Suchergebnisse

Random Digit Dialing was used successfully in screening to obtain household information necessary to select a special population. The telephone screening interview included a description of the study, explanation of how the R was selected, 7 questions concerning community services similar to those to be asked in the main study personal interview, the name, age, & relationship to the head of the household for each member, the race of the R, the main language spoken in the household & the R's address. Some resistance to giving detailed information about the household over the phone was expected especially after being contacted anonymously by Random Digit Dialing. Also, it was assumed that there may be some difficulty in obtaining the address at the end of the telephone interview. During the pilot study, various methods of collecting the data over the telephone were attempted such as; different introductions, describing rather than asking the community service questions, changing wording &/or positions of questions, & combinations of these. Although no final conclusions can be drawn on how best to obtain the screening information over the phone using Random Digit Dialing, this study does offer several suggestions: (1) R's must be given some information about the study, the way in which they were selected, & what is expected from them in the interview situation; (2) rapport building before attempting to obtain family composition seems essential; & (3) interviewers need flexibility when asking for family composition information over the phone. 1 Table. AA.

An attempt to show how digraph-theory may be utilized in developing a soc network-theory, esp in the field of local power & influence. Some of the ways are indicated in which digraph-theory, which serves as a descriptive-explicative mathematical model, can be used to analyze componenets of theory of local power. Power is conceptualized as a system of SR. This presupposes in every local community a certain network of exchange ties. A mathematical description is sought of some of the properties of such a power-network. A mathematical model is used in the sense of a collection of definitions. The theory of graphs as a mathematical model in the study of local power configurations is, at least in the beginning, a descriptive theory of power structures. In a descriptive model based on the theory of graphs the power configuration (made of local influentials & the set of relationships among them) is conceptualized as a graph (a directed, possibly valued, multi-graph). When this is done, theorems about the graph, which is assumed to be isomorphic to the power configuration, can be translated into corresponding statements about the power structure. In this context the validation of such statements is a purely logical validation, a consequence of the assumed isomorphy between the graph & the power configuration. This descriptive approach is presented here. 27 Figures. Modified HA.

The problem of response bias in survey res is addressed. Data from a survey of Mexican-Amer's in 2 Nebraska counties are analyzed to assess the influence of diff aspects of the interview situation on response consistency. 3 specific hyp's are tested: (1) Responses of Mexican-Amer's interviewed in English differ systematically from responses of Mexican-Amer's interviewed in Spanish. (2) Responses of Mexican-Amer's interviewed by Anglos differ systematically from responses of Mexican-Amer's interviewed by Mexican-Amer's, & by Anglos & Mexican-Amer's working together. (3) Responses of Mexican-Amer's born & raised in the US differ systematically from responses of Mexican-Amer's born & raised in Mexico. Initial diff's consistent with the hyp's, were found but disappeared when educ & age were controlled. Minor exceptions appeared to be accounted for by factors other than those examined here. Contrary to initial expectations, responses to both health & pol'al questions were unaffected by these independent variables. The findings re country of origin were more tentative; however, no signif diff's in response to any of the health questions were noted once educ & age were controlled, & only one pol'al question showed a diff when educ & age were controlled. 4 Tables. M. Maxfield.

Based on a study of Amer Nobel laureates in sci, this report examines the strategy & tatics of interviewing members of ultra-elites, the typically thin layer of people at the very top of the stratification system of every soc instit who have great influence, authority or power & who generally are accorded the highest prestige. As recipients of the most distinguished internat'l award in sci, Nobel laureates are members of the ultra-elite of sci, being defined as such by fellow sci'ts & by the public at large. Unlike those who ordinarily serve as R's & informants for soc sci'ts, members of this ultra-elite carefully husband their time & require evidence of the legitimacy of the interview task & of the interviewer's competence. Requests for interviews must provide this evidence if the interview is to be granted. Detailed preparation for each interview on the S's career & his sci'fic work served 2 purposes: it provided the basis for tailoring interview schedules to the special qualifications of each laureate & it served to persuade wary S's of the interviewer's knowledgeability & seriousness of purpose. Rather than accepting the interviewer & his task as a given, a majority of laureates continuously engaged in testing & critical evaluation of the interviewer. They were also concerned with maximizing their own role performance & sought information on how well they were doing. The report also considers problems of the use of technical language & the phrasing of questions. Members of the ultra-elite are impatient with generalities just as they are impatient with questions that do not seem to tap their special qualifications. Ultra-elites are unlikely to be receptive to the use of standard interview guides, & the use of such guides is apt to be inefficient for the purposes of res. AA.

The aggregation of individual preferences into a soc preference ordering is one of the most fundamental of the problems in soc sci. The general problem is non-trivial even for a small group of individuals. Only in the special case of 2 alternatives is the device of decision by majority rule proven to provide a generally satisfactory soc preference ordering for an arbitrary number of individuals. Presented here is a mathematical model of elections which allows certain aspects of the problem of soc choice to be systematically explored. Basically, it consists of 2 parts. 1st, there is a simple rule which is taken to represent the decision mechanism of a voter confronted with choosing between competing candidates who are viewed as being nothing more than a set of policies. 2nd, there is a probabilistic representation of the distribution of preferences across the pop. IPSA.

The development of a strict methodology of observation & analysis in soc sci has always met with resistance. In the current debate on this topic in the US, 2 positions can be distinguished. There are the 'theorists,' who find their inspiration in the work of recent philosophers such as H. Marcuse & J.-P. Sartre; they rate the formation of a pol'al theory as a 1st priority. Then there are the 'behaviorists,' whose first care is for sci'fic method. This contrast is reviewed on the basis of the document, "Political Science at Berkeley, An Invitation to a Discussion," which was published anonymously by a group of students. The criticism of these students can be summarized under the headings 'commitment' & 'relevance.' As far as commitment is concerned, the critics reproach the behaviorists for not taking stands in important contemporary moral issues, & for identifying with the status quo. It is argued here that what leads to acceptance of & identification with the existing pol'al order is not behaviorist methodology as such, but rather the mood of the behaviorists. As far as 'relevance' is concerned, the critics are impatient with the futile detail analysis & data collecting of the behaviorists. The behaviorists' use of a strict methodology of explanation by generalization leads to a reduction of the scope of analysis. Then only the 'easy' aspects ('easy' to quantify, 'easy' to collect, etc) are analyzed, & discontinuous developments are neglected. The argument presented here is that the lack of a dynamic theory of the pol'al process is an impediment indeed for pol'al sci, but that, again, behaviorism as such cannot be accused of being 'conservative' or 'conformistic': the refutation of race theories, for example, was rather a radical undertaking. It is concluded that for the time being it is not necessary to lay other bounds on pol'al sci than those that follow from the claims of rational debate & intellectual honesty. HA.

Many calculations of the relation of handguns to crime are methodologically flawed, in that they compare total handguns owned -- a stock -- with use of guns in crimes per year -- a flow. More valid comparisons can be based on an intertemporal model. Even assuming a steady-state condition in the ownership & use of handguns, roughly one handgun will be used in a crime for every three handguns sold in a given year; the departures from steady state which actually obtain give reason to raise this estimate. If repeated use of a gun in several crimes is taken into account, estimating how many guns will be used criminally becomes difficult to determine, but it appears that over 1% of all handguns sold will eventually be the cause of a human death. This analysis does not in itself conclusively establish any policy as desirable, as other considerations than gun use in crime are also relevant. 2 Tables, Appendix. W. H. Stoddard.

Marxism is defined as the assertion of the primacy of matter over thought & of the existence of thought as an autonomous reality. Those two elements, the materialistic concept of reality & the dialectical function of thought as both theoretical reflection & historical practice, can serve as the bases for a Marxist methodology in anthropology. The following methodological prerequisites for a Marxist perspective in social research are deduced from those principles: (1) concrete analysis of concrete situations; (2) multilateral analysis; (3) relationship between theory & practice; (4) critical distinction between reality & thought; & (5) the inevitability of contradiction. Given the multiethnic, dependent, & precapitalist character of Latin American societies, anthropology must play an active role in the modernization process; Marxist methodology is the optimal tool for that task. S. Karganovic.