Suchergebnisse

El artículo reflexiona sobre el riesgo y la peligrosidad como matrices de inteligibilidad para analizar los discursos que tematizan a jóvenes y adolescentes en relación a la responsabilidad penal. Se analizan ocho proyectos de ley con estado parlamentario durante el periodo legislativo 2018. Se postula como hipótesis que los discursos expresados en estos proyectos no constituyen bloques de sentido unitarios ni exclusivamente antagónicos, sino que exhiben una hibridación de sentidos, nociones y valoraciones. La frecuente exacerbación de la sensibilidad punitiva disparada por algún episodio delictivo en el cual participa un adolescente confiere al debate diferentes matices que expresan tensiones alrededor de tópicos diversos; entre ellos legalidad, punibilidad, potestad punitiva del estado, justicia, garantías, derechos y seguridad. En los textos legislativos coexisten concepciones sobre los sujetos destinatarios de la norma, en este caso, los adolescentes y jóvenes que infligen o presuntamente infligen la ley y alrededor de estos sujetos proliferan discursos que los ubican en fronteras móviles y difusas entre "riesgos", "peligros" y "vulnerabilidades". El objetivo del artículo es analizar los discursos legislativos en tanto conjugan diversas nociones de riesgo y peligrosidad articulados con otros conceptos provenientes de la arqueología foucaulteana, que remiten a estudios sobre gubernamentalidad y a la necesidad de gobierno y gestión de poblaciones.Las conclusiones muestran que las nociones de riesgo, peligrosidad y vulnerabilidad atraviesan los discursos trascendiendo las dicotomías sencillas, tales como tutelarismo-derechos; garantismo-punitivismo; progresividad-regresividad, justicia actuarial-justicia restaurativa. En tal sentido, el artículo busca ofrecer claves analíticas que aumenten la comprensión de esta problemática en Argentina. ; The article reflects on risk and dangerousness as matrix of intelligibility to analyze discourses that take as a theme young and adolescents in relation to criminal responsibility. Eight bills with parliamentary status during the 2018 legislative period are analyzed. It is postulated as a hypothesis that the discourses expressed in these projects do not constitute unitary or exclusively antagonistic blocks of meaning, but rather show a hybridization of meanings, notions and valuations. The frequent exacerbation of the punitive sensitivity triggered by a criminal episode in which an adolescent participates confers to the debate different nuances that express tensions around diverse topics; among them are legality, punishability, punitive power of the state, justice, guarantees, rights and security. In the legislative texts coexist conceptions on the subjects that result targets of the rule, in this case, adolescents and young people who inflict or presumably inflict the law and around these subjects proliferate discourses that place them in mobile and diffuse boundaries between "risks", "dangers" and "vulnerabilities". The objective of the article is to analyze legislative discourses as they combine different notions of risk and dangerousness articulated with other concepts from foucauldean archeology, which refer to studies on governmentality and the need for government and population management. The conclusions show that the notions of risk, dangerousness and vulnerability cross the discourses transcending the simple dichotomies, such as tutelary-rights; guarantee-punitivism; progressiveness-regression, actuarial justice-restorative justice. In this sense, the article seeks to offer analytical keys that increase the understanding of this problem in Argentina. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

The present paper proposes that, taking in account the popular protests that took place between2012 and 2015 in Colombia, it is possible to make a reading about what citizens expect from the PeaceAgreement implementation when studying the demands generated due to general dissatisfactionwith the role of the State and its failure to comply with what is found positive in the constitution. Arevision of the conception of citizenship is proposed, also about how it expects answers that mayeven go beyond the institutionalized conditions of justiciability. The latter drives to the creation ofnew deliberation scenarios theoretically based in a reading of the Political Constitution, which aims toreturn the constitution to the people. The analysis of these demands and / or needs makes it possible toevidence the relevance of the peace agreement and of the government's agenda commitment with theidentification of the protests and their relationship with social, economic, cultural and environmentalrights −which must estimate how must the government intervene and how determine how to fulfillits social policy. ; O presente artigo propõe que, a partir dos protestos populares que ocorreram entre 2012 e 2015 naColômbia, pode-se realizar uma leitura sobre o que a cidadania espera da implementação do Acordode Paz ao estudar as exigências geradas devido à insatisfação geral diante do papel do Estado e seuincumprimento com o que se encontra positivizado na constituição. Assim, apresenta-se uma revisãoda concepção de cidadania e como esta espera respostas mais além das condições de justiciabilidadedadas institucionalmente, o que impulsiona a criação de novos cenários de deliberação que sãoteoricamente rastreados em uma leitura da Constituição Política e que pretende devolver a constituiçãoao povo. A análise dessas exigências e/ou necessidades permite evidenciar a relevância do acordode paz e a aposta na agenda de governo acerca da identificação dos protestos e sua relação com osdireitos sociais, econômicos, culturais e ambientais que devem estimar como o governo intervém ecomo fixa o cumprimento de sua política social. ; El presente artículo plantea que a partir de las protestas populares que se desarrollaronentre el 2012 y 2015 en Colombia, se puede hacer una lectura sobrequé espera la ciudadanía de la implementación del Acuerdo de Paz al estudiarlas exigencias que se generan debido a la insatisfacción general frente al papeldel Estado y su incumplimiento con lo que se encuentra positivizado en la constitución.Así, se plantea una revisión a la concepción de la ciudadanía y cómoesta espera respuestas más allá de las condiciones de justiciabilidad dadas institucionalmente,lo que impulsa la creación de nuevos escenarios de deliberaciónque se rastrean teóricamente en una lectura de la Constitución Política, yque pretende devolver la constitución al pueblo. El análisis de esas exigenciasy/o necesidades permite evidenciar la relevancia del acuerdo de paz y la apuestaen la agenda de gobierno alrededor de la identificación de las protestas y surelación con los derechos sociales, económicos, culturales y ambientales quedeben estimar cómo interviene el gobierno y cómo este fija el cumplimiento desu política social.

The present dissertation analyses the role of interest groups in the European Union. In a context of democratic deficit, "lobbies" often crystalize the criticisms made towards European institutions. However, this work shows how lobbies, when regulated, can also reinforce the legitimacy of the said institutions. Indeed, since their origin, interest groups have imposed themselves as a crucial actor in the functioning of the European Union. For instance, they have developed a technical expertise which is necessary to European decision-making. They have largely supplanted European societies which were unable to constitute a demos for the EU. However, despite this, interest groups also allow to promote civil society. The EU has precisely increasingly included the European civil society in its fundamental treaties through the integration of interest groups. European institutions have been trying to develop transparency and openness in order to promote civil society. To give some context to that approach, this work has put forward foreign models of regulation, i.e. that of the United States, of the United Kingdom and of France. In the EU, codes of conducts and registers have been implemented. However, this regulation remains progressive and differs from an institution to another. The Parliament and the European Commission have both taken the lead in these transparency policies – whereas the European Council has shied somewhat from those policies. This thesis presents the changing role of interest groups, tangled-up between European legitimacy crisis and technically vital role. ; L'objet de cette th.se est de montrer le rôle qu'ont les groupes d'intérêt dans le processus décisionnel de l'Union européenne. Dans un contexte de déficit démocratique, les « lobbies » cristallisent souvent les critiques à l'égard de la légitimité des institutions européennes. Cependant, ce travail montre comment les lobbies peuvent également constituer un renfort de légitimité pour lesdites institutions à condition d'être régulés. En effet, les groupes d'intérêt se sont imposés depuis l'origine de l'Union européenne comme un acteur vital de son fonctionnement. Ils ont développé une expertise technique indispensable à la prise de décision européenne. Ils ont ainsi pris le pas sur les sociétés des États européens qui n'ont pas su donner de demos à l'Union. Cependant, les groupes d'intérêt permettent aussi de promouvoir la société civile. La présente thèse montre précisément comment l'Union européenne a inscrit le rôle de la société civile au cœur de traités fondamentaux et dans quelle mesure cela a reconnu les groupes d'intérêt. Pour promouvoir la société civile, les institutions européennes s'efforcent à des degrés différents de développer la transparence et l'ouverture nécessaire à une prise de décision légitime. Pour contextualiser cette approche ce travail a mis en avant les modèles États-Uniens, anglais et français. Dans l'Union européenne, des codes de conduite et des registres ont été mis en place. Mais cette règlementation se fait progressivement et tend à différer selon les institutions. Ce sont le Parlement européen et la Commission européenne qui ont pris les devants des politiques de transparence, tandis que le Conseil reste largement en retrait de ces mesures. Ce travail montre le rôle changeant des groupes d'int.r.t, pris entre crise de légitimité européenne et recours technique indispensable.

The aim of this doctoral project is an empirical analysis of questions concerning economics of education, in particular education policy. The first key aspect is the relationship between public opinion and the level of information of the population. As part of this, a first research project collected data on the similarities and differences in opinion of the American and German public. Respondents in both countries hold different views on a variety of issues, but they react to information in very similar ways. This suggests that the difference in policy outcomes between the U.S. and Germany is largely driven by institutional differences, rather than divergent preferences. A second research project focuses on public opinion on state spending for different areas of education. This research shows that providing respondents with the information that according to numerous studies, early childhood education has larger beneficial effects than other types of education spending raises support for increased spending for preschools. These information effects are driven by pervasive underestimation of positive effects of investment in early education. A second key aspect focuses on the question how to reduce the correlation between children's education outcomes and parental background. A first research project analyses the opinion of the adult population on structural reform of the education system that aims to increase educational opportunities for children from disadvantaged backgrounds. As it turns out, the majority of the German public perceives inequality in educational opportunities as problematic and supports reforms in this area. A second research project investigates divergence in educational aspirations of different socio-economic groups. Results show that information on earnings and unemployment rates of university graduates, as well as information on the tuition fees and student aid, raise the aspirations for their children's education less among respondents without university education than for respondents with university education. This suggests limited scope for information interventions to reduce the large gap in educational aspirations between children from different socio-economic backgrounds. ; Ziel des Promotionsprojektes ist es, Fragen der politischen Ökonomie der Bildung im Allgemeinen und der Bildungspolitik im Speziellen empirisch zu untersuchen. Ein erster Schwerpunkt ist der Zusammenhang zwischen der öffentlichen Meinung zu staatlichen Bildungsausgaben und dem Informationsstand der Wahlbevölkerung. In einem ersten Teilprojekt wurde die öffentliche Meinung der deutschen und der amerikanischen Bevölkerung im Vergleich darstellt. Es zeigt sich, dass Befragte in beiden Ländern zwar zum Teil unterschiedliche Positionen vertreten, auf bereitgestellte Informationen aber sehr ähnlich reagieren. Das spricht dafür, dass Unterschiede in den Institutionen eine größere Rolle bei der Erklärung von Politikunterschieden zwischen den Ländern spielen als abweichende Präferenzen. In einem zweiten Projekt liegt der Fokus auf der Meinung zu öffentlichen Ausgaben für verschiedene Bildungsinstitutionen in Deutschland. Hierbei zeigt sich, dass der Hinweis, dass laut wissenschaftlichen Studien frühe Investitionen besonders wichtig für die Zukunftschancen von Kindern sind, die Zustimmung zu höheren Ausgaben im frühkindlichen Bereich erhöht. Dieser Meinungsumschwung rührt von der weitverbreiteten Unterschätzung der positiven Effekte von frühkindlicher Bildung her. Ein zweiter Schwerpunkt ist die Fragestellung, wie die Abhängigkeit des Bildungserfolgs von Kindern von dem Bildungsniveau der Eltern reduziert werden kann. Ein erstes Teilprojekt untersucht die Meinung der Wahlbevölkerung zu strukturellen Reformen des Bildungssystems, die darauf abzielen Kinder aus bildungsferneren Schichten besonders zu fördern. Insgesamt zeigt sich, dass die Mehrheit der Deutschen die Chancenungleichheit in der Bildung als Problem sieht und Reformen in diesem Bereich befürwortet. Ein zweites Teilprojekt untersucht Unterschiede in den angestrebten Bildungsabschlüssen verschiedener sozialer Gruppen. Hierbei zeigt sich, dass Informationen über das spätere Einkommen und die zu erwartende Arbeitslosigkeit von Hochschulabsolventen, genauso wie Informationen über die Kosten des Studiums und finanzielle Studierendenförderung, die Bildungsziele von Eltern ohne universitäre Bildung weniger beeinflussen als die von Eltern mit Universitätsabschluss. Dies impliziert dass Informationsbereitstellung die gravierenden Unterschiede in den Bildungsambitionen zwischen Kindern aus bildungsnahen und bildungsfernen Elternhäusern nicht verringern kann.

ABSTRACT Discrimination, it is accurate, is as old as civilization and this has been built - as some writers mention - on the sacrifice of individuals and discriminated social sectors: slavery. The emergence of the Rule of Law and later of the Constitutional State of Law has allowed, with certain limitations, a more orderly struggle to face discrimination, which generally falls on women, ethnic groups, religious minorities, migrants, people with disabilities or with sexual preferences. different from the majorities, who suffer physical, psychological and other violence, from discriminatory practices. The struggle for non-discrimination is a vital reality, which requires the efforts of citizens and local, regional, national and international organizations. The research is aimed at presenting a coherent picture and response, from a legal point of view, to the issue of discrimination and above all to discrimination by sex, of women and more specifically, of the female cadet who enters, to integrate the Armed Forces and Police Forces in Peru, presenting a normative protective framework of International - National level; as well as constitutional jurisprudence that has been graphed, the respect that the military and police formative entities must have towards the cadet woman, when she becomes pregnant, during her educational process of professional formation, proposing the validity of the following Fundamental Rights: Of the Family, Of Equality, Non-Discrimination and the Right to Education that women should enjoy, in the performance of their status as citizens, for the full development of their personality. ; RESUMEN La discriminación, se precisa, es tan antigua como la civilización y ésta se ha construido- como señala algunos tratadistas- sobre el sacrificio de personas y sectores sociales discriminados: la esclavitud. La emergencia del Estado de Derecho y posteriormente del Estado Constitucional de Derecho, ha permitido con ciertas limitaciones, una lucha más ordenada para enfrentar la discriminación, que generalmente recae en mujeres, grupos étnicos, minorías religiosas, migrantes, personas con discapacidad o con preferencias sexual distinta a las mayorías, que sufren la violencia física, psicológica y otros, de prácticas discriminatorias. La lucha por la no discriminación es una realidad vital, que requiere el esfuerzo de los ciudadanos y de las organizaciones Locales, Regionales, Nacionales e Internacionales. La investigación, se encamina a presentar un cuadro y una respuesta coherente, desde el punto de vista jurídico, a la temática de la discriminación y sobre todo a la discriminación por sexo, de la mujer y más específicamente, de la mujer cadete que ingresa, a integrar las Fuerzas Armadas y Fuerzas Policiales en el Perú, presentando un cuadro normativo protector de nivel Internacional – Nacional; así como jurisprudencia Constitucional que ha graficado, el respeto que deben tener las entidades formativas militares y policiales hacia la mujer cadete, cuando ésta queda embarazada, durante su proceso educativo de formación profesional, planteando la vigencia de los siguientes Derechos Fundamentales: De la Familia, De la Igualdad, De la No Discriminación y el Derecho a la Educación de que debe gozar, la mujer, en el desempeño en su condición de tal y de ciudadana, para el desarrollo pleno de su personalidad. ; Tesis

The article examines the principle of social justice of taxation when implementing tax incentives. According to the author, the legislative definition and consolidation of the relevant principles is one of the factors that increases the probability of their enforcement. The author states that the category of "justice" is multifaceted and there is no clear definition in the legal sense. In general, justice is seen as: 1) a correct, objective, impartial attitude to someone, something; 2) that which corresponds to moral and ethical and legal norms. The article analyzes a number of scientific approaches to the consideration of the principle of equity in taxation. The author comes to the conclusion that the principle of social justice in tax-legal regulation is inextricably linked with the application of tax incentives and is realized through: granting various tax benefits (exclusion from the object of taxation, understatement of tax rates, exemption from taxes and fees, etc.) to payers taxes; the establishment of a special tax regime that specifies the special tax treatment of certain economic entities and provides for simplified tax collection, accounting and reporting (currently, it is a single tax). ; В статье исследуется принцип социальной справедливости налогообложения при реализации налоговых стимулов. По мнению автора, законодательное определение и закрепление соответствующих принципов является одним из факторов, который повышает вероятность их правоприменения. Автор определяет, что категория «справедливость» является многоаспектной и четкого определения в правовом смысле нет. В общем справедливость рассматривается как: 1) правильное, объективное, непредвзятое отношение к кому-, чему-либо; 2) то, что соответствует морально-этическим и правовым нормам. В статье дается анализ ряда подходов ученых к рассмотрению принципа справедливости в налогообложении. Автор приходит к выводу, что принцип социальной справедливости в налогово-правовом регулировании неразрывно связан с применением налоговых стимулов и реализуется путем: предоставления различных налоговых льгот (исключение из объекта налогообложения, занижение налоговых ставок, освобождение от уплаты налогов и сборов и т.д.) плательщикам налогов; установления специального режима налогообложения, определяющих особый порядок налогообложения определенных субъектов хозяйствования и предусматривающих упрощенное взимание налогов, ведение учета и отчетности (пока речь идет о едином налоге). ; У статті досліджується принцип соціальної справедливості оподаткування під час реалізації податкових стимулів. На думку автора, законодавче визначення й закріплення відповідних принципів є одним із факторів, який підвищує вірогідність їх правозастосування. Автор зазначає, що категорія «справедливість» є багатоаспектною і немає чіткого її визначення у правовому сенсі. Загалом справедливість розглядається як: 1) правильне, об'єктивне, неупереджене ставлення до кого-, чого-небудь; 2) те, що відповідає морально-етичним і правовим нормам. У статті подається аналіз низки підходів науковців до розгляду принципу справедливості в оподаткування. Автор доходить висновку, що принцип соціальної справедливості у податково-правовому регулюванні нерозривно пов'язаний із застосуванням податкових стимулів і реалізується шляхом: надання різних податкових пільг (виключення з об'єкта оподаткування, заниження податкових ставок, звільнення від сплати податків та зборів тощо) платникам податків; встановлення спеціального режиму оподаткування, що визначають особливий порядок оподаткування певних суб'єктів господарювання й передбачають спрощене справляння податків, ведення обліку та звітності (йдеться про єдиний податок).

On April 18, 2018, the Nicaraguan government announced a social security reform aimed at increasing employer and labor contributions and establishing a 5% cut in pensions. As a result of this disposition, a wave of demonstrations began in several parts of the country, questioning such measure, which had a repressive response from the government. Although the reforms to the social security were repealed on April 22, this decision did not stop the popular discontent, and the manifestations and the social conflict were deepened as a consequence of the violence perpetrated by the State, initiating a political crisis that has put questioning the legitimacy and continuity of the Ortega - Murillo administration. Based on this, in this paper we propose to analyze the background that gave rise to this crisis, emphasizing the project of the interoceanic canal and the resurgence of social conflict, phenomena that are related to the dynamics of capital worldwide and the expansion of the neoextractivist model in Latin America and the Caribbean. ; El 18 de abril de 2018 el gobierno de Nicaragua anunció una reforma a la seguridad social que planteaba aumentar las contribuciones patronales y laborales, y establecer un recorte del 5% a las jubilaciones. A raíz de esta disposición, se inició una ola de manifestaciones en varios puntos del país cuestionando tal medida, la cual tuvo una respuesta represiva por parte del gobierno. Si bien el 22 de abril se derogaron las reformas a la seguridad social, esta decisión no frenó el descontento popular, y las manifestaciones y la conflictividad social se profundizaron como consecuencia de la violencia perpetrada por el Estado, iniciando una crisis política que ha puesto en cuestionamiento la legitimidad y continuidad de la administración Ortega - Murillo. Sobre esta base, en el presente trabajo nos proponemos analizar los antecedentes que dieron lugar a esta crisis, haciendo énfasis en el proyecto del canal interoceánico y el recrudecimiento del conflicto social, fenómenos que se relacionan con las dinámicas del capital a nivel mundial y la expansión del modelo neoextractivista en América Latina y el Caribe. ; O 18 de abril de 2018, o governo nicaraguense anunciou uma reforma da seguridade social que propunha o aumento das contribuições do empregador e do trabalhador, e o estabelecimento de um corte de 5% nas aposentadorias. Como resultado dessa disposição, uma onda de manifestações começou em várias partes do país, questionando tal medida, que teve uma resposta repressiva do governo. Embora as reformas na seguridade social tenham sido revogadas em 22 de abril, essa decisão não impediu o descontentamento popular, e as manifestações e os conflitos sociais se aprofundaram como resultado da violência perpetrada pelo Estado, iniciando uma crise política que há colocado em questionamento a legitimidade e continuidade da administração Ortega – Murillo. Com base nisso, neste artigo pretendemos analisar o pano de fundo da crise política que irrompeu na Nicarágua em 2018, com ênfase no projeto do canal interoceânico e no aprofundamento do conflito social, fenômenos relacionados à dinâmica do capital mundial e a expansão do modelo neoextrativista na América Latina e no Caribe.

Artículo realizado por muchos autores. Solo se referencian el que aparece en primer lugar, el nombre del grupo de colaboración y los autores que firman como pertenecientes a la UAM ; This paper presents the electron and photon energy calibration obtained with the ATLAS detector using about 36 fb−1 of LHC proton-proton collision data recorded at √s=13 TeV in 2015 and 2016. The different calibration steps applied to the data and the optimization of the reconstruction of electron and photon energies are discussed. The absolute energy scale is set using a large sample of Z boson decays into electron-positron pairs. The systematic uncertainty in the energy scale calibration varies between 0.03% to 0.2% in most of the detector acceptance for electrons with transverse momentum close to 45 GeV . For electrons with transverse momentum of 10 GeV the typical uncertainty is 0.3% to 0.8% and it varies between 0.25% and 1% for photons with transverse momentum around 60 GeV . Validations of the energy calibration with J/ψ → e+e− decays and radiative Z boson decays are also presented ; We thank CERN for the very successful operation of the LHC, as well as the support staff from our institutions without whom ATLAS could not be operated efficiently. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, HGF, and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZŠ, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, CANARIE, CRC and Compute Canada, Canada; COST, ERC, ERDF, Horizon 2020, and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d' Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF, Greece; BSF-NSF and GIF, Israel; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain; The Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom.The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN, the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF(Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (U.K.) and BNL (U.S.A.), the Tier-2 facilities worldwide and large non-WLCG resource providers

Introducción: El retorno de migrantes ecuatorianos desde el extranjero ha tenido un aumento significativo en los últimos años provocando un inusitado interés académico y gubernamental hacia este fenómeno, por los retos que conlleva la inserción de esta población. En este sentido, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar los perfiles de quienes volvieron de España y los Estados Unidos, principales destinos de la emigración ecuatoriana, con la finalidad de identificar sus particularidades sociodemográficas y su situación laboral. Método: Se trabajó con los datos de la VI Ronda de la Encuesta de Condiciones de Vida de Ecuador del Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos en 2014. Se construyó una base de datos de migrantes retornados y se desagregó por países para analizar sus perfiles en perspectiva comparada, tomando en cuenta variables como sexo, edad, escolaridad, ramas de actividad y otras para aproximarse a los motivos y al año del retorno.Resultados: Los hallazgos muestran un incremento en los retornos después del 2010, año del último Censo de Población del país andino. A nivel comparativo, se observa una población más envejecida en los ecuatorianos que volvieron de los Estados Unidos, lo que pudiera tener relación con flujos migratorios más antiguos hacia ese país. También hay una baja participación en el empleo de las mujeres retornadas de ambos grupos, así como diferencias en cuanto al nivel educativo y a las ocupaciones laborales post-retorno. Discusión y/o Conclusión: A partir de los resultados se corrobora la hipótesis de perfiles diferenciados según el país del que retornaron los migrantes, lo que pudiera explicar su inserción en ciertos nichos laborales predominantes en cada grupo analizado. Introduction: The return of Ecuadorian migrants from abroad has increased significantly in recent years provoking an unusual academic and governmental interest on this issue due to the challenges associated with the insertion of this population. The object of this paper is to analyse the profiles and identify the socio-demographic characteristics and labour situation of those who returned from Spain or the United States, main destinations of Ecuadorian emigration.Method: We worked with data from the Sixth Round of the Living Conditions Survey of Ecuador carried out by the National Institute of Statistics and Census in 2014. A database of returned migrants was constructed and disaggregated by country to analyse their profiles in a comparative perspective, taking into account variables such as sex, age, education, field of activity, and others that allow the identification of motives and year of return.Results: The findings show an increase in returns after 2010, year of the last Population Census in the Andean country. At the comparative level, it was observed that returning Ecuadorians form a more aged population, which could be related to the older migratory flows towards that country. They also present a low employment participation of returned women of both groups, as well as differences in education levels and post-return occupations.Discussion and/or Conclusion: Based on the results, the hypothesis of differentiated profiles according to the country from which the migrants returned is corroborated, which may explain their insertion in certain predominant labour niches in each group analysed.

Resumen – A partir de la investigación sobre el movimiento de reconceptualización del Trabajo social, en la Escuela de Trabajo social de la Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, se analizan las condicionantes y la articulación de diferentes tiempos y movimientos, locales y globales, del proceso de los 60 hasta 1973, que dieron forma al Proyecto de Escuela. Este expresa la producción y circulación del conocimiento sobre el problema de lo social en América Latina, la recepción de corrientes marxistas y la crítica hacia una formación universitaria ajena de la sociedad, conservadora ante el proceso político de la realidad chilena. Cuestiona el desarrollismo y la dependencia económica y cultural de los países del Sur, en el estado capitalista, asumiendo demandas de transformación. En el escenario de la vía chilena al socialismo, diferentes lógicas se disputaron y articularon, movilizando discusiones políticas, teóricas y metodológicas, profundizando y materializando un proyecto de conciencia crítica del sentido y orientación del Trabajo social. Palabras-Clave: reconceptualización del trabajo social; imaginarios sociales; procesos políticos; producción del conocimiento; Valparaíso. Resumo – A partir da pesquisa sobre o movimento de reconceituação do Serviço Social, na Escola de Serviço Social da Universidade Católica de Valparaíso, analisam-se os condicionantes e a articulação de diferentes tempos e movimentos, locais e globais, do processo dos anos 60 até 1973, os quais deram forma ao Projeto da Escola. Este expressa a produção e circulação de conhecimento sobre o problema do social na América Latina, a recepção das correntes marxistas e a crítica a uma formação universitária alheia à sociedade, conservadora do processo político da realidade chilena. Questiona também o desenvolvimentismo e a dependência econômica e cultural dos países do Sul no estado capitalista, e assume as demandas de transformação da época. No cenário da chamada "via chilena ao socialismo", diferentes lógicas se disputaram e articularam, mobilizando discussões políticas, teóricas e metodológicas, aprofundando e materializando um projeto de consciência crítica sobre o sentido e orientação do Trabalho Social.Palavras-Chave: reconceituação do trabalho social; imaginários sociais; processos políticos; produção de conhecimento; Valparaíso. Abstract – From research on the reconceptualization movement of social work at the School of Social Work at the Pontifical Catholic University of Valparaíso, this article analyzes the conditions and the articulation of different times, and both local and global movements, from the 1960s to 1973, which gave shape to the project of the school. This project proclaims the production and circulation of knowledge about social problems in Latin America, the reception of Marxist currents, and the criticism of university education apart from society, conservative of the political process of the Chilean scenario. It also questions developmentalism and economic and cultural dependence of countries of the South in the capitalist state, and takes on the demands for transformation of the time. In the scenario of the so-called "Chilean way to socialism," different logics disputed with each other and were articulated, mobilizing political, theoretical and methodological discussions, deepening and materializing a project of critical awareness about the meaning and orientation of social work. Keywords: reconceptualization of social work; social imaginary; politics processes; production of knowledge; Valparaiso.

O artigo aborda o tema das relações de gênero, com objetivo de provocar o reconhecimento de seus efeitos na educação diferenciada e desigual de meninos e meninas, operada direta, e imediatamente pela religião e meios de comunicação de massa. O percurso a ser utilizado envolve apresentar o debate conceitual sobre gênero, abordar o lugar do feminismo na interpelação da sociedade e do Estado assim como ensaiar sobre as perspectivas futuras à cidadania brasileira, a partir do tema dos direitos humanos. A pedagogia de gênero pode ser um potente recurso da formação básica para a construção de um projeto de Nação coadunado com as necessidades do povo brasileiro, apesar da conjuntura nacional, na área da educação em particular, exigindo um esforço de reconhecimento dos desafios para a superação de uma ordem social excludente e propondo rearranjos e deslocamentos para uma educação crítica e libertadora.Palavras-chave: Gênero. Feminismo e Cidadania. Gender pedagogy and feminism in perspective: implications to brazilian citizenshipABSTRACTThe article addresses the theme of gender relations to induce the recognition of its effects on differential and unequal education of boys and girls operated directly and immediately by the family and school and mediated by the religion and the media. The course that will be used involves to present a conceptual debate about gender, to address the place of feminism in the interpellation of the society and the State, as well to rehearse about the future perspectives to Brazilian citizenship, based on the theme of human rights. The gender pedagogy can be a potent resource of basic training for the construction of a nation project in accordance with the needs of the Brazilian people despite the national context, in the area of education in particular. It also requires an eff ort to recognize the challenges to overcoming a excluded the social order and to propose rearrangements and displacements for a critical and liberating education.Keywords: Gender. Feminism and citizenship. Pedagogía de género y el feminismo en perspectiva: implicaciones a la ciudadanía brasileñaRESUMENEl artículo aborda el tema de las relaciones de género con el objetivo de provocar el reconocimiento de sus efectos en la educación diferenciada y desigual de niños y niñas, operada directa e inmediatamente por la familia y por la escuela y mediada por la religión y medios de comunicación de masa. La trayectoria utilizada incluye presentar un debate conceptual sobre género, abordar el lugar del feminismo en la interpelación de la sociedad y del Estado, así como ensayar sobre las perspectivas futuras de la ciudadanía brasileña, a partir del tema de los derechos humanos. La pedagogía del género puede ser un potente recurso de la formación básica para la construcción de un proyecto de Nación coadunado con las necesidades del pueblo brasileño, a pesar de la conjuntura nacional, en el área de la educación en particular, exigiendo un esfuerzo de reconocimiento de los desafíos para la superación de un orden social excluyente y proponiendo disposiciones y cambios para una educación crítica y libertadora.Palabras clave: Género. Feminismo y ciudadanía.

The present paper proposes that, taking in account the popular protests that took place between2012 and 2015 in Colombia, it is possible to make a reading about what citizens expect from the PeaceAgreement implementation when studying the demands generated due to general dissatisfactionwith the role of the State and its failure to comply with what is found positive in the constitution. Arevision of the conception of citizenship is proposed, also about how it expects answers that mayeven go beyond the institutionalized conditions of justiciability. The latter drives to the creation ofnew deliberation scenarios theoretically based in a reading of the Political Constitution, which aims toreturn the constitution to the people. The analysis of these demands and / or needs makes it possible toevidence the relevance of the peace agreement and of the government's agenda commitment with theidentification of the protests and their relationship with social, economic, cultural and environmentalrights −which must estimate how must the government intervene and how determine how to fulfillits social policy. ; El presente artículo plantea que a partir de las protestas populares que se desarrollaronentre el 2012 y 2015 en Colombia, se puede hacer una lectura sobrequé espera la ciudadanía de la implementación del Acuerdo de Paz al estudiarlas exigencias que se generan debido a la insatisfacción general frente al papeldel Estado y su incumplimiento con lo que se encuentra positivizado en la constitución.Así, se plantea una revisión a la concepción de la ciudadanía y cómoesta espera respuestas más allá de las condiciones de justiciabilidad dadas institucionalmente,lo que impulsa la creación de nuevos escenarios de deliberaciónque se rastrean teóricamente en una lectura de la Constitución Política, yque pretende devolver la constitución al pueblo. El análisis de esas exigenciasy/o necesidades permite evidenciar la relevancia del acuerdo de paz y la apuestaen la agenda de gobierno alrededor de la identificación de las protestas y surelación con los derechos sociales, económicos, culturales y ambientales quedeben estimar cómo interviene el gobierno y cómo este fija el cumplimiento desu política social. ; O presente artigo propõe que, a partir dos protestos populares que ocorreram entre 2012 e 2015 naColômbia, pode-se realizar uma leitura sobre o que a cidadania espera da implementação do Acordode Paz ao estudar as exigências geradas devido à insatisfação geral diante do papel do Estado e seuincumprimento com o que se encontra positivizado na constituição. Assim, apresenta-se uma revisãoda concepção de cidadania e como esta espera respostas mais além das condições de justiciabilidadedadas institucionalmente, o que impulsiona a criação de novos cenários de deliberação que sãoteoricamente rastreados em uma leitura da Constituição Política e que pretende devolver a constituiçãoao povo. A análise dessas exigências e/ou necessidades permite evidenciar a relevância do acordode paz e a aposta na agenda de governo acerca da identificação dos protestos e sua relação com osdireitos sociais, econômicos, culturais e ambientais que devem estimar como o governo intervém ecomo fixa o cumprimento de sua política social.

The Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) is the new device from modern states looking to manage marine space within their maritime jurisdictions. MSP relies on the knowledge of some scientific disciplines and the power of geo-technologies (ex. GIS) to inform and map the existing conditions of the sea. Like numerous other normative management frameworks of geographic space, this device uses the acquisition, the treatment and the cartographic representation of the data pertaining to the human (activities) and non-human (ecosystem) world to make decisions, here offshore. A certain geographic reality is hence established by the information gained from this mapping. Yet, in these specific conditions, a "missing layer" was observed: a "social and human landscape" was shaped by fishing activities. Therefore, this research on human geography aims to inform and map this "missing layer" by using exploratory, qualitative, and comparative methods. This allow to make visible another existing and observable geographic reality into the sea. This is a matter of a complex and dynamic gathering of discrete and sensible places, linked by sociotechnical fishing practices, emerging dynamic territories. Also the information and mapping of this "missing layer" therefore permits for the questioning of the real ins and outs of MSP in action, to bring to light spatial justice issues which it does emerge and to open geographic horizons for the mobilization of this other geographic reality. In sum, the information and mapping of "missing layer" are one of the multiple democratic issues of the beginning of this 21th century. ; La Planification Spatiale Marine (PSM) est le nouveau dispositif des États modernes cherchant à aménager l'espace marin au sein de leurs juridictions maritimes nationales. Pour ce faire, la PSM repose sur les connaissances de certaines disciplines scientifiques et la puissance des géo-technologies (ex. SIG) pour informer et cartographier les conditions existantes en mer. Comme de nombreux contextes normatifs d'aménagement de l'espace géographique, ce dispositif centre son exercice décisionnel sur l'acquisition, le traitement et la représentation cartographique de données relatives aux monde humain (activités) et non-humain (écosystèmes), ici en mer. Leur information et cartographie instituent ainsi sur plan, une certaine réalité géographique. Or dans ces conditions particulières, il a été constaté une "couche manquante" d'informations : un "paysage humain et social" produit notamment par les activités de pêche en mer. Ce travail de thèse de géographie humaine vise à informer et cartographier cette "couche manquante" par une démarche exploratoire, qualitative et comparative. Celle-ci permet de rendre visible une autre réalité géographique existante et observable en mer. Il s'agit d'un assemblage complexe et dynamique de lieux discrets et sensibles, liés par des pratiques sociotechniques de pêche, faisant émerger des territorialités singulières. Aussi l'information et la cartographie de cette "couche manquante" permettent dès lors de questionner les réels tenants et aboutissants de la PSM en action, de mettre en perspective les enjeux qu'elle fait naître et d'ouvrir les horizons géographiquespour la mobilisation de cette autre réalité géographique. En somme, l'information et la cartographie de cette "couche manquante" se trouvent être un des nombreux enjeux démocratiques de ce début de XXIe siècle.

The integration of migrants is one of the biggest challenges to European Union (EU) countries today, and it represents a serious challenge to the management of European diversity. Because of this, a framework for the integration of migrants into the EU was developed through a range of directives and other "soft" mechanisms. Even though migrant integration remains the primary responsibility of nation states, EU policies are important with regard to knowledge exchange, its promotion, and the monitoring of integration practices. In EU discourse the integration of migrants is a key mechanism to maximising the opportunities and contributions that migration can make to EU development, while employment is central to the participation of migrants. European Union legislation provides a strong anti-discrimination framework and emphasizes the equal opportunity principle as key integration issues. This paper's starting assumption is that, besides the anti-discrimination aspect of migrant integration in the area of employment, their contribution to economic growth and cultural wealth is no less important because the European workforce is ageing and shrinking. An analysis of European policy documents has been carried out in the context of the approach to managing diversity, which highlights the potential of diversity for better organisational performance. It is argued that the successful integration of migrants is recognised not only as key to better migrant participation but also as potential for the host society's labour market and for increased economic performance. However, migrant inflow could also weaken a country's fiscal sustainability if human resource potential is not used well. Several challenges to successful labour market integration are underlined in the paper. ; Integracija migranata predstavlja jedan od najvećih suvremenih izazova za države EU-a, kao i velik izazov upravljanju različitostima u Europi općenito. Zbog toga je okvir za integraciju migranata u EU-u osmišljen kroz različite direktive i druge "mekane" mehanizme. Iako integracija migranata i dalje ostaje prvenstveno odgovornost individualnih nacionalnih država, politike EU-a važne su zbog (promicanja) razmjene znanja i praćenja integracijskih praksi. EU o integraciji migranata govori kao o ključnom mehanizmu kojim se mogu maksimalno iskoristiti prilike kojima migracija može ostvariti doprinos razvoju EU-a, dok je s druge strane zapošljavanje od središnje važnosti za uključenost migranata. Zakonodavstvo EU-a sadrži učinkovit antidiskriminacijski okvir i naglašava načelo jednakih prilika kao ključno integracijsko pitanje. U radu se kreće od pretpostavke da se integracijom migranata u području zapošljavanja ne samo prakticira antidiskriminacija, već da je isto tako važan doprinos migranata ekonomskom razvoju i kulturnom bogatstvu Europe jer europska radna snaga stari i brojčano opada. Provedena je analiza dokumenata europskih politika u kontekstu pristupa upravljanja različitostima, te se njome ističe potencijal različitosti pri postizanju boljeg organizacijskog učinka. U radu se tvrdi da je uspješna integracija migranata prepoznata ne samo kao ključ osiguranja njihove uključenosti, već kao potencijal za tržište rada zemlje domaćina i postizanje boljega ekonomskog učinka. Ipak, priljev migranata također može ugroziti fiskalnu održivost države ako se ljudski potencijali ne koriste pravilno. U radu se ističu različiti izazovi uspješnoj integraciji u tržište rada.

AbstractIt was only until recently that the Indonesian government deemed privacy and personal data as a pressing and urgent topic that requires an adequate legal and regulatory protection. In this respect, the government drafted a singular comprehensive personal data protection law (PDPL), which draft is currently pending passage in the parliament. Based on a 2016 version of the PDPL draft, organizations that process personal data are expected to comply with a myriad of obligations. However, the PDPL (per the 2016 version) does not appear to have anything to offer in terms of guaranteeing that organizations will actually implement the rules as laid down in the PDPL in practice. In the absence of any practical solution that could facilitate organizations' data protection compliance, the PDPL is bound to fail to achieve the prescribed objective, which is to better protect individuals' privacy rights, especially with regard to their personal data. Looking particularly at the practice that has already been developed within the European Union (EU) landscape, most of the member states adopt a self-monitoring mechanism to ensure compliance in the data protection sphere – and that self-monitoring mechanism takes form in a data protection officer (DPO). Under the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), EU's data protection law, organizations with certain characteristics are mandated to appoint a DPO (DPO Obligation). As the DPO Obligation is perceived as an effective practical data protection compliance tool amongst EU countries, this article discusses and ultimately suggests for the adoption of the same into the PDPL in order to boost compliance and accomplish its objectives.AbstrakPemerintah Indonesia belum lama ini baru menyadari bahwa persoalan terkait privasi dan perlindungan data pribadi merupakan permasalahan yang mendesak dan penting untuk segera ditanggulangi melalui payung hukum yang memadai. Berkenaan dengan ini, pemerintah telah menyusun sebuah undang-undang perlindungan data pribadi (UUPDP) yang bersifat komprehensif, yang saat ini berada dan sedang dibahas di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Berdasarkan rancangan UUPDP versi tahun 2016, pihak-pihak yang memproses data pribadi dipastikan perlu untuk mematuhi berbagai macam kewajiban berdasarkan aturan-aturan yang terdapat di dalam UUPDP. Namun demikian, di dalam rancangan tersebut tidak ada mekanisme yang bersifat praktis yang ditawarkan kepada para pihak yang terkait agar mereka benar-benar menjalankan aturan yang ada di dalam UUPDP. Tanpa mekanisme tersebut, penerapan UUPDP bisa dipastikan gagal untuk mencapai tujuannya, yaitu untuk meningkatkan perlindungan terhadap hak privasi seseorang, tepatnya hak atas data pribadi mereka. Berkaca pada praktik yang sudah lama berkembang di negara-negara Uni Eropa (UE), mekanisme yang diterapkan oleh kebanyakan negara-negara di sana untuk menjamin terlaksananya aturan perlindungan data pribadi adalah dengan menghadirkan fungsi 'data protection officer' (DPO). Berdasarkan General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), aturan mengenai perlindungan data pribadi di UE, pihak-pihak yang melakukan pemrosesan data pribadi tertentu wajib untuk memiliki dan menunjuk seorang DPO (Kewajiban Penunjukkan DPO). Hal ini dikarenakan kewajiban penunjukkan DPO dianggap sebagai mekanisme yang efektif, tulisan ini membahas dan diakhiri dengan sebuah saran agar UUPDP mengadopsi mekanisme tersebut ke dalam UUPDP agar tujuan dari undang-undang tersebut dapat tercapai. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v5n1.a2