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The article deals with the phenomenon of Soviet identity in the modern Ukrainian society. On the basis of the survey, conducted among the representatives of different regions of Ukraine, the author identified respondents with Soviet identity, analyzed their social sentiments and their impact on the formation or breaking of the all-Ukrainian identity. Also, the factors shaping the positive image of the Soviet past were defined.The paper discovered that nostalgia for the Soviet past and devotion to the Soviet cultural and historical narratives are caused by such factors as social security and wealth, confidence in the future; paternalism; deep-rooted ideological clichés and the Soviet value system; remnants of the Soviet cultural heritage in the Ukrainian sociocultural space; family background of the Soviet memory; lack of critical re-evaluation of the Soviet past, etc. The author considers that "hybrid post-memory" is one of the factors that hold back Ukraine's escaping from the Soviet historical and cultural space. This is when the people's "memory" about political repressions and dekulakization is getting weak if their forefathers had not suffered from those tragedies. The survey demonstrates the low level of public activity among the respondents, caused by the autocratic and paternalistic model of the Soviet society, which means the need to be ruled and, as a result, disclaims personal and public responsibility and delegates it to others who can bring discipline into all spheres of life.The process of obtaining a new identity by Ukrainians is slow and sometimes contradictory, especially in the southeastern regions of Ukraine, where the majority of the population come under the strong impact of Russian and Soviet cultural and historical narratives. In particular, the survey results show that extreme anti-Ukrainian sentiments are revealed by the respondents with a strong Soviet identity. ; У статті розглядається явище радянської ідентичності у сучасному українському суспільстві. На основі проведеного опитування та інтерв'ювання представників різних регіонів України автором визначено респондентів-носіїв радянської ідентичності, проаналізовано їхні соціальні та політичні настрої, окреслено їх значення для формування або ж, навпаки, розмивання загальноукраїнської ідентичності, визначено основні чинники, що впливають на формування позитивного образу радянського минулого. З'ясовано, що ностальгія за радянським минулим і тяжіння до радянських культурних та історичних наративів зумовлені такими чинниками, як: відчуття соціального захисту, матеріального добробуту та впевненості у завтрашньому дні; патерналізм; укоріненість ідеологічних штампів, системи цінностей радянської епохи; наповненість українського соціокультурного простору «відголосками» радянської культурної спадщини; спадковість «радянської пам'яті»; відсутність критичного осмислення радянського минулого та ін. Автор зазначає, що одним із чинників, який гальмує вихід українців з радянського історико-культурного простору, є гібридна постпам'ять, коли «забуття» про політичні репресії та розкуркулення розчиняється у пам'яті тих, чиї родини не постраждали від цих подій. З'ясовано, що попри високу зацікавленість у політичному житті країни опитані засвідчили низьку громадянську активність; це явище випливає з авторитарно-патерналістської моделі радянського суспільства, котра передбачає потребу бути керованим кимось, а відтак знімає персональну соціальну та громадянську відповідальність і перекладає її на когось, хто «наведе порядок».Процес «переідентифікації» українського суспільства має повільний та подекуди гострий характер; особливо помітним це явище є у південно-східних регіонах України, де спостерігається сильний вплив російсько-радянських мовно-культурних та історичних наративів. Зокрема, результати дослідження засвідчили, що радикальні антиукраїнські настрої властиві тим респондентам, які визначили свою ідентичність як «радянську».

The article examines the administrative liability for violating the rules of quarantine requirements (in terms of COVID 19). 2020 has become an extremely difficult year for Ukraine, as it is for most countries of the world. The rapid spread of the COVID 19 virus has prompted the legislature and executive to adopt a number of regulations and bylaws aimed at preventing its further spread and containment.It is proved that the relevance of the study lies primarily in the fact that Article 44-3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses is currently in active use, because COVID 19 still affects Ukraine and the world, and therefore it is necessary to find ways to minimize the manifestations such a negative phenomenon and prevention of mass dissemination, including through regulatory measures, one of which is administrative liability.It is determined that the Government of Ukraine, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the President of Ukraine, executive authorities and local governments since the spread of the virus, take appropriate legal measures aimed at further preventing and preventing mass destruction of people by COVID-19 virus.It was found that the administrative responsibility for violating the rules of human quarantine has become a necessary and forced step on the part of legislators to further prevent the mass morbidity of people from the virus that affects the whole world to this day.Conclusions are developed that administrative liability for violation of human quarantine rules can be applied in the following cases: 1) violation of human quarantine rules; 2) violation of sanitary and hygienic rules and regulations; 3) violation of sanitary and anti-epidemic rules and regulations.Keywords: administrative liability, offense, quarantine, pandemic, disease, COVID 19, human quarantine, health care, coronavirus disease ; У статті досліджується адміністративна відповідальність за порушення правил карантинних вимог (в умовах COVID 19). 2020 рік став для України надзвичайно важким роком, як і для більшості держав Світу. Швидке розповсюдження вірусу COVID 19, стало поштовхом для прийняття органами законодавчої та виконавчої влади ряду нормативно-правових та підзаконних нормативно-правових актів, які спрямовані на його подальше не розповсюдження та стримування.Доведено, що актуальність дослідження полягає насамперед у тому, що ст. 44-3 КУпАП має активне застосування в даний час, адже хвороба COVID 19 і до сих пір вражає Україну та Світ, у зв'язку із чим, необхідним є пошук шляхів для мінімізації проявів такого негативного явища та недопущення масового розповсюдження, у тому числі за допомогою нормативно-правових заходів, одним із яких виступає адміністративна відповідальність.Визначено, що урядом України, Верховною Радою України, Президентом України, органами виконавчої влади та місцевого самоврядування з моменту поширення вірусу, здійснюються відповідні нормативно-правові заходи спрямовані на подальше запобігання та недопущення масового ураження людей вірусом COVID-19.З'ясовано, що адміністративна відповідальність за порушення правил карантину людей, стала необхідним та вимушеним кроком з боку законодавцям для подальшого запобігання масової захворюваності людей, від вірусу який вражає весь Світ і до сих пір. Розроблено висновки, що адміністративна відповідальність за порушення правил карантину людей, може застосовуватися у наступних випадках: 1) порушення правил щодо карантину людей; 2) порушення санітарно-гігієнічних правил і норм; 3) порушення санітарно-протиепідемічних правил і норм.Ключові слова: адміністративна відповідальність, правопорушення, карантин, пандемія, хвороба, COVID 19, карантин людей, охорона здоров'я, коронавірусна хвороба

The goal of the scientific study is to identify the peculiarities of the situation in Bulgarian ethnic minority under the conditions of the Fascist occupation regime. In other words, to determine whether the fact of Bulgaria's allied status with Germany in World WarII affected the situation with a Bulgarian population in the South of Ukraine. Though there are many works in the national historiography devoted to the study of the situation of the rural population of Ukraine during World WarII, its analysis in terms of separate ethnic groups has not been given enough attention. The territorial framework of the study is localized in the North Azov Sea region since there was the largest area of compact Bulgarian settlement on the territories included in the Reich Commissariat Ukraine (Bulgarian villages in Bessarabia were known to be located in Romanian occupation zone). It has been found out that both in their native villages during the occupation and in forced labor in Germany, Bulgarians of the North Azov Sea region did not have any marked preferences on national grounds compared to other residents of the region. Bulgarian population had been fully subjected to economic oppression, physical punishment, executions, and the forced deportation of young people to Germany as a labor force. Local Bulgarians also took part in the resistance movement. In particular, they were members of underground groups in Rainivka and Kolarivka. The status of Bulgarian Ostarbeiters also differed little from that of other Ukrainian workers. The only circumstance that distinguished the status of Bulgarians from the rest of the population of the South of Ukraine was the possibility of establishing contact with the historical homeland in order to seek protection and help. However, the use of that opportunity had not become widespread. In particular, we have evidence of the facts of assistance to the Taurian Bulgarians, the natives of the Azov region, who performed forced labor in Germany at that time, by Georgi Shishkov, the Secretary of the Bulgarian Consulate in Cologne. Some residents of the occupied Bulgarian villages of the North Azov Sea region, oppressed by German rule, also attributed the hopes of salvation to the historical homeland. In April 1942, a group of residents of the village Inzivka (mostly the representatives of the intelligentsia) wrote a letter to Tsar BorisIII of Bulgaria with a request to allow Taurian Bulgarians to resettle to their historical homeland. Eventually, the Bulgarian government agreed with Germany to resettle 2,500 ethnic Bulgarians from Ukraine to Bulgaria. In the period from November 1943 to the autumn of 1944, several parties of immigrants arrived in Bulgaria. However, in 1945, at Stalin's request, the settlers were returned to the USSR, and only a few of them managed to avoid forced repatriation. The initiators of the resettlement got various terms of imprisonment for cooperation with the occupiers and anti-Soviet agitation. ; Аналізу піддано політику окупаційної німецької влади стосовно жителів болгарських сіл Північного Приазов'я. Виявлено, що й у рідному селі, і на примусових роботах у Німеччині, місцеві болгари не мали помітних преференцій за національною ознакою порівняно з іншими жителями регіону. Єдина обставина, що вирізняла болгар, – можливість встановлення зв'язку з історичною батьківщиною з метою пошуку захисту та допомоги. Щоправда, використання цієї можливості не набуло великого поширення. Одним з її виявів стала спроба репатріації деякої кількості таврійських болгар на історичну батьківщину, що завершилася їх примусовим поверненням до СРСР у 1945р.

Artículo escrito por un elevado número de autores, sólo se referencian el que aparece en primer lugar, el nombre del grupo de colaboración, si le hubiera, y los autores pertenecientes a la UAM ; Multi-particle azimuthal cumulants are measured as a function of centrality and transverse momentum using 470 μb−1 of Pb+Pb collisions at √sNN = 5.02 TeV with the ATLAS detector at the LHC. These cumulants provide information on the event-by-event fluctuations of harmonic flow coefficients vn and correlated fluctuations between two harmonics vn and vm. For the first time, a non-zero four-particle cumulant is observed for dipolar flow, v1. The four-particle cumulants for elliptic flow, v2, and triangular flow, v3, exhibit a strong centrality dependence and change sign in ultra-central collisions. This sign change is consistent with significant non-Gaussian fluctuations in v2 and v3. The four-particle cumulant for quadrangular flow, v4, is found to change sign in mid-central collisions. Correlations between two harmonics are studied with three- and four-particle mixed-harmonic cumulants, which indicate an anti-correlation between v2 and v3, and a positive correlation between v2 and v4. These correlations decrease in strength towards central collisions and either approach zero or change sign in ultra-central collisions. To investigate the possible flow fluctuations arising from intrinsic centrality or volume fluctuations, the results are compared between two different event classes used for centrality definitions. In peripheral and mid-central collisions where the cumulant signals are large, only small differences are observed. In ultra-central collisions, the differences are much larger and transverse momentum dependent. These results provide new information to disentangle flow fluctuations from the initial and final states, as well as new insights on the influence of centrality fluctuations ; We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, HGF, and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; ˇ MINECO, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, CANARIE, CRC and Compute Canada, Canada; COST, ERC, ERDF, Horizon 2020, and Marie Sk lodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d' Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF, Greece; BSF-NSF and GIF, Israel; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain; The Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom

В 2014 году страны Европейского союза, Соединенные Штаты Америки и некоторые другие государства ввели экономические санкции против России, что привело к диверсификации торговых связей и изменению отношений с западными партнерами (стратегия «поворота на Восток»). Неоднозначные выводы современных исследований, посвященных эффективности санкций и мер по преодолению их негативных последствий, обосновали необходимость рассмотрения данных вопросов на примере антироссийских экономических санкций. Проанализированы различные макроэкономические данные, а также показатели цифрового развития и финансовой доступности. Данное исследование основывается на методах графического, сравнительного и корреляционного анализа. Анализ данных внешнего сектора показывает, что экономические санкции негативно повлияли на торговлю со странами-инициаторами и прямые иностранные инвестиции. В то же время, «поворот на Восток» до сих пор не реализован в полном объеме. Для преодоления негативного влияния санкций и усиления экономического роста диверсификация связей должна сопровождаться другими мерами, сосредоточенными на цифровом развитии, цифровых финансовых технологиях и доступности финансовых услуг. Анализ взаимосвязи между цифровым развитием и неравенством в доходах выявил, что, с точки зрения экономического роста цифровая трансформация может принести больше пользы странам с умеренным неравенством, включая Россию, нежели странам, где неравенство выражено в меньшей степени. Изучено, каким образом цифровая политика может повлиять на преодоление негативных последствий санкций в России. Полученные результаты помогут решить проблему оптимизации поведения России как страны, ставшей объектом санкций, что является предметом дальнейших исследований. ; Starting from 2014 the European Union countries, the United States of America and some other states imposed economic sanctions against Russia, resulting in diversification of trade ties away from western partners ("pivot to the East" strategy). The mixed findings of recent sanctions literature related to their effectiveness and measures to overcome the negative consequences, has necessitated the examination of these issues for the case of anti-Russian economic sanctions. We use various macroeconomic data along with indicators of digital development and financial inclusion. The methodology comprises a combination of graphical, comparative, and correlation analysis. The analysis of external sector data shows that economic sanctions had substantial negative impact on trade and foreign direct investment with main senders. At the same time, the "pivot to the East" after 2014 has not been implemented yet as much as expected. To overcome negative impact of sanctions and to promote economic growth, the current diversification of ties should be accompanied by other measures, centred on digital development, digital financial technologies, and financial inclusion. We assess linkages between digital development and wealth inequality and we found that in most countries with moderate wealth inequality, including Russia, the digital transformation could bring more benefits in terms of economic growth, than in countries with lower wealth inequality. The overall study allowed us to examine digital policy implications to overcome the negative effects of sanctions in Russia. The obtained results will contribute to addressing the problem of optimisation of Russia's behaviour as a target country that is the subject of future research. ; Исследование выполнено при поддержке гранта РФФИ и Академии общественных наук Китая, проект № 19–51–93009 «Торговая политика России и Китая в условиях трансформации международной торговой системы». ; The article has been prepared with the support of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research and the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the research project No. 19–51–93009 "The trade policy of Russia and China in the context of the transformation of the international trading system".

Uroš Predić je rođen 1857. u Orlovatu u Banatu, tada delu Austrougarske monarhije. Školske godine 1876/77. upisao je Akademiju likovnih umetnosti u Beču. Godine 1876, podstaknut sukobima u Crnoj Gori i Bosni, naslikao je prvu verziju Bosanskih begunaca. Nakon odlaska iz Beča Predić se obreo u Berlinu, Minhenu i drugim centrima germanskog sveta u kojima je mogao da upozna savremene tendencije u slikarstvu, kao i moderna kulturna i idejna strujanja. Osobito su dekadentni pesimizam, kao i simbolistička strujanja, mogli da utiču na sazrevanje mladog intelektualca i njegov dalji razvojni put. Krajem XIX i početkom XX veka došlo je do otuđenosti pojedinaca u vreme rađanja velikih kolektiviteta i sveopšte militarizacije društva. Do 1914. godine naslikao je niz slika prožetih pesmističnim patosom, od kojih se nekolicina posredno može okarakterisati kao antiratne i antiegzistencijalne predstave. U vreme Velikog rata naslikao je nekolicinu utopijskih slika koje su posredno iskazivale umetnikov humanistički i antiratni stav. Totalno razaranje i destrukcija izazvani Prvim svetskim ratom pogodovali su teskobnoj Predićevoj prirodi da po okončanju sukoba naslika Kosovsku devojku, ikoničnu sliku srpskog naroda. ; Uroš Predić (1857-1953) was born on 7 December 1857 in Orlovat, a region of Banat, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In school year 1876/1877, Predić enrolled at the Academy of Fine Arts in Vienna (Akademie der bildenden Künste). In 1876, motivated by the conflicts in Montenegro and Bosnia, he painted the first version of Bosnian Fugitives. Leaving Vienna, Predić found himself in Berlin, Munich, and other centers of the Germanic world where he was able to get acquainted with contemporary trends in painting, as well as with modern cultural and conceptual trends. It was, in particular, the decadent pessimism, as well as the currents of Symbolism, that could have affected the maturing of a young intellectual and his further personal and professional growth. In 1886, Predić moved to Belgrade, an indisputable - integrative symbol of the entire Serbian ethnics. In 1887, Predić presented an unusual allegorical image titled Vision in the Clouds. Uroš Predić, a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, painted an antiwar and, conditionally speaking, an anti-Austrian painting. The critique of the contemporary society through the allegorical representation ofa downfall confirmed Predié as the supporter of Schopenhauer and his voluntarism. In 1889 he painted Bosnian Fugitives. This large patriotic image evokes events related to the Herzegovina uprising in the village of Nevesinje in 1875, with a special emphasis on the refuge of Serbian fugitives on Kozara. The painter's unquestionable patriotism was overshadowed the sadness of the entire world, at the time when the new - and young Serbian nation was looking for expressive and dynamic art. Some decadent elitism was recorded in the painter's opus at the beginning of the - twentieth century. The Circle of Serbian Sisters commissioned from Predić in - 1914 the painting Kosovo Maiden with the intention to reproduce and distribute it widely. The painting in its present form was finally completed in 1919. The total destruction and devastation caused by the First World War - made it difficult for Predić's nature to make an iconic image of the Serbian nation after the end of the conflict. The interwar climate in the Kingdom of-Yugoslavia was largely dominated by an official, representative culture, which confirmed Predić's vision that his work would again be up-to-date. State stability and peacetime also produced new social circumstances within which Predić's artworks were revived.

According to Olasupo Owoeye, as the world is becoming increasingly globalized, it is difficult for some regions, for example, the African continent, to become competitive in the global market because of their overly protectionist measures1 . Former WTO Director, Pascal Lamy, also noted that Africa should no longer rely on external demand for its goods and services to support its growth but must take steps to accelerate regional integration, as it remains the least developed continent with the highest number of least developed countries in the world2 . This explains the formation of the African Continental Free Trade Area by the African Union members; whose main objective is to boost intra African trade and create a single continental market for goods and services. The African Continental Free Trade Area is expected to enhance competitiveness at both the industry and enterprise level through exploitation of opportunities for scale production, continental market access and better allocation of resources. 3 The AfCFTA is also expected to facilitate a better integration of the African economy into the global market, thus contributing to sustainable economic growth, poverty reduction, enhanced foreign direct investment and employment creation in Africa. It is also considered to be a steppingstone towards two of the deeper integration stages envisaged in the Abuja Treaty of 1991, namely the creation of a continental customs union by 2019 and an African Economic Community (AEC) by 20284 . The AfCFTA can however pose some challenges to the signatory countries as through trade liberalization, domestic markets will become open to foreign competition and susceptible to anti-competitive practices originating outside their national borders. These include crossborder competition concerns, international cartels, mergers and acquisitions that risk monopolizing or creating abuse of dominance in the internal market5 . Some firms may gain market power and abuse their dominance through taking advantage of the economies of scale. Hence the need for the member countries, not only to dismantle trade barriers but also to adopt complementary competition policy to ensure a smooth transition and to benefit from gaining access to new markets. As was stated by Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, competition laws are important to the preservation of economic freedom and the free trade system as is with the Bill of Rights to the protection of fundamental freedoms6 . The competition and trade policies are both based on the conviction that free trade is a means of maximizing the economic welfare of trading nations through the efficient allocation of resources. The two policies therefore complement each other as without competition, the African Continental Free Trade Area lacks legitimacy because private restraints to trade will undermine its achievement. Hence the negotiations on competition which are supposed to take place beginning of 2019 by the African Union countries who have signed the African Continental Free Trade Area. The research will therefore discuss the formation of the African Continental Free Trade Area, discuss the relationship between trade and competition and will also scrutinize the likely positive and negative impacts of the African Continental Free Trade Area vis a vis competition. Reference will also be made to other regional agreements on competition linked with regional efforts to set up free trade zones, particularly, the European Union where regional integration has been used to enhance economic growth and the useful lessons that can be learnt from those.

In the context of our study, we found that despite a certain degree of conformity of national and regional legislation with the UN strategy and the international conventions on the fight against terrorism, the fact remains that the effectiveness of these texts is relative, despite their number. The proof is the proliferation of terrorist attacks around the world and particularly in France. Indeed, in France, as elsewhere in the world, anti-terrorist measures are taken in the aftermath of the attacks, often under the effect of emotion and with the intention of calming and reassuring the population. However, we do not fight terrorism under the emotion or just to make the buzz and calm the spirits. In reality, only political will, far from economic interests and political calculations, can help deal with the terrorist phenomenon. Moreover, nobody knows, the causes and sources of terrorism are well identified and repressive is surely not the solution. Fighting terrorism means fighting its homes first. Worse still, the repressive and the adoption of measures undermining fundamental rights only feeds terrorism. Indeed, we have noted that in order to confront terrorism, states have put in place policies based on measures that infringe on fundamental rights. They are simply repressive policies where the rights of the accused are simply wiped out. Yet, terrorism is getting tougher and growing. To fight terrorism we must start by defending fundamental rights and freedoms. Indeed, it is injustice and misery that feeds terrorism. ; Dans le cadre dans notre étude, nous avons constaté que malgré un certain degré de conformité des législations nationales et régionales à la stratégie onusienne et aux conventions internationales de lutte contre le terrorisme, il n'en demeure pas moins que l'efficacité de ces textes est relative, malgré leur nombre. La preuve en est la multiplication des attentats terroristes un peu partout dans le monde et plus particulièrement en France. En effet, en France, tout comme ailleurs dans le monde, les mesures antiterroristes sont prises au lendemain des attentats, souvent sous l'effet de l'émotion et dans l'intention de calmer et de rassurer les populations. Or, on ne combat pas le terrorisme sous l'émotion ou juste pour faire le buzz et calmer les esprits. En réalité, seule une volonté politique, loin des intérêts économiques et des calculs politiques, peut aider à faire face au phénomène terroriste. Par ailleurs, personne ne l'ignore, les causes et les sources du terrorisme sont bien identifiées et le tout répressif n'est sûrement pas la solution. Combattre le terrorisme c'est d'abord combattre ses foyers. Pire encore, le tout répressif et l'adoption de mesures portant atteinte aux droits fondamentaux ne font qu'alimenter le terrorisme. En effet, nous avons remarqué que pour faire face au terrorisme, les États ont mis en place des politiques basées sur des mesures attentatoires aux droits fondamentaux. Il s'agit tout simplement de politiques orientées vers le tout répressif où les droits des accusés sont tout simplement anéantis. Pourtant, le terrorisme ne cesse de se durcir et de prendre de l'ampleur. Pour combattre le terrorisme l'on doit commencer par défendre les libertés et les droits fondamentaux. En effet, c'est de l'injustice et de la misère que se nourrit le terrorisme.

Using methods of critical queer genealogy and discourse analysis, Injury & Resistance historicizes the HIV/AIDS epidemic through four lenses—activism, criminalization, memory, and "post-AIDS" queer health—in national and transnational U.S. locales from 1987 to the present. Unlike in the 1980s, when white middle-class gay men were the most visible demographic of what was known as the "gay plague," today's American AIDS epidemic is becoming more and more racialized. And unlike 30 years ago, HIV today is a chronic condition that is effectively treatable with antiretroviral drug regimens. Concurrent with the medical survivability of HIV/AIDS, queer Americans have won legal rights to marry, serve openly in the military, and adopt and raise children. Meanwhile, however, for many the AIDS crisis has remained just that: a crisis. If current patterns persist, today one in two African American gay men will become HIV-positive within his lifetime—amidst a healthcare landscape in which racial, regional, and socioeconomic disparities abound. To date, little scholarly work has attended to how the epidemic's American histories, having fueled an LGBT politics of individual "equality," have in fact produced these stark simultaneities in which HIV is a chronic reality for some but has remained an emergency for others. Indebted to Michel Foucault, Injury & Resistance historicizes this evolution through a queer "history of the present" that explores the non-linear and asynchronous motions between and among AIDS past and HIV present. In the absence of a multitemporal critique, I argue, we risk ceding the urgency of HIV/AIDS to the past and preclude confronting what is an ongoing public health epidemic. Sources include oral histories from the ACT UP Oral History Project, memoirs of survival, activist photography, medical science statistics and publications, public health campaigns, newspaper records, and documentary film, as well as archival holdings from the Smithsonian National Archive Center, the Archiv der Sozialen Bewegungen (Archive of Social Movements) in Hamburg, Germany, the Special Collections at the James Branch Cabell Library at Virginia Commonwealth University (VCU), and the New York Public Library, among others. This diverse body of sources re-contextualizes national and transnational U.S. AIDS histories that anticipate an ongoing crisis with peculiar dualities: yesterday yet today, ghostly yet present, and acute yet chronic. Arranged loosely from past to present, the four chapters and epilogue present evidence, readings, theories, and speculations, listening for past and present echoes of HIV/AIDS histories that reverberate in experiential chasms between injury and resistance. Chapters present a critical genealogy of feminist activism in the New York chapter of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) from 1987 to 1993, explore a 1987 West German court case against African American ex-soldier Linwood Boyette for alleged HIV transmission, trace Derridean hauntology and queer temporalities in two AIDS memoirs and the National AIDS Memorial Grove, place narratives of "post-AIDS" queer health in relation to neoliberal LGBT rights politics, and consider Uganda's 2011 "Kill the Gays Bill" as a transcultural circulation of U.S. anti-queer affect and violence. Throughout, this dissertation insists that the ongoing HIV/AIDS crisis, with its rich histories of resistance and dissent, must again become cornerstones of contemporary queer culture and politics.

BACKGROUND: Although the role of Th17 and regulatory T cells in the progression of atherosclerosis has been highlighted in recent years, their molecular mediators remain elusive. We aimed to evaluate the association between the CD69 receptor, a regulator of Th17/regulatory T cell immunity, and atherosclerosis development in animal models and in patients with subclinical disease. METHODS: Low-density lipoprotein receptor-deficient chimeric mice expressing or not expressing CD69 on either myeloid or lymphoid cells were subjected to a high fat diet. In vitro functional assays with human T cells were performed to decipher the mechanism of the observed phenotypes. Expression of CD69 and NR4A nuclear receptors was evaluated by reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction in 305 male participants of the PESA study (Progression of Early Subclinical Atherosclerosis) with extensive (n=128) or focal (n=55) subclinical atherosclerosis and without disease (n=122). RESULTS: After a high fat diet, mice lacking CD69 on lymphoid cells developed large atheroma plaque along with an increased Th17/regulatory T cell ratio in blood. Oxidized low-density lipoprotein was shown to bind specifically and functionally to CD69 on human T lymphocytes, inhibiting the development of Th17 cells through the activation of NR4A nuclear receptors. Participants of the PESA study with evidence of subclinical atherosclerosis displayed a significant CD69 and NR4A1 mRNA downregulation in peripheral blood leukocytes compared with participants without disease. The expression of CD69 remained associated with the risk of subclinical atherosclerosis in an adjusted multivariable logistic regression model (odds ratio, 0.62; 95% CI, 0.40-0.94; P=0.006) after adjustment for traditional risk factors, the expression of NR4A1, the level of oxidized low-density lipoprotein, and the counts of different leucocyte subsets. CONCLUSIONS: CD69 depletion from the lymphoid compartment promotes a Th17/regulatory T cell imbalance and exacerbates the development of atherosclerosis. CD69 binding to oxidized low-density lipoprotein on T cells induces the expression of anti-inflammatory transcription factors. Data from a cohort of the PESA study with subclinical atherosclerosis indicate that CD69 expression in PBLs inversely correlates with the presence of disease. The expression of CD69 remained an independent predictor of subclinical atherosclerosis after adjustment for traditional risk factors. ; Funding was provided by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness: Plan Nacional de Salud SAF2017-82886-R to Dr Sánchez-Madrid, SAF2015-64767-R to Dr Martínez-González; Instituto de Salud Carlos III (AES 2016): PI16/01956 to Dr Martin, Centro de Investigación Biomédica en Red de Enfermedades Cardiovasculares; European Research Council, ERC-2011-AdG294340-GENTRIS to Dr Sánchez-Madrid; Proyecto Integrado de Excelencia PIE13/041 and Fundació La Marató TV3 (20152330 31); and Comunidad Autónoma de Madrid CAM (S2017/BMD-3671) to Drs Martin and Sánchez-Madrid. Dr Tsilingiri is cofunded by the European Union Marie Curie Program. M. Relaño is supported by a Contratos Predoctorales Severo Ochoa para la formación de doctores (BES-2015–072625) from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness. This research has been cofinanced by Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional. Centro Nacional de Investigaciones Cardiovasculares (CNIC), Madrid, Spain, is supported by the Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades, and the Pro CNIC Foundation and is a Severo Ochoa Center of Excellence (SEV-2015-0505). The PESA study is cofunded equally by the Pro CNIC Foundation and Banco Santander, Madrid, Spain.

Ces dernières années, avec la montée du sentiments anti-mondialisation, les frictions commerciales internationales ont progressivement augmenté. Le 22 mars 2018, le gouvernement américain a annoncé l'augmentation des droits de douane sur des produits chinois de l'ordre de 60 milliards de dollars, provoquant une guerre commerciale de grande ampleur entre la Chine et les États-Unis. Depuis lors, la guerre commerciale sino-américaine s'est intensifiée et le montant total des marchandises soumises à l'augmentation des tarifs dépasse désormais 300 milliards de dollars. Bien qu'il y ait eu pas mal de frictions commerciales entre la Chine et les États-Unis, une guerre commerciale d'une telle ampleur est encore rare dans l'histoire diplomatique des deux pays. En tant que guerre commerciale complexe avec des conséquences de grande portée, ses causes principales sont réexaminées sous trois aspects : le commerce bilatéral, les investissements et la propriété intellectuelle. Par ailleurs, cet article explore la solution possible pour terminer cette friction commerciale et ses impacts à court terme sur l'économie chinoise. Le contenu principal de chaque partie est les suivants : Le premier chapitre analyse le différend entre la Chine et les États-Unis sur des questions de commerce bilatéral. À partir des caractéristiques du volume et de la structure du commerce sino-américain, l'article discute de demandes principales des États-Unis sur l'équilibre commercial : la réduction des droits de douane de la Chine, l'élimination des subventions pour certaines industries et la marchéisation du taux de change du RMB. Le second chapitre parle de différend sur le problème des investissements directs étrangers en Chine. En présentant l'ampleur actuelle et la structure de l'IDE des États-Unis en Chine, ainsi que la politique d'investissement étranger de la Chine, cette partie analyse la demande de l'administration Trump pour réduire davantage les limitations d'accès au marché d'investissement en Chine. Le troisième chapitre analyse les problèmes sur la protection de la propriété intellectuelle en Chine. À partir d'une analyse du rapport 301 des États-Unis contre la Chine, cette partie montre que le mécontentement des États-Unis à cet égard relève essentiellement des problèmes d'investissement bilatéraux entre les deux pays, et considère ces problèmes comme une excuse du gouvernement américain pour déclencher une guerre commerciale. Le chapitre suivant explore la solution possible pour terminer cette friction bilatérale. Selon les demandes des États-Unis présentées dans les chapitres précédents, ce chapitre analyse les concessions que la Chine pourrait faire dans cette guerre commerciale. En combinant les caractéristiques de négociation commerciale de l'administration Trump, l'article estime que cette guerre commerciale se finirait par la signature d'un nouvel accord commercial entre États-Unis et le Chine. Le dernier chapitre mesure l'impact possible de la guerre commerciale sur la future économie chinoise. En se basant sur la méthode de demande agrégée, cet article fait une analyse empirique sur les impacts possibles de cette guerre en utilisant le tableau entrées-sorties non compétitif de la Chine. Les résultats montrent que, à court terme, les exportations auraient une influence importante sur la croissance économique chinoise, alors que les importations et les IDE y exerceraient un impact faible. Après cette guerre commerciale, la réduction des excédents commerciaux donnerait lieu à une baisse à court terme d'environ 1,4% au taux de croissance du PIB chinois. Sous l'hypothèse de la mise en oeuvre d'une politique de relance économique modérée de la Chine, la baisse du taux de croissance du PIB serait d'environ 1%.

The article deals with the formation, development and combat activities of the Army of the Ukrainian People's Republic during the period of the Directory (November 1918 – November 1920) in contemporary Ukrainian historiography. It is noted that in the writings of contemporary Ukrainian historians, the attention is focused on the extremely difficult situation in the UPR after the victory of the anti-Hetman uprising and the beginning of the aggression of the Bolshevik Russia.It is stated that in the conditions of fierce fighting, the spread of massive Bolshevik agitation and the unanimity of the Ukrainian political leadership regarding domestic and foreign policy, the unsatisfactory state of material security, through the Ottoman Empire and revolutionary experiments, the process of transformation of the semi-Partisan units of the Directory into the level of the regular units of the Army of the Ukrainian People's Republic. This process took place on the basis of the legislative framework and practical measures for their implementation, which confirms the progressive development of military affairs. Attention is drawn to the wishes of many contemporary Ukrainian researchers of this period to the authorities, in order to address the problems of the building and functioning of the army, especially in the current conditions of the «hybrid war» with Russia, the important issue was the consideration of the experience of military construction and the introduction of military traditions of military formations of Ukrainian state entities of 1917–1921 years, including the era of the Directory of the UPR.It is noted that an important factor in the combat capability of all Ukrainian armies was the organization of professional training, military discipline, a high level of moral and psychological spirit, education on patriotic principles and traditions of the Ukrainian people. In particular, the chaplaincy services, primarily the Galician Army, and, in the period of internment, the Army of the UPR, were actively involved in this work.The history of the armed forces of Ukraine during the era of the 1917–1921 revolution shows that their development has become an integral part of the process of building a national state. Despite the significant achievements in the study of this scientific problem, attention is drawn to the need to continue the comprehensive study of the development of the species and families of Ukrainian troops of modern times. ; У статті висвітлюється питання формування, розвитку і бойових дій Армії Української Народної Республіки періоду Директорії (листопад 1918 – листопад 1920 рр.) у сучасній українській історіографії. Зазначається, що в працях сучасних українських істориків значна увага акцентується на надзвичайно складній ситуації в УНР після перемоги антигетьманського повстання і початку агресії більшовицької Росії. Констатується, що в умовах військового протистояння з більшовицькою Росією, поширення масової більшовицької агітації, революційних експериментів і неодностайності українського політичного проводу щодо внутрішньої і зовнішньої політики, незадовільного стану матеріального забезпечення й військової "отаманщини" все ж відбувався процес переформування напівпартизанських загонів Директорії у регулярні частини Армії Української Народної Республіки. Цей процес проходив на основі законодавчої бази та практичних заходів із їх втілення, що підтверджує еволюційний розвиток військової справи в УНР. Автор акцентує увагу на побажаннях багатьох українських дослідників цього періоду до владних структур сучасної України, щоб при вирішенні проблем розбудови і функціонування армії, особливо в теперішніх умовах "гібридної війни" з Росією, важливим стало врахування досвіду військового будівництва і впровадження військових традицій збройних формувань українських державних утворень 1917–1921 рр., зокрема доби Директорії УНР.

The current crisis in the countries of liberal democracy is not a crisis of the liberal democracy itself, but only a result of its un preparedness against the huge waves of migrants, refugees, anti-Western propaganda and disinformation, interference in democratic elections, terrorist and hacker attacks, and transnational organized crime that came from undemocratic countries and have struck it. It does not mean that the end of democracy and the triumph of authoritarianism have come. The terms "illiberal democracy", "sovereign democracy" or "socialist democracy" are essentially forms of verbiage, they only cover up various forms of author it arianism or to talitarianism and, despite the statements of their political leaders, have nothing to do with the principles of democracy and the freedom of the individual. Despite the current crisis in the countries of liberal democracy and criticism of the European Union, Georgia stands firmly on the positions of European and Euro-Atlantic integration, setting as the ultimate goal the full entry into the European Union and NATO. From 1991 to 2018, Georgia made essential transformation from totalitarianism towards liberal democracy. However, in recent years, itisincrea singly approaching the oligarchic and kleptocratic way of government and moving away from democracy. ; Obecny kryzys w krajach liberalnej demokracji nie jest kryzysem samej liberalnej demokracji, a jedynie wynikiem jej nieprzygotowania przed ogromnymi falami migrantów, uchodźców, antyzachodnią propagandą i dezinformacją, ingerencją w demokratyczne wybory, terrorystami oraz atakami hakerów i międzynarodową przestępczością zorganizowaną, które pochodzą z krajów niedemokratycznych i uderzyły w nią. Nie oznacza to, że nastał koniec demokracji i triumf autorytaryzmu. Określenia: "demokracja nieliberalna", "demokracja suwerenna" lub "demokracja socjalistyczna", są zasadniczo formami słownictwa, ukrywają jedynie różne formy autorytaryzmu lub totalitaryzmu i, pomimo oświadczeń przywódców politycznych, nie mają nic wspólnego z hasłami: "demokracja" i "wolność jednostki". Pomimo obecnego kryzysu w krajach liberalnej demokracji i krytyki Unii Europejskiej, Gruzja zdecydowanie stoi na stanowisku integracji europejskiej i euroatlantyckiej, ustanawiając jako ostateczny cel pełne wejście do Unii Europejskiej i NATO. Od 1991 do 2018 r. Gruzja dokonała zasadniczej transformacji z totalitaryzmu w kierunku liberalnej demokracji. Jednak w ostatnich latach coraz bardziej zbliża się do oligarchicznego i kleptokratycznego sposobu rządzenia i odchodzi od demokracji. ; Нынешний кризис в странах либеральной демократии – это не кризис самой либеральной демократии, а только результат ее не готовности противостоять огромным волнам мигрантов, беженцев, антизападной пропаганды и дезинформации, вмешательства в демократические выборы, террористических и хакерских атак, и транснациональной организованной преступности, которые обрушились на нее из недемократических стран. Это не означает, что наступил конец демократии и триумф авторитаризма. Термины «нелиберальная демократия», «суверенная демократия» или «социалистическая демократия» являются, по существу, формами словоблудия, они лишь прикрывают различные формы авторитаризма или тоталитаризма и, несмотря на заявления их политических лидеров, не имеют ничего общего с принципами демократии и свободы личности. Несмотря на нынешний кризис в странах либеральной демократии и критику Европейского Союза, Грузия твердо стоит на позициях европейской и евроатлантической интеграции, ставя в качестве конечной цели полный вход в Европейский Союз и НАТО. С 1991 по 2018 год Грузия совершила существенную трансформацию от тоталитаризма к либеральной демократии. Однако, в последние годы она все больше приближается к олигархическому и клептократическому способу правления и уходит от демократии.

Terörün küresel bir nitelik kazandığı dönemde terörizmi tetikleyen ya da şiddetlenmesi noktasında uygun ortam hazırlayan koşulların belirlenmesi sürdürülebilir bir barış ortamının sağlanması için hayati önem taşımaktadır. Ulus devlet modelinin kusurlu bir versiyonu olarak tanımlanan başarısız devletler terörist grupların yuvalanabilecekleri güvenliksiz alanlar ile kriz bölgelerini oluşturmaktadır. Dünya barışını en çok tehdit eden unsur devletler arasındaki silahlanma yarışından ziyade terörün önlenemez yükselişi ve başarısız devlet olgusunun yıkıcı etkilerinin yayılmasıdır. Kabile toplum yapısının hakim olduğu Somali'de 1991 yılından itibaren merkezi otorite ülke genelinde zayıflamıştır. Sömürge mirasından modern devlete geçiş aşamasında başarısızlığa uğrayan ülke iç savaş, açlık, terör gibi kavramlarla özdeşleşmiştir. Somali'de devlet mekanizmasının kusurlu olması, nüfusun geniş kesiminin siyasi ve ekonomik haklarından mahrum olması ya da havaalanları ve sınırların denetlenememesi gibi durumlar terörist grupların ülke topraklarını operasyonel bir üs olarak kullanması için elverişli koşullar yaratmıştır. Somali'de terörle etkili mücadele ve istihbarat stratejisi geliştirilememesi birey güvenliğini doğrudan tehdit etmektedir. Bu çalışma, küreselleşen dünyada giderek daha kompleks bir yapıya dönüşen terör örgütleri için güvenli birer sığınak haline gelebilecek başarısız devlet olgusunu değer-bağımlı insani güvenlik kavramı çerçevesinde analiz etmektedir. Yirmi yıldan uzun bir süredir güçsüz devlet yapılanmasının görüldüğü, şiddet ve kaos ortamının hakim olduğu Somali'nin devlet başarısızlığına etki eden siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik faktörler incelenmiştir. Somali'de birey güvenliğine doğrudan tehdit teşkil eden El Şebab terör örgütünün ortaya çıkmasına ve yayılmasına etki eden toplumsal dinamikler doğrultusunda örgütün ideolojisi, propaganda yöntemleri ve gerçekleştirdiği eylemler analiz edilmiştir. ; Determining the conditions that trigger the terrorism or create an appropriate environment for the aggravation of terrorism in the period when terrorism gains a global character is of vital importance for ensuring a sustainable peace environment. Failed states, defined as a flawed version of the nation-state model, constitute unsafe areas and crisis zones where terrorist groups can nest. The most threatening factor in world peace is the inevitable rise of terrorism and the spread of the destructive effects of the failed state rather than the arms race between states. In Somalia, where the tribal community structure is dominant, the central authority has weakened throughout the country since 1991. The country, which failed in the transition from colonial heritage to the modern state, has become synonymous with concepts such as civil war, hunger and terror. In Somalia, the state mechanism is flawed, the large part of the population is deprived of political and economic rights, or the lack of control of airports and borders created conditions for terrorist groups to use the territory of the country as an operational base. The failure to develop an effective anti-terrorism and intelligence strategy in Somalia directly threatens individual security. This study analyzes the phenomenon of failed state, which can become a safe haven for terrorist organizations that have become increasingly complex in the globalizing world,within the framework of the concept of value-dependent human security. The political, social and economic factors affecting the state failure of Somalia, where the weak state structure has been observed for more than twenty years, and the environment of violence and chaos have been examined. The ideology of the organization and its actions are analyzed in line with the social dynamics that affect the emergence and spread of the al-Shabab terrorist organization, which poses a direct threat to the security of individuals in Somalia.

The author of the article examines political development of Slovak Republic in 1994-1998 years through the prism of manifestation of authoritarian and democratic characteristics. A conclusion is made about the functioning of the hybrid political regime with a clear tendency towards authoritarianism.The following undemocratic features of the political regime in 1994-1998 were highlighted: the power in the country is concentrated in the hands of the parliamentary-governmental coalition led by a charismatic leader; attempts to change institutional rules of political development in order to concentrate power; the transformation of the parliament (a parliamentary majority) into an instrument of influence of the head of the executive branch; neglect of the rights of the parliamentary opposition, obstructing its activities; the use of law enforcement services, special services for political struggle, prosecution of opposition representatives; restrictions and violations of the rules of electoral competition and democratic expression of the will of the citizens; strengthening control over the media; incitement of national intolerance and increase of value fragmentation of society; foreign policy goals were sacrificed to domestic political tasks regarding the concentration of power; non-transparent privatization and corruption.At the same time, democratic features can be noted alongside authoritarian ones: activity of civil society, opposition parties, non-governmental organizations; crystallization of the political interests of society in the planes «pro-Meciar–anti-Meciar» and «East–West»; citizens' awareness of the undemocratic actions of the government and the desire to resist it, especially in the context of the 1998 elections; relatively independent and critical position of institutions included in the system of power distribution (President, Constitutional Court, parliamentary opposition).Factors and preconditions, which did not promote democratization, were found out: imperfect institutional structure, conflict type of political culture, differentiation of the political elite, actualization of the national question, weak distribution of democratic values, social economic difficulties, etc. ; Автор статті досліджує політичний розвиток Словацької Республіки в 1994-1998 рр. крізь призму прояву авторитарних і демократичних характеристик. Зроблено висновок, про функціонування гібридного політичного режиму з чітко вираженою тенденцією розвитку до авторитаризму. З'ясовано наступні недемократичні ознаки політичного режиму в 1994-1998 рр.: концентрація влади в державі в руках парламентсько-урядової коаліції на чолі з харизматичним лідером; спроби зміни інституційних правил політичного розвитку з метою концентрації влади; перетворення парламенту (парламентської більшості) в інструмент впливу глави виконавчої влади; нехтування правами парламентської опозиції, перешкоджання їй в діяльності; використання правоохоронних органів, спецслужб для політичної боротьби, переслідування представників опозиції; обмеження і порушення правил виборчої конкуренції та демократичного волевиявлення громадян; посилення контролю над ЗМІ; розпалювання національної нетерпимості та посилення ціннісного розколу в суспільстві; нетранспарентна приватизація і корупція; для концентрації влади зовнішньополітичні цілі приносилися в жертву внутрішньополітичним завданням.Водночас поряд з авторитарними виокремлено й демократичні характеристики: активізація опозиційних партій, неурядових організацій, громадянського суспільства; кристалізація політичних інтересів суспільства в площині «мечіризм–антимечіаризм» та віссю «Схід–Захід»; усвідомлення громадянами недемократичності дій уряду та бажання йому опиратися, насамперед в контексті виборів 1998 р.; відносно незалежна і критична позиція інститутів, включених у систему розподілу влади (президент, Конституційний суд, парламентська опозиція).З'ясовано передумови і чинники, які не сприяли демократизації: недосконала інституційна структура, конфліктний тип політичної культури, розщепленість політичної еліти, актуалізація національного питання, слабке поширення демократичних цінностей, соціально-економічні труднощі країни та ін.