of imported techniques in underdeveloped areas. The problem areas discussed are sampling, interviewer selection & training, establishing rapport, reliability, & validity. One of the major problems in sampling is the lack of 2ndary sources of data on pop's. Other problems include: (1) Equal probability in choosing city blocks for area sampling yields larger sampling errors than controlling the selection on pop, (2) stratification of samples is impossible, (3) making pop estimates or projections is complicated, (4) there are no ready checks or controls on sample performance without knowledge of pop parameters; & breakdowns on age, sex, & marital status cannot be compared with other figures. (5) Makeshift shelters & homeless individuals make orderly prelisting of households, or routes for interviewing, or definitions of `household' or `family' difficult. (6) Random selection of R's within households may clash with local custom or familial protocol. Interviewer selection & training is difficult where the few people with the necessary skills are usually fully occupied. Housewives are often barred from employment by custom. Class & status identification and the use of more than one language or dialect pose additional complications. It is sometimes more economical to train a team & to travel around a country than to recruit & train in each locale. Personal loyalty of interviewers to the field director may lead to falsification of interviews in order not to disappoint him. Feelings of national pride may lead interviewers to make up responses to mask mass ignorance or apathy. Problems of establishing rapport are not always solved by the employment of trained nationals since there often is a gulf between the well-educated Ur person & the destitute Ur or Ru worker as between the latter & a foreigner. Courtesy calls on local leaders & token interviewers with persons not designated by random sampling are sometimes necessary. Refusal rates are usually quite low because of curiosity, fear, hospitality, & flattery at being singled out for attention. Problems of reliability & validity are the most serious & probably the most difficult to cope with esp where people are unaccustomed to voicing opinions on controversial subjects. Inexperienced interviewers are not always able to `teach' R's how to be interviewed. Either both the R & interviewer end up agreeing with each other or the interviewer accepts noncommittal or incomplete answers. J. D. Twight.

Research shows that women are less likely to point out and penalize mistakes in science, and publish fewer comments and failed replications in scientific journals. What does this mean for the social sciences?BITSS Program Manager Grace Han interviews David Klinowski (Visiting Assistant Professor at the University of Pittsburgh Katz Graduate School of Business) about his forthcoming publication, "Voicing Disagreement in Science: Missing Women."Credit: Suad Kamardeen via UnsplashWhat does it mean for the state of social science when half of all published studies fail to replicate? A recent Nature article reported that, according to some studies, 35–70 percent of published results don't support replication with new data. "Often, researchers cannot even reproduce results when using the same data and code as the original paper, because key information is missing," the authors wrote.Despite glaring issues with the credibility of published research, replicating results remains disincentivized, and stark inequalities in their production and publication exacerbate this challenge. At the 2023 BITSS Annual Meeting, David Klinowski, visiting assistant professor at the University of Pittsburgh Katz Graduate School of Business, discussed determinants of gender gaps in education and labor markets. His forthcoming publication, Voicing Disagreement in Science: Missing Women, shows that women are less likely to point out and penalize mistakes in science and publish fewer comments and failed replications in scientific journals.We talked to David about why women are missing from academic criticisms and what this means for the social sciences. Responses have been edited for length and clarity.Grace Han: Your research indicates that women are missing from critiques and failed replications. Why do you think that is?David Klinowski: Many factors may influence a researcher's decision to criticize a published paper, some of which may have a gender component. For example, a researcher may be more or less willing to express criticism depending on her level of seniority or whether she has coauthors to pursue the criticism with. If women tend to be more junior than men, or have fewer coauthors, then these differences could contribute to the gender gap in critiques and failed replications.Opportunity costs may also play a role. Our profession values critiques and replications much less than it values novelty. Researchers may naturally choose to focus on doing original work rather than attempting to replicate or criticize others' work.Women may also suffer backlash to a larger degree than men for criticizing work. Research has found that women are often penalized for displaying male-stereotypical behaviors, such as assertiveness. If writing a critique or a failed replication is perceived as confrontational, then women may be reluctant to write these papers for fear of backlash. It is also possible that women criticize as much as men do but their criticisms are more often rejected during peer review.What are the impacts of women's comparative absence from such criticisms?DK: It is hard to say. Publishing a critique in a top journal could advance the critic's career. She could gain recognition from her peers, and citations to her work. And the process of replicating someone's work could be a great learning experience. But if negative consequences such as backlash are larger for women, then it may be entirely rational for women not to participate.We should also worry about what impact the lack of female-authored critiques and failed replications has on science itself. Is the process of self-correction in science slower as a result? Are there views and insights that never emerge as a result?What does the relative absence of women from critical publications say about the scientific literature and publishing process at large?DK: One way to interpret the results is that they illustrate how difficult and fraught it is to express post-publication criticism. It is not always easy to find out whether a replication exists, or to know what a critique may imply about the original paper. Original authors may be terrified of scrutiny, and may not be eager to share their code, data, or other details of their work.What can be done to increase women's participation in academic criticisms? Is this wise given the potential risks and professional blowback?DK: I think a promising approach is to make it easier and more rewarding for researchers to participate. To even start to scrutinize or replicate a paper, researchers must be able to access its data, code, and methods. BITSS does a great job at educating scholars on why and how to do transparent and reproducible research.One way to prevent authors from feeling singled out when their work is criticized or replicated may be to conduct replications via a "replication audit," an organized effort by multiple researchers to replicate a large number of studies. The Replication Games [convened by I4R,] is one such effort. Researchers may find it more attractive to participate in replication audits than to replicate a single study on their own.Afterwards, replicators become coauthors of a meta-paper that combines the different replications conducted, but their names are not associated with the particular paper they replicated. To increase participation of women and other researchers in academic criticisms, we need more of this type of careful design of the incentives and institutions.In March, alongside the American Economic Association's Committee on the Status of Women in the Economics Profession and Economists for Equity at UC Berkeley, CEGA will co-host the Berkeley Replication Games, which will focus on the participation of underrepresented researchers.To find out more and register, check out our event page.The Gender Gap in Academic Criticism was originally published in CEGA on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

PurposeThe authors describe an original unit plan that draws from local and national concerns for truthful history education about the history of racial violence in the United States. The unit plan contextualizes one impetus for truth and reconciliation in a community with a history of anti-Black violence.Design/methodology/approachThe participants partnered with the Equal Justice Initiative to pilot the unit in their district's new African American History course. The unit drew on historical research and cultural memory to situate local history within a broader context of racism and violence.FindingsThe teachers identified eight goals for the unit so that students could understand racialized violence, acknowledge racism as the lived experience of many of their students, and participate in a collaborative learning environment with productive discussions. Speaking from their own experiences with racism, and creating opportunities for students to do the same, the teachers aided the community in voicing long-silenced memories.Research limitations/implicationsBesides bridging some of the gaps between local, regional, and national histories, more research is needed to further examine historical trauma and its implications for both the past and present, in order to amplify and humanize experiences of racism. Additional research is a critical step in developing more thoughtful, empathic and holistic discussions of history and racism at the local level.Practical implicationsIn the wake of the recent past, the authors have learned that teaching about the history of racial violence can be enhanced and empowered by reference to relevant current events. The resurgence of racially charged language and violence over the past few years makes this goal more urgent than ever. This unit gives practical guidance to teachers who face this challenge.Social implicationsThe sociopolitical reality of historical trauma and racism must be confronted, and proximity to key events is important in conveying the urgency of racial violence and the need for history education that addresses it. Teachers are making difficult decisions about their options for teaching about race, and they are understandably concerned about any perceived missteps. Nonetheless, inclusive, truthful history education is an appropriate and essential response to narratives of exclusion and silence as the authors help students to develop deliberative skills concerning difficult topics such as racial violence. Teachers and students, together, can do the crucial work of remembering.Originality/valueThe stripping away of narrative agency, identity and history can cover up stories about the stripping away of life and dignity. In the unit plan, the authors recognize truth and reconciliation—especially in the education of people who have relatively little exposure to topics of race and racism—as elemental to a restorative stance against racism.