Suchergebnisse

This study aims at surveying and analyzing the contribution of Sokoto scholars or Sokoto Caliphate in the development of science and technology in West Africa. Today, it is generally accepted that the 19th century Islamic revivalism in Hausaland was a very important revolution in the history of Hausa society and beyond. It is therefore, as a result of this movement or Jihad; the Hausaland (West Africa in general) witnessed several changes and transformations. These changes were in different sectors of life from politics, economy to social and religious aspect. It is these changes especially on religion that will be given considerations in this paper. The jihad resulted is the establishment of an Islamic state of Sokoto Caliphate, the revival Islam and development of learning and scholarship. During the existence of this Caliphate, a great deal of scholarship on Islamic laws were revived, written and documented by mostly, the three Jihad leaders; Usmanu Danfodiyo, his brother Abdullahi Fodiyo and his son Muhammad Bello. The trio had written more than one thousand books and made several verdicts on Islamic medicine. This study therefore, seeks to find out the contributions of these scholars or the Sokoto caliphate in the development of science in West Africa.

Teil IX unserer Serie zum "Islamischen Staat" ; Last November, the media organisation of the "Islamic State" (IS) published a video, the sole purpose of which was to prove that the "caliphate" which the IS has established in June 2014 was in fact a proper state. The video highlighted a host of institutions in order to drive home the claim of real statehood, including examples like a working judiciary, a prison administration, a schooling system, and so on. At one point in the video, the IS claimed that it was also financially independent and had apt resources at its disposal, namely oil and gas. However, while it is true that the IS controls a number of oil and gas fields in Syria as well as in Iraq, we have by now enough evidence to be rather sure that the economic base of the "caliphate" is by no means sustainable.

The successful jihad of 1804 in Hausaland - perhaps the most important Islamic revolution in West African history, with consequences still apparent in Nigeria today - resulted in the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate, the largest and most enduring West African polity in the nineteenth century. The book is a full length study of traditional Sudanic military history, and an authoritative analysis of warfare in its most prominent Islamic state. After a brief survey of the evolution of Sudanic warfare and military organisation before 1800, Dr Smaldone examines the historical development and sociological implications of the two important revolutions in military technology which occurred in the nineteenth century: the adoption of cavalry during the jihad period and the introduction of firearms in the latter half of the century. He argues that these two revolutions were causal factors in producing two structural transformations in the emirates of the Caliphate, first from relatively egalitarian combatant communities to feudal systems, and then to centralised bureaucratic state organisations

The main objective of this study was to investigate the ontological status of the caliphate as a sociological experimentation. The study was a library research which adopted a descriptive analytical method through reading various literatures with a philosophical historical approach. The data were obtained from a variety of credible literature and other various supporting information then presented with a strong analytical instrument based on the normative foundation and thoughts of the figures to generate a deeper elaboration of ideas. The result showed that the relationship between religion and the state was a matter of pure contact with public reason. The absence of religious sharih texts in state matters, including models and singular forms of state practice, is an indisputable reason for the profanity of the Khilafah. The state practices exemplified by the Prophet and Companions were nothing more than sociological experiments. The experiment of the Prophet and purely sociological relative is not a theological necessity. The state is in principle an institution designed to realize benefit as the highest moral principle and locus of the view of the universal will. As an alternative to the caliphate model which is outdated and impossible to revive, a democratic state is a realistic choice because it is in accordance with the development of modern life and is an effort to approach universal human values

Introduction; Section I. THE CONCEPT AND EXECUTION OF "AUTHORITY" IN ISLAM: THEOLOGY AND POLITICAL THEORY; Chapter One. The Caliphate in Political Theory; Section II. THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT FILES AND THE APPROACH TO PAN-ISLAMIC GOVERNANCE; Chapter Two. The Cairo High Command and the "Caliphate Question," 1914-1919; Chapter Three. Post-War Part 1: Professor Arnold's 1918 Letter and the Khilafat Delegation Meetings 1918-1922; Chapter Four. Post-War Part 2: The Khilafat Discussions, 1920-1921; Chapter Five. Post-War Part 3: Government of India-India Office Correspondence 1922-1923

When jihadist groups establish their own governance and proto-states, they, to some extent, rely on the acquiescence of the civilians under their control. Therefore, civilians are not only victims of coercive control but are also agents of change, sometimes providing fundamental challenges to the jihadists' governance attempts. Civilians in Mali, Iraq, Algeria, and Syria have engaged in various forms of civil resistance against jihadist groups: refusal to cooperate, participation in public protests, and various forms of more covert everyday resistance. Exploring civil resistance against jihadist groups, the book not only studies the conditions under which it occurs but also the forms it takes. It explores who chooses to resist and the conditions under which such resistance can be successful. Confronting the Caliphate is a comprehensive study of this topic, based on original research from surveys in Mosul; disaggregated data on protests across communities in Syria; a comparative analysis of Mali, Iraq, and Yemen; and accounts of resistance in Algeria. It clearly shows that civil resistance is not only possible but is much more prevalent than previously assumed. The rule of jihadist groups presents civilians with some of the most difficult and dangerous circumstances for engaging in civil resistance, but the book demonstrates how they can nonviolently and successfully resist.

In 1924 the last caliphate -- an Islamic state as envisioned by the Koran -- was dismantled in Turkey. With no caliphate in existence matching their ideals, al Qaeda and its hundreds of affiliate organizations have failed to achieve their goal of reestablishing radical Islamic rule. Journalist Yaakov Lappin asserts that this failure to create a homeland necessitated the formation of an unforeseen and unprecedented entity: an Islamist "state" on the Internet, the virtual caliphate. The virtual caliphate is an Islamist state that exists on computer servers around the world. Islamists use it to carry out functions typically reserved for a physical state, such as recruiting an army and training its soldiers, handling foreign affairs, and directing finances. In Virtual Caliphate, Lappin shows how Islamists employ twenty-first-century technology to achieve a seventh-century vision, hoping to soon upload the online state into the physical world. Lappin draws links between online sermons calling for violence and subsequent terror attacks like 2005's London transport bombing, a chilling glimpse of how the virtual caliphate has already moved beyond mere words and videos. -- Book jacket

European jihadism is a multi-faceted social phenomenon. It is not only linked to the extremist behaviour of a limited group, but also to a broader crisis, including the lack of a utopian vision and loss of meaning among the middle classes, and the humiliation and denial of citizenship among disaffiliated young people in poor districts all over Western Europe. In Jihadism in Europe, Farhad Khosrokhavar explores how Jihadism is grounded in an unbridled and modern imagination, in an uneasy relationship with social, cultural, and economic reality.

Why do insurgents target certain groups for extermination? Despite a great deal of attention to the targeting of civilian ethnic minorities, comparatively little scholarship exists on insurgent violence against sexual minorities (lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transsexual individuals). This article maintains that the decision to target sexual minorities follows three distinct logics: two strategic and one ideological. First, insurgents face an incentive to outbid rivals by targeting sexual minorities when homophobic violence is politically and socially legitimated. Second, territorial control creates an incentive for insurgents to signal their ability to selectively punish, which they can accomplish through homophobic violence. Third, revolutionary ideologies provide legitimation for exclusionary violence in the pursuit of transforming society. Statistical analysis of insurgent violence against sexual minorities from 1985 to 2015 lends strong support for these arguments. Process tracing of the spread of violence against sexual minorities in Iraq and Syria clarifies the strategic causal mechanisms. When progovernment militias targeted perceived homosexuals with impunity, antigay violence was adopted by insurgent groups seeking to legitimize their claims to power; violence then quickly spread to competing insurgents. Two additional cases from Latin America demonstrate that ideology plays an important role in influencing which groups embrace homophobic violence even under these strategic constraints.