Suchergebnisse

With a claimed membership of over 12 million members, possession of over 1000 seats in local and national legislative assemblies, a widespread domestic reputation, and a sensationalistic treatment in the foreign press, the Sokagakkai has come in recent years to be a subject of some academic, and much religious and political interest in both Japan and the United States. An organization of lay believers of the Sho sect of Nichiren Buddhism (noted for its intolerance and vigorous propagation methods), the Sokagakkai has gone into Japanese politics with a striking degree of success; the extent to which it has brought its religious characteristics into the political sphere and the question of whether such religious groups should be in that sphere at all are at present the focus of considerable debate in Japan.Most criticisms of the Sokagakkai have to date concentrated upon its religious activities, its doctrinal truth or falsehood, its alleged militaristic tendencies, and the proper place of religion in the political system of a secular state, I would like to touch on some of the social (or antisocial) functions performed by the Sokagakkai in Japanese society, as proclaimed by the Gakkai itself and as evidenced in the Gakkai's performance, and on the implications of these social functions for the Japanese political process.As its name, the "Value-Creation Society," suggests, the Sokagakkai postulates pursuit of absolute happiness by means of the creation of certain values in one's life as the proper direction of human life. So that all men may be able to achieve this happiness, the Gakkai emphasizes equality of all men; so that they may be fully able to enjoy their values, the Gakkai stresses freedom. Absolute freedom, equality, and happiness may be sought by the individual through religious faith; the agency for the realization of these ideals for society and the world is the political system.

Attitudes towards the Black Lives Matter movement have proven to be divisive since its inception in response to the Trayvon Martin verdict in 2012. This research attempts to explore what factors shape public opinion of #BlackLivesMatter. Specifically, how do White racial attitudes impact perceptions of this 21st century Black liberation movements. Based on survey sampling of 150 white university students [Sacred Heart University, and other colleges including Harvard University, Ithaca University, Curry College, University of Wisconsin in Madison, and Columbia] findings indicate that white racial awareness as measured by Colorblindness and Aggrieved Whiteness significantly impact perceptions of the Black Lives Matter movement. Categorical variables including political affiliation and presidential preference also played an important role in predicting favorable or unfavorable views towards the Black Lives Matter movement.

Drawing on an analysis of white supremacy Web sites, examination of how the movement's politics of reproduction looks to ensure the perpetuation & purity of the white race points up the intersections of race, gender, & sexuality discourses. Focus is on rhetorical constructions of race & gender to shed light on various groups' stances on appropriate gender & racial relations. Despite a shift toward demographic & presentational mainstreaming in the movement, this traditional rhetoric remains central. These discourses of difference are then analyzed in the context of white supremacist views on abortion, miscegenation, & homosexuality. Demonstrated is the manner in which the white supremacist movement's raced & gendered discourse asserts reproductive strategies aimed at preserving the white race, regulating sexuality via compulsory hetero- & interracial sexuality that fosters an illusion of racial purity & secure racial boundaries. It is contended that this vitriolic politics of reproduction mirrors the racist & gendered views found in the mainstream, which provides access to the message of fringe groups. Because the white supremacist movement is engaged in socially constructing negative differences, the possibility of socially reconstructing that difference exists by embracing a positive politics of difference. J. Zendejas

The arc of the Black Freedom struggle in the US signals the early twenty-first century as a period of high contention, resistance, and possibility. It is also rife with contradictions. The radicalism which informs Black liberation struggle today is complex, disparate, and signals the need to rearticulate social transformation given Black resistance in the era of new nationalism. The struggle is theorized in this analysis in the context of racial capitalism, changing organizational forms, state violence, and nonlinear, disparate contentions around the police. Understanding white supremacist nationalism in the US today is core to this discussion. Ultimately, Black lives in this new movement moment struggle for a broad and notable shift, which places gender, gender nonconforming, and sexuality at the center of the resistance and our understanding.

"Expands the historical narrative of the black freedom struggle to embrace the work, roles, and contributions of southern black farmers and the organizations they formed. Whereas existing scholarship generally views agriculture as a site of oppression and exploitation of black people, this book reveals agriculture as a site of resistance and provides a historical foundation that adds meaning and context to current conversations around the resurgence of food justice/sovereignty movements in urban spaces like Detroit, Chicago, Milwaukee, New York City, and New Orleans"--