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AbstractNineteen cannabinoids, including Δ9-THC (tetrahydrocannabinol) and CBD (cannabidiol), were quantified in 22 CBD oils, 2 CBG (cannabigerol) oils, and 2 CBN (cannabinol) oils, marketed as food supplements, aroma oils, or cosmetic preparations. Analyses were conducted using high-performance liquid chromatography coupled to tandem mass spectrometry (HPLC-MS/MS). The declared concentrations of CBD (or CBG, CBN) in the oils ranged from 2.5 to 20%. Actual concentrations compared to declared concentrations ranged from 81 to 226%. CBD concentrations of up to 9 mg per drop were found. Δ9-THC was detected in 20 of 26 samples, with concentrations ranging from 5 to 1576 mg/kg (mean = 536 mg/kg). Considering the highest daily intake suggested by one manufacturer (20 drops) and a body weight of 70 kg, the measured Δ9-THC concentration in 50% (n = 13) of the products would exceed the acute reference dose (ARfD) of 1 µg/kg body weight (bw) derived for Δ9-THC by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA). For 7 samples, only 2 drops of oil would be sufficient to exceed the ARfD of Δ9-THC.

Dr. Ben Carson endorsed CBD gummies to treat high blood pressure.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to test whether bad real estate owners drive out good real estate owners from the online marketplace for offices.Design/methodology/approach– This research is based on a statistical analysis of the advertisement of offices in Malmö CBD, collected weekly during a period of one year.Findings– The hypothesis that the market for advertisement of office properties is a lemons market cannot be rejected. The result that owners who have appeared in court more than once in the last two years being more inclined to advertise supports this.Research limitations/implications– The research in this paper is limited to the Malmö CBD office market.Practical implications– It provides an insight in how the online marketplace for offices works as a marketplace and how quality signals influences advertisement.Originality/value– This paper is a direct test of Akerlof's classical lemon model.

The renewed incidents of xenophobia, which engulfed South Africa, dented this country's image, continentally and internationally. These occurrences invoke an unresolved question, thus: Can xenophobic attacks be attributed to tighter or discriminatory immigration policies or are people caught in quandary for socio-economic survival? Similarly to the pogroms in Poland against Jews, xenophobia left fatal scars, not only amongst Africans and non- Africans, and has affected the informal economy negatively. This article explores the impact of xenophobia on the operations of the informal economy on which the poor depend for socio-economic survival. For the most part of April-May 2015, the streets of Durban were deserted because of the xenophobic attacks on non-South African businesses, particularly those owned by Africans from different parts of the continent. Fear was planted in the city of Durban, which in turn led to the decline in economic activity, both formal and informal sectors, with the later bearing the most brunt. The city was turned into a battle field whereby Afro-hatred was perpetuated with the intention of causing bodily harm and making deportation threats. Nationals from other African countries, mainly Nigerians, Somalis, Malawians, Zimbabweans, Mozambicans, Ethiopians and Congolese were accused of taking jobs meant for locals and suffocating their businesses as well as taking their women. In fear of their lives, non-South Africans were forced to close their businesses and to go into hiding. This article argues that the impact of xenophobia is a double-edged sword and has far- reaching implications for both South Africans and non-South Africans as the local city dwellers depend on the services provided by informal businesses. The article uses both primary and secondary data. The empirical data was extracted mainly from the street traders and hawkers eking a living in the informal sector.