Suchergebnisse

Dedication -- Acknowledgements -- List of Abbreviations and Acronyms -- Contents -- List of Figures -- 1: Introduction -- A Microcosm of EU-Russia Relations -- Five Hypotheses -- How: Narratives -- Why: Space and Time -- Bakhtinian Dialogue -- Attributes -- Process -- Dialectics -- Dialogue -- An Analytical Framework -- Wait, What About the Oil Price? -- Conclusions -- 2: The Narrative Dialogue (1237-2000) -- The EUropean Narrative -- The 'Prodi Plan' -- The PCA, the Common Strategy and the Green Paper -- The Narratives of Europe -- The EU15 Narratives -- The Constitutional Debate of 2000 -- The EU's Missing Energy Policy -- Energy: Two Narratives -- The Continental Narrative -- The Russo-German Energy Dialogue -- The Anglo-Saxon Narrative -- The 'Prodi Plan' Versus the 'Lubbers Plan' -- Russia's Euro-Asian Narratives -- East Versus West -- The Post-Imperial Narrative -- Lenin's Legacy -- Post-Imperial Pipelines -- The Ukraine Factor -- Russia's Quest for Multipolarity -- The Statist Narrative -- 'Plan Prodi' in Russian -- Initial Problems -- The Dual State Narrative -- The 'Shadow Structures' of Power -- Lack of Strategic Thinking -- Conclusions -- 3: The Political Dialogue (2001-2005) -- The Energy Dialogue Begins -- The EU15 Narratives -- 'Take Part, Report Back' -- The EUropean Narrative -- The First Synthesis Report -- Early Defections -- Russia's Euro-Asian Narratives -- Liberals Versus Statists -- The Dual State Narrative -- 'Family', Siloviki, Oligarchs and Others -- Factionalism and the Energy Dialogue -- Russia's Euro-Asian Narratives (Redux) -- Bureaucratic Dialogue -- Progress Without Progress -- The EU15 Narratives (Redux) -- The Rearguard -- The Statist Narrative -- The EU25 Narratives -- Britain's 'U-Turn' and the Departure of Lamoureux -- Exit Lamoureux -- Conclusions -- 4: The Business Dialogue (2003-2006) -- EUropean Narrative

This edited volume explains the importance of regional public goods (RPGs) for sustainable development and shows why they are particularly important in the context of 21st-century international relations. By presenting a new and original data set and by presenting original essays by renowned scholars, this book lays the foundation for what will become an increasingly important focus for both economic development and international relations as well as for their intersection. This book contains four parts. The first introduces the core issues and concepts that are explored throughout the book as well as a new and original data set on regional public goods (RPGs). The second part further develops specific concepts important for understanding 21st-century RPGs: regional leadership, alliances, networks, and outcomes. The third part examines how cooperation takes place worldwide for a range of important RPGs. The fourth part discusses how public goods are produced in specific regions, stressing that each region has a distinct context and that these contexts overlap in a decentered "multiplex" manner.

21st Century Gay -- Contents -- one: A Community of Many Parts -- two: AIDS: Past, Present and Future -- three: Coming Out -- four: Gay Marriage -- five: Gay Adoption -- six: Gays and Politics -- seven: Gays and Religion -- eight: Violence Against Gays -- nine: An End to Homophobia? -- bibliography

Intro -- 21ST CENTURY COUNTERINTELLIGENCE -- 21ST CENTURY COUNTERINTELLIGENCE -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- Chapter 1 THE NATIONAL COUNTERINTELLIGENCE STRATEGY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA∗ -- PREFACE -- FOREWORD -- THE STRATEGY -- SECURE THE NATION AGAINST FOREIGN ESPIONAGE AND ELECTRONIC PENETRATION -- PROTECT THE INTEGRITY OF THE US INTELLIGENCE SYSTEM -- SUPPORT NATIONAL POLICY AND DECISIONS -- PROTECT US ECONOMIC ADVANTAGE, TRADE SECRETS AND KNOW HOW -- SUPPORT US ARMED FORCES -- MANAGE THE COUNTERINTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY TO ACHIEVE EFFICIENT COORDINATION -- IMPROVE TRAINING AND EDUCATION OF THE COUNTERINTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY -- EXPAND NATIONAL AWARENESS OF COUNTERINTELLIGENCE RISK IN THE PRIVATE AS WELL AS PUBLIC SECTOR -- CONCLUSION -- Chapter 2 STRATEGIC COUNTERINTELLIGENCE. WHAT IS IT AND WHAT SHOULD WE DO ABOUT IT?∗ -- THE MEANING OF "STRATEGIC COUNTERINTELLIGENCE" -- THE THREAT IS STRATEGIC -- WHAT STANDS IN THE WAY? -- A STATUS REPORT -- THE BOTTOM LINE -- ENDNOTES -- REFERENCES -- Chapter 3 THE NRO/NATIONAL MILITARY INTELLIGENCE ASSOCIATION COUNTERINTELLIGENCE SYMPOSIUM WASHINGTON DC, 24 OCTOBER 2007∗ -- "STRATEGIC COUNTERINTELLIGENCE: PROTECTING AMERICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY" -- THE STRATEGIC ISSUES -- GLOBAL TRENDS -- REFERENCES -- Chapter 4 REMARKS OF JOEL F. BRENNER NATIONAL COUNTERINTELLIGENCE EXECUTIVE "STRATEGIC COUNTERINTELLIGENCE" AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION STANDING COMMITTEE ON LAW AND NATIONAL SECURITY THE UNIVERSITY CLUB, WASHINGTON DC 8:00 AM, 29 MARCH 2007∗ -- COUNTERINTELLIGENCE: WHAT IT IS -- THE NC IX: WHO HE IS AND ISN'T -- WHAT I'VE DONE IN SIX MONTHS -- STRATEGY AND NEW FRONTIERS -- INTELLIGENCE UNDER LAW -- CONCLUSION -- Chapter 5 "COUNTERINTELLIGENCE IN THE 21ST CENTURY: NOT JUST A GOVERNMENT PROBLEM"∗ -- BEHAVIOR -- CYBER ATTACK WARNING -- ACQUISITION RISK -- THE BEIJING OLYMPICS -- GLOBAL TRENDS.

Strategic Stability in the 21st Century needs to be rethought in order to involve all relevant actors and to meet new technological challenges. The USA, Russia, China, and Europe each have different definitions of and perspectives on Strategic Stability and related threat perceptions. In particular, the asymmetry between US and Russian capabilities, on the one hand, and Chinese capabilities, on the other, requires innovative arms control concepts. Germany could play an important role as a mediator between the major powers.

This Paper Focuses on a major problem likely to occur in Indo-Russian foreign policy leveraged by internal policy contradictions the Russia is facted with the foreign policy experts are facing baffling situation as to share what shape the indo-Russian foreign policy would take in view of festimently changing international political enlivenment with regard to co-operation and co-ordination in the arena of myriad strategic developments and on the other hand the native factors in case of Russia like concentration of power in the president himself in the presidential form government in the newly adorned democratic system and the self-development concerns are some of the political Issues sattering Russian foreign policy establishment. It is against this background, it appears to be a frabbing situations for Indian policy makers and therefore are being challenged by the prevailing Constrictive Factors both India and Russia and it is in this juncture it is to be seen where Indo-Russian policy stands and what would be its nature in the perspective time and equally seriously worry some is the case if pondered over in the retrospective mode. Indo-Russia have been traditional friends and India looking for world for reveal and rejoinders and also maintaing those stable traditional relations but the corporative tendencies and power-centric polity would allow them to be up to Indian's expectation is still something to be deciphered what appens to be fetid it is that the age-old relation's based on mutuality and personal initivies would be drawing factors into discussion as to whether those pristine indomitable value added foreign policy existed over a long period of time would sustion itself or not will be given prime importance in the discussion and also in an endeavor it could be seen whether rapidly changing Russian political miliev would consider those values and allow to grow indo-Russian relations in the traditional mood.

In April 1997, the U.S. Army War College held its Eighth Annual Strategy Conference, the topic of which was "Russia's Future as a World Power." Most of the speakers discussed various aspects of the many crises besetting Russia, and there were differing views on whether Russia would be able to surmount those crises and make the transition to a politically stable democracy and a market economy. Dr. Arbatov provides a very candid appraisal of Russia's current military capabilities. But more importantly, he also outlines a vision for the future of the Russian military. His vision is set within a well-reasoned strategic context and takes into consideration a domestic economic and political environment that includes a free market economy and the further development of constitutional democracy. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1191/thumbnail.jpg

In the first decade of the 21st century, Moscow and Beijing made two strategic decisions to expand and deepen bilateral economic relations. The first one was to endorse diversified energy partnership. The second was centered on cross-border area and has been offered in the program of regional cooperation between Russian and Chinese border regions. However, basic methodological illogicality between estimations and expectations in Russia–China economic relations has smashed the good intentions of both sides. Recommendations for the governments to develop economic relations were theoretically correct, but mostly generalized and abstract in nature. Subsequently, these relations had not found a stable ground and were undermined by numerous internal and outside factors, positive and negative. A narrow range of trade articles made Russian–Chinese exchange dependent on the demand and prices for these goods, and small mutual investments slightly influenced an economic exchange between two countries. In spite of a number of decisions related to cross-border and inter-regional relations accepted at the top level, these relations are still the weakest link in bilateral ties. Mutual investments and modern forms of economic cooperation did not flourish along the border also. Moreover, economic troubles in Russia of 2014–2016 have hampered the cross-border relations seriously, while Heilongjiang Province being the intermediary between many Chinese territories and Russia has become the biggest loser on the Chinese side. In spite of all problems in economic cooperation between Russia and China, today, China is the no. 1 trade partner of Russia and Russia is the no. 1 supplier of oil to China. Their energy alliance has strengthened both countries' statuses in their economic interaction: the position of raw material supplier for Russia and the exporter of manufactured goods to Russia for the People's Republic of China (PRC). Western sanctions amplified the Chinese high-tech goods export to Russia; China's share in Pacific Russia's foreign trade increased from 29.2% in 2014 to 33.4% in 2017 and the peoples' mood in this region moved in favor of China. However, by the end of second decade of the 21st century, Russia's and China's favorable "economic complementarities" and geographic proximity happened to remain a virtual product of academic's intellectual exercises and have not transformed into the genuine economic cooperation. This is because, on the one hand, the philosophy, political and cultural infrastructures of Russia–China economic relations did not change much since 1990s, and, on the other hand, of some domestic and international factors that prevented this transformation.