Suchergebnisse

Historically, establishing a judicial commission in response to allegations of police corruption has been a regular method used by Australian governments. In Queensland alone, no less than five major inquiries with a remit to examine police corruption took place during the 27 years between 1963 and 1989. By using historical criminology, it is possible to unpack the cyclical need for such commissions as well as the reasons that most were unable to realise their goal to stamp out corruption in the public service and, more specifically, the police. This research reveals several key areas of weakness in the temporary inquiry system, including narrow terms of reference and the potential for obstruction in the investigatory process. Based on this, this article identifies several viable policy proposals centred on a renewed commitment to standing anti‑corruption bodies, separate from politics and with a broad remit to investigate police misconduct.

The Nigeria Police Force is widely perceived by the public as the most corrupt and violent institution in Nigeria in a way that is not evidently insincere. In light of the generalization and banalization of police corruption and deviance, it is surprising that few works have addressed this problem that most directly affects the aggrieved Nigerian public. This article critically examines the embeddedness and ramifications of police corruption and deviance in Nigeria. The article is historically anchored and foregrounds colonial and military administrative policies that inculcated a strategy of corruption by coercion in the Nigeria Police Force.

Abstract
There is a dearth of studies on police corruption that have analysed the correlation of economic, cultural, and political causes of police corruption in Pakistan; therefore, the existing studies fail to provide such a holistic picture of the phenomenon. This article aims to fill the gap. It is claimed that police corruption in Pakistan is a politicized, institutionalized, and a legitimized phenomenon. The police force entrenched in a kinship-based patron–client social and political culture benefits the political elite to use the police force for controlling the electorate and political opponents. The policy reforms for curbing police corruption have failed and cannot be successful without a strong political will of the political elite. This is a qualitative study using a purposive sampling method. The article will be a useful reference for readers, including police officials who are interested in understanding why corruption could not be effectively prevented and may have some broader relevance to other South Asian countries.

AbstractThe phenomenon of police corruption has received a significant share of attention by both scholars and practitioners. However, although notable knowledge has been built on a corpus of circumferential issues in and determinants of corruption, the array of coping strategies of police officers who encounter corrupt practices and interact with corrupt colleagues has evaded empirical analysis. That said, this article sets out to do that and draws on data collected from a web survey, based on a sample of 446 Cypriot police officers. In the main, it is argued that inertia and apathy are embedded in the preponderance of police officers' attitudes towards their corrupt peers. Also, for delineating (and somewhat explicating) the coping strategies of police officers who share workplaces with corrupt peers, a typology based on the COPE Inventory is introduced.

A hard hitting, brutally honest account of police work during the late 1960's and 1970's. Whilst explicit, it is often humorous, refreshing and equally unbelievable. In this ?rst book of a trilogy the author takes the reader through his early police service and in doing so reveals many working practices which in reality have become a culture of dishonesty, lies and often stupidity which has been accepted by the Government of the day, the judiciary and the public at large for many years. That is until the present day when it has all gone so wrong. Very, very wrong with the revelations of t

Purpose: This is a research paper that is focused on the evaluation of ex-senior policing managers perceptions and experiences of corruption practices, raised issues and developments related to the South Wales Police service, UK.Methodology: An interpretive methodology was utilised in order to help understand ex-senior police perceptions underpinning multi-agency corruption over a number of decades. The scope for this research were former senior police officers who experienced the results of corruption processes and outcomes during their working activities in South Wales Police service. The population of interest was made up of 15 former senior police officers, who worked in multi-site police stations across the designated police area. Interviews were conducted with ten (10) former senior police officers.Findings: The research outcomes consisted of four (4) Key Themes - Police Administration, Police Command Conduct, Judicial Involvement and Oversight, ten (10) sub-Themes with 221 conversation targets.Implications: The paper addresses a number of raised areas resulting out of the analysis of the narrative to establish outcomes as - Police Administration, Police Command Conduct, Judicial Involvement and Oversight - and the deliberated implications of corruption for the management of the South Wales Police service.Originality: Very little research has been conducted in this area and the paper addresses some major concerns/responses and important difficulties related to reducing opportunities for corruption conducted by police officers in the South Wales policing area.

It is not surprising that many citizens of Latin American countries believe public officials are corrupt. Decades of authoritarian rule, crime, and highly publicized corruption scandals have reduced confidence in many, if not all, government institutions. The public perception of corruption in Venezuela however, presents an intriguing case. Traditional explanations—economic factors, regime stability, and quality of life—are unable to account for the high levels of perceived corruption in government. This author argues, the public perception of police corruption strongly influences the perception of corruption in national government in Venezuela. Using OLS regression, the author statistical analyzes national-level Latinobarómetro data from 2002-2010. The results indicate a strong, significant relationship between perception of police and government corruption.