Suchergebnisse

This article observes how developments in politics, society, the media, and journalistic ethos impact political journalism content in Finland between 1995 and 2015. The focus is on three newspapers: the dailies Helsingin Sanomat and Aamulehti, and the tabloid Iltalehti. Using a coding scheme developed by Benson and Hallin (2007) and utilizing earlier findings by Kunelius and Väliverronen (2012), the analysis indicates two different approaches to politics at story level: a neutral and policy-oriented style in the two dailies, and a more diverse take by Iltalehti. Within stories, journalistic interventionism increases in all papers until 2010 and then diminishes. Differences emerge between the dailies and Iltalehti in journalistic presence, reporting patterns and sources used. Notably, in recent years, Iltalehti's approach has become more reminiscent of the dailies both at story level and within stories. The findings highlight the impact of the general journalistic ethos and the differing market considerations on the journalistic content. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

The author describes the individual characteristics and some attitudes of the journalists of the politic section from four newspapers. The aim is to know the attitude of the journalists toward the role they consider they have in the society, regarding the information and their relation with the politic sources. It is a group that conceives itself as responsible to bring the best information available to make the best decisions. In this sense, they claim that the journalistic profession has a strong social responsibility. However, this commitment has some burdens in very important matters for the journalists that were interviewed by the author: the low wages they have. Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 113, 2007: 461-489 ; En este artículo se describen las características individuales y algunas actitudes de los periodistas de política de cuatro medios impresos. El objetivo es conocer la actitud que los periodistas muestran respecto al papel que consideran que tienen en la sociedad, en relación a la información y al trato con la fuente política. Se trata de un grupo que se ve a sí mismo como los garantes de brindar la mejor información posible para tomar mejores decisiones. En ese sentido, aseguran que la profesión periodística tiene una fuerte carga de responsabilidad social. Sin embargo, este compromiso tiene límites en cosas más sustanciales para los periodistas entrevistados: el bajo salario que reciben.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 113, 2007: 461-489

Der Beitrag präsentiert eine Analyse der politischen Programme, die von den französischen Fernsehsendern während des Präsidentschaftswahlkampfs 1995 ausgestrahlt wurden. Die Untersuchung folgt einem theoretischen Bezugsrahmen, der auf Elias' Begriff der "Figuration" basiert. Sie beginnt mit einer kurzen Beschreibung der französischen Medienlandschaft, die sich in den späten 80er Jahren grundlegend gewandelt hat. Ausschlaggebend dafür war der duale Prozess der Privatisierung und des Entstehens neuer Fernsehsender. Die Untersuchung konzentriert sich dann auf die Programmanalyse der französischen Kanäle, mit einer starken Betonung der Programmstrategien, die einerseits vom öffentlich-rechtlichen Kanal "France 2" und andererseits vom privaten Sender TF 1 verfolgt wurden. Deren Programmauswahl erfolgte aufgrund vollkommen unterschiedlicher Kriterien. Abschließend werden Reflexionen über das notwendige aber noch ungewisse Entstehen einer neuen Art von politischem Journalismus in den Medien angestellt. Über das französische Beispiel hinaus werden Überlegungen zur Konzeption eines "Rahmenrepertoires" (frame repertoires) für die politische Fernsehberichterstattung und zu internationalen Entwicklungstrends bezüglich der Organisation politischer Debatten in den Medien formuliert. (UNübers.)

El objetivo general del trabajo es caracterizar el periodismo político español para comprobar en qué medida se ajusta al modelo del sistema mediático pluralistapolarizado. Se han utilizado dos de los indicadores de paralelismo político destacados por Hallin y Mancini: las orientaciones y prácticas periodísticas y las relaciones entre periodistas y sistema político. Se han realizado entrevistas en profundidad a 14 responsables de la sección de política o nacional. Los resultados permiten afirmar que el periodismo político en España cumple las características básicas del modelo pluralistapolarizado. Los niveles de paralelismo político y politización se mantienen altos. Respecto a las relaciones entre políticos y periodistas, las entrevistas han revelado una actitud de desconfianza y el distanciamiento de los periodistas frente a los políticos. ; The general aim is to characterize Spanish political journalism through the discourse of editors of the political sections, to verify the extent to which it conforms to the model of a polarized pluralist media system. In Spain has had a consolidated advocacy oriented journalism, which either made the journalist part of the party or organization's strategy, or an advocate of a particular ideology. According to Hallin and Mancini we consider two indicators of political parallelism: the journalistic orientation and practices, and the relations between the media and the political system. The data were obtained through indepth interviews with 14 editors. The results suggest that the Spanish political journalism meets two basic features: high levels of political parallelism and polarization. With regard to relations between politicians and journalists, they reveal an attitude of mistrust against politicians.

Each of these three positions compete: agents of the second and third positions accuse those of the first position of violating the autonomy principles of political and journalistic fields; the third position perceives civic journalism as non-objective journalism. However, the latter two positions more often become allies rather than opponents in the fight of the field of political journalism to preserve field autonomy.

Each of these three positions compete: agents of the second and third positions accuse those of the first position of violating the autonomy principles of political and journalistic fields; the third position perceives civic journalism as non-objective journalism. However, the latter two positions more often become allies rather than opponents in the fight of the field of political journalism to preserve field autonomy.

Each of these three positions compete: agents of the second and third positions accuse those of the first position of violating the autonomy principles of political and journalistic fields; the third position perceives civic journalism as non-objective journalism. However, the latter two positions more often become allies rather than opponents in the fight of the field of political journalism to preserve field autonomy.

Each of these three positions compete: agents of the second and third positions accuse those of the first position of violating the autonomy principles of political and journalistic fields; the third position perceives civic journalism as non-objective journalism. However, the latter two positions more often become allies rather than opponents in the fight of the field of political journalism to preserve field autonomy.

A tragic result of the repressive media environment in Fiji has been a huge brain drain within the industry. Many of the best and experienced media workers have left or been forced out. In fact, Australia and New Zealand have benefitted by the migration of some of Fiji's senior media workers from as far back as 1987, the year of the first two military coups by Lieutenant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka, and more so in the past eight years since the Voreqe Bainimarama coup in December 2006. Those who have remained have either been moved to non-controversial roles or mellowed to the point of silence.