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This report explores the sectors that will be instrumental for positive CU impact and competitiveness in the medium term. The initial chapter analyzes the gaps and opportunities the Kyrgyz NQI presents for capturing benefits of access to the enlarged common market across sectors. The next three chapters take an in-depth look at three high-growth sectors and identify adaptation priorities and opportunities. Agriculture, services, and garments are a large and growing share of exports and are the sectors most likely to be transformed by accession to the CU and the increased tariffs to countries outside the EEU. Services added 56 percent to GDP in 2013, while agriculture contributed 18 percent, and manufacturing 16 percent. Exports in the garment sector were close to US$200 million in 2013, employing over 150,000 workers. The main findings of each chapter are summarized below followed by a summary of recommendations. This report is relevant to the Kyrgyz experience as it highlights important differences both in terms of regulations and technical requirements. The report highlights differences between the EU and CU regulatory systems in approaches to food safety and legislation, but it also analyzes the differences in infrastructure aspects of the NQI, such as testing laboratories and certification mechanisms between the EU and CU. The Customs Union approach is based on end-product compliance to a specific technical regulation or standard, whereas the European Union relies on preventive measures and minimizing risks associated with each process throughout the complete food chain. In the CU food control system, food control bodies verify that the end-product meets the required technical specifications established by the government; in the EU system, end-product attributes such as size, color, shape, smell, and taste are generally left to the marketplace to judge if they are acceptable. Importantly, the report pinpoints specific technical requirements for EU food safety that differ from the CU requirements (microbiological criteria for foodstuff, contaminants in food; maximum residue limits for residues of pesticides, and pharmacologically active substances).

On 28 June 2019, the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the European Union (EU) concluded the negotiations on the trade chapter of the Association Agreement that both blocs had been working on for twenty years. The conclusion of the negotiations, announced at the G20 summit in Osaka, surprised everyone. They had begun in 1999 but were interrupted (and subsequently retaken) on several occasions due to differences in key issues such as agriculture, services and government procurement. Although a trade agreement was reached in June 2019, we should note that this does not mean the end of the process, as ratification by the parties and entry into force is still pending. At the time of the conclusion of the "agreement in principle", the EU faced the consequences of a multiplicity of overlapping crises and concentrated its foreign policy mainly on its eastern and southern neighbors, while the South American bloc had diverted its external relations to Asia. When everything suggested that MERCOSUR and Europe were drifting apart, they managed to reach the agreement. What were the determining factors for this outcome? The explanation of why countries decide to close a trade agreement leads to a diversity of factors. In the case of the agreement between MERCOSUR and the EU, it was exhibited as an instrument for market access, and as an opportunity to increase the well-being and efficiency of different economic sectors. From the strategic and geopolitical point of view, the agreement was presented as a milestone for the preservation of the international liberal order. With regard to the identity element, the agreement contributes to the consolidation of a bi-regional common identity around a set of shared values. The MERCOSUR-EU agreement, then, does not allow a single appraisal, but it can be elucidated by the presence of at least three kinds of explanatory factors: economic, strategic and geopolitical, and also ideational. A large and growing body of literature on international cooperation, economic integration and inter-regionalism has investigated the selected factors. Liberal intergovernmentalists and international political economy scholars have studied the interaction between economic and geopolitical interests. In the economic integration process, according to these approaches, economic interests take precedence. However, they recognize that in cases where economic interests are indeterminate or diffuse, other objectives might be relevant (such as geopolitical, strategic and, we will add, ideational). In this study, we analyze how these three factors have been present to account for the agreement reached and what their implications are. The aim of this research, then, is to investigate the factors that explain the conclusion of the agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union, in June 2019, after twenty years of negotiations. Similarly, it attempts to examine whether any of these factors have an impact on the strategic uses that the parties make of the negotiated agreement and its (possible) ratification. Our hypothesis is that the conclusion of a deal between MERCOSUR and the EU is a multi-causal process involving simultaneously three types of factors: economic and trade material interests, strategic and geopolitical interaction, and bi-regional identity. The convergence of factors implies that the trade-off that allowed the agreement to be reached is multivariate, which does not suggest that it is necessarily harmonious. Each of these factors contributes to giving a different meaning or perspective, making available different strategic uses of the agreement by the countries involved. These different uses and meanings attributed to the negotiated agreement on the basis of the factors involved may also affect the dynamics of the ratification process. In methodological terms, the article follows the logic of a qualitative case study. The study is longitudinal, seeking to understand the conclusion of the negotiations while still considering the phenomenon over time. The techniques of data collection and analysis were qualitative, relying on the review of official documents, statements and speeches of the various actors involved, as well as on secondary statistical and bibliographic sources. The study shows that multi-causal analyses with eclectic conceptual frameworks have advantages, in a context where international trade negotiations are becoming more complex and where trade has ceased to be a low agenda issue. Therefore, the research carried out makes it possible to shed light on the tensions underlying the signing of the agreement, which also appear in the ratification process. Moreover, it shows that different actors' viewpoints and motivations coexist regarding the same international policy event –the trade agreement–. This study provides support for our initial argument. On the economic and commercial dimensions, the parties involved managed to bring their positions closer on the most sensitive issues, which –until then– appeared as insurmountable differences. While the structural characteristics of trade and investment did not change and nor did the trade preferences of the sectors, there was a change in the political dimension of these elements. From this perspective, the ratification of the agreement is imperative, but it is precisely because of the sensitivities involved that a higher level of politicization is expected. Geopolitics has also played a relevant role, especially in the strategic use of the announcement of the agreement at the Osaka Summit. Thus, it was presented as a milestone for the preservation of the international liberal order, in contrast to the dynamics of the Sino-American trade war. This strategic game, however, is satisfied with the mere announcement of the arrangement and the geopolitical variable does not generate the same incentives for ratification as it did for the conclusion of the negotiations. Finally, the explanation based on the identity element is constructed from inter-regionalism and makes it possible to argue that the agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union represents a milestone in the consolidation of a common identity around a set of shared values. However, these are a precondition for the agreement to take place, and do not fully explain the 2019 outcome. Putting these three variables into dialogue has proved indispensable to apprehend the complexity of a long-standing process, and the implications of an eventual ratification. These findings, however, raise new questions. Future work could enrich the study of the MERCOSUR-EU agreement, including the challenges of politicization. Also, since the study suggests a link between the three explanatory factors and the uses of the trade agreement, in future investigations it might be possible to undertake comparative studies between different processes of international trade negotiations. The article has been organised in the following way. After the introduction, the paper goes on to present the definitions related to the conceptual framework and research design. In the first section we focus on the hypothesis regarding material economic and commercial interests. The second section evaluates the geopolitical and strategic variable. The third section presents the characteristics and implications of the interregional link. Finally, we present the conclusions of the investigation. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es dilucidar cuáles fueron los factores que permiten explicar la conclusión del acuerdo entre MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea, en junio de 2019, tras 20 años de negociaciones. De igual manera, propone indagar en si el predominio de alguno de dichos factores ha generado efectos sobre los usos estratégicos que las partes hacen del acuerdo negociado y su (posible) ratificación. Se postula una explicación tripartita y multicausal conforme a la cual el acuerdo MERCOSUR-Unión Europea fue posibilitado por tres tipos de factores: los intereses materiales económicos y comerciales, la interacción estratégica y geopolítica, y la identidad birregional. Esta convergencia de factores implica que el trade-off que permitió llegar al acuerdo es multivariado pero no implica que sea necesariamente armónico. Así, se sugiere que según sea el elemento privilegiado por las partes involucradas, el acuerdo adquiere distintos significados y diferentes perspectivas de ratificación. El acuerdo ha sido presentado como un instrumento para el acceso a los mercados; como una oportunidad para incrementar el bienestar y eficiencia de los distintos sectores económicos. Desde lo estratégico y geopolítico, como un hito para la conservación del orden liberal internacional. En tanto que el elemento identitario permite sostener que el acuerdo entre MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea contribuye a la consolidación de una identidad común en torno a un conjunto de valores compartidos. El trabajo presenta un diseño metodológico cualitativo, basando en el análisis documental. El debate presentado se inscribe en la discusión de los determinantes del regionalismo y la cooperación en materia de integración regional dentro de la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales. El trabajo pone de manifiesto que, en un contexto donde las negociaciones comerciales internacionales son cada vez más complejas y donde la variable comercial ha dejado de ser un tema de low agenda, un análisis multicausal con marcos conceptuales eclécticos presenta ventajas. Con este abordaje, la investigación realizada permite echar luz sobre las tensiones subyacentes al momento de la firma del acuerdo, y que comienzan a manifestarse en el proceso de ratificación. Muestra también que sobre un mismo hecho de la política internacional –el acuerdo comercial– coexisten distintas miradas y motivaciones por parte de los actores involucrados. El artículo se organiza de la siguiente manera: luego de la introducción presentamos las definiciones relativas a nuestro marco teórico y encuadre metodológico. En el primer apartado nos centramos en la hipótesis concerniente a los intereses materiales económicos y comerciales. El segundo apartado, toma, por su parte, la de la variable geopolítica y estratégica. La tercera sección expone las características e implicancias del vínculo interregional. Finalmente, se presentan las conclusiones de la investigación.

Desde la asunción de Cambiemos al gobierno de Argentina en 2015, se observó un cambio en el discurso integracionista oficial: se revalorizó la dimensión económico-comercial y se volvió a plantear la necesidad de establecer acuerdos con otros bloques y países para revitalizar el comercio regional. Asimismo, se modificaron las relaciones al interior del bloque, con un creciente aislamiento de Venezuela, lo que derivó en su suspensión. Sin embargo, el discurso oficial gubernamental siguió destacando la importancia de la integración regional y del MERCOSUR como plataforma para la inserción de Argentina y de la región en el mercado internacional. En esta línea, es relevante analizar cómo se ha intentado llevar a la práctica esa redefinición de la integración, considerando que las decisiones al interior del MERCOSUR se toman por consenso y de forma unánime. De igual manera es importante evaluar si las políticas integracionistas en Argentina han sido capaces de superar el cambio en el signo político del gobierno. La metodología de trabajo fue cualitativa y se basó en el análisis de discurso y de contenido. Las fuentes de información fueron los discursos oficiales vinculados al MERCOSUR y las normas aprobadas a nivel regional en el año 2016. ; Ever since the 'Cambiemos' (We Change) political coalition took power in Argentina in 2015, a change has been observed in the country's official integrationist discourse: a reassessment has been made of the economic-commercial context, once again raising the need to establish agreements with other economic blocs and countries in order to stimulate regional trade. Moreover, relations within the economic bloc have also been modified, leading to Venezuela's growing isolation and its eventual suspension. However, official government discourse has continued to highlight the importance of regional integration and of Mercosur as a platform for the insertion of Argentina and the region in the international market. In terms of this scenario, it is relevant to analyze how this redefinition of integration has been carried out, and not forgetting that decisions within Mercosur are taken by consensus and unanimously. Likewise, it is important to assess as to whether integrationist policies in Argentina have been able to withstand the changes in political signals being issued by the government. The research methodology used in this study was qualitative and based on discourse and content analysis. The sources of information were official speeches referencing Mercosur and regulations approved at the regional level in 2016.

Entre 1990 y el 2015 la evolución del comercio internacional fue marcada por la tensión entre dos aparentemente contradictorias tendencias: de un lado la creciente globalización del comercio y del otro, una variedad de gobiernos construyendo bloques: UE, NAFTA, MERCOSUR, UNASUR, Alianza del Pacifico, ALBA. Aquí está presente la noción de una economía global regionalizada En este contexto el problema de investigación planteado es el siguiente: ¿podremos los pueblos sudamericanos, aislados y desunidos, con pequeños mercados, desordenados y sucios, llenos de mendigos, prostitutas y delincuentes y una población sin identidad nacional y regional, con un estado débil, industrializarnos, arribar al desarrollo y construir un proyecto nacional? La alienación, la pobreza, la exclusión social y la desigualdad son problemas persistentes en nuestros países. En el caso peruano la pobreza se agudiza por las dimensiones inauditas que ha adquirido el centralismo en la capital. ¿Es necesaria la integración de las economías en la región sudamericana? Frente a esta problemática planteamos el siguiente objetivo: demostrar que los países de la UNASUR constituyen una unidad geográfica, histórica, política cultural, en la perspectiva de construir una gran nación. Y la hipótesis consiguiente es que los países de la UNASUR constituyen una unidad geográfica, política, cultural, pero la división que existe entre ellos hace que tengan mercados muy pequeños y con la globalización y la implementación del neoliberalismo, estados muy débiles, lo que provoca una creciente desigualdad y en términos de balance de poder, ninguna trascendencia en el escenario internacional. La integración es la única alternativa posible de convertirnos en una nación. La investigación nos llevo al siguiente resultado: si en verdad queremos que la historia tenga la marca de sudamerica y no que sudamerica este marcada por la historia decidida por otros, la integración de nuestros países en la UNASUR es necesaria e imprescindible. La solidaridad es básica frente a la globalización de la economía, mas aun si hay países como Chile, Perú, Colombia, que ven desaparecer sus condiciones de viabilidad y corren el riesgo de ser declarados estados fallidos. ; --- In the 1990 and 2015 the evolution of international trade was marked by the tension between two apparently contradictory trends: on the one hand, the growing liberalization of trade: on the other a variety of governments·projects to set up trading blocs. The most important of these trading areas is the European Union, but the apparent trend toward regionalization of the world economy was present in other areas of the world, as exemplified by the North American Free Trade agreement (NAFTA), MERCOSUR, UNASUR, APEC, ALBA. Here is present the notion of a regionalized global economy. The investigation problem: can we the south American peoples, isolated and disjointed, with small markets, untidy, and dirty, full of beggars, prostitutes and criminals and a population without national and regional identity, with a weak state, arriving to industrialize and build a national development project? Alienation, poverty, social exclusion and inequality are persistent problems in our countries. In Peru poverty exacerbated by the unprecedented dimensions has taken centralism in the capital. The integration of the economies in the south American region is needed. Faced this problem we propose the following objective: to show that the countries of UNASUR unit constitute a geographical, historical, political, cultural, but the division between them makes them very small markets with globalization and the implementation of neoliberalism, very weak states, resulting in rising inequality and in terms of balance of power, no significance on the international stage. Integration is the only possible alternative of becoming a nation. The research led us to the following: If we really want history to have the mark of south America, and not for south America history to be determinate by others, the integration of our countries with UNASUR is necessary and indispensable. Solidarity is basic facing the globalization of the economy, even more if there are countries like Chile, Peru, and Colombia who see their feasibility disappearing and the risk of being declared failed states. Keywords: globalization, regionalization, integration, UNASUR. ; Tesis

Entre 1990 y el 2015 la evolución del comercio internacional fue marcada por la tensión entre dos aparentemente contradictorias tendencias: de un lado la creciente globalización del comercio y del otro, una variedad de gobiernos construyendo bloques: UE, NAFTA, MERCOSUR, UNASUR, Alianza del Pacifico, ALBA. Aquí está presente la noción de una economía global regionalizada En este contexto el problema de investigación planteado es el siguiente: ¿podremos los pueblos sudamericanos, aislados y desunidos, con pequeños mercados, desordenados y sucios, llenos de mendigos, prostitutas y delincuentes y una población sin identidad nacional y regional, con un estado débil, industrializarnos, arribar al desarrollo y construir un proyecto nacional? La alienación, la pobreza, la exclusión social y la desigualdad son problemas persistentes en nuestros países. En el caso peruano la pobreza se agudiza por las dimensiones inauditas que ha adquirido el centralismo en la capital. ¿Es necesaria la integración de las economías en la región sudamericana? Frente a esta problemática planteamos el siguiente objetivo: demostrar que los países de la UNASUR constituyen una unidad geográfica, histórica, política cultural, en la perspectiva de construir una gran nación. Y la hipótesis consiguiente es que los países de la UNASUR constituyen una unidad geográfica, política, cultural, pero la división que existe entre ellos hace que tengan mercados muy pequeños y con la globalización y la implementación del neoliberalismo, estados muy débiles, lo que provoca una creciente desigualdad y en términos de balance de poder, ninguna trascendencia en el escenario internacional. La integración es la única alternativa posible de convertirnos en una nación. La investigación nos llevo al siguiente resultado: si en verdad queremos que la historia tenga la marca de sudamerica y no que sudamerica este marcada por la historia decidida por otros, la integración de nuestros países en la UNASUR es necesaria e imprescindible. La solidaridad es básica frente a la globalización de la economía, mas aun si hay países como Chile, Perú, Colombia, que ven desaparecer sus condiciones de viabilidad y corren el riesgo de ser declarados estados fallidos. ; --- In the 1990 and 2015 the evolution of international trade was marked by the tension between two apparently contradictory trends: on the one hand, the growing liberalization of trade: on the other a variety of governments·projects to set up trading blocs. The most important of these trading areas is the European Union, but the apparent trend toward regionalization of the world economy was present in other areas of the world, as exemplified by the North American Free Trade agreement (NAFTA), MERCOSUR, UNASUR, APEC, ALBA. Here is present the notion of a regionalized global economy. The investigation problem: can we the south American peoples, isolated and disjointed, with small markets, untidy, and dirty, full of beggars, prostitutes and criminals and a population without national and regional identity, with a weak state, arriving to industrialize and build a national development project? Alienation, poverty, social exclusion and inequality are persistent problems in our countries. In Peru poverty exacerbated by the unprecedented dimensions has taken centralism in the capital. The integration of the economies in the south American region is needed. Faced this problem we propose the following objective: to show that the countries of UNASUR unit constitute a geographical, historical, political, cultural, but the division between them makes them very small markets with globalization and the implementation of neoliberalism, very weak states, resulting in rising inequality and in terms of balance of power, no significance on the international stage. Integration is the only possible alternative of becoming a nation. The research led us to the following: If we really want history to have the mark of south America, and not for south America history to be determinate by others, the integration of our countries with UNASUR is necessary and indispensable. Solidarity is basic facing the globalization of the economy, even more if there are countries like Chile, Peru, and Colombia who see their feasibility disappearing and the risk of being declared failed states. Keywords: globalization, regionalization, integration, UNASUR. ; Tesis

El sector público español está viviendo una verdadera revolución como consecuencia de la adopción generalizada de la administración electrónica. Se trata de un cambio no solo tecnológico, sino organizativo y cultural. La introducción de herramientas tecnológicas está derivando en profundos cambios internos en el modelo organizativo de las administraciones y en sus relaciones. Por otra parte, los sistemas de redes distribuidas basadas en tecnologías de cadena de bloques (blockchain technology en su denominación anglosajona), están emergiendo como un cambio disruptivo en el ámbito de la tecnología. Sin embargo, aunque ya está impactando profundamente en muchos ámbitos, como en la economía o en el comercio, su aplicación en el ámbito gubernamental y administrativo es un área que está todavía por desarrollar. ¿Realmente puede aportar beneficios en esta materia? ¿Cómo podría aplicarse esta tecnología en los procesos administrativos? Para conocer cuánto de cierto hay en este fenómeno y qué beneficios puede aportar al mundo de la administración electrónica, este trabajo hace un análisis del funcionamiento de las redes basadas en cadenas de bloques, con la red Bitcoin como principal referente y una revisión de la todavía escasa bibliografía existente en esta materia. Posteriormente, analiza los recursos tecnológicos en los que se basan los sistemas de administración electrónica desplegados en la actualidad para ver cómo pueden verse beneficiados con las funcionalidades provistas por blockchain. Finalmente, se propone el uso de una red basada en cadena de bloques como registro común, centralizado y fehaciente de los expedientes tramitados por las administraciones públicas y los documentos que los integran. ; El sector públic espanyol està vivint una veritable revolució com a conseqüència de l'adopció generalitzada de l'administració electrònica. Es tracta d'un canvi no només tecnològic, sinó organitzatiu i cultural. La introducció d'eines tecnològiques està derivant en profunds canvis interns en el model organitzatiu de les administracions i en les seves relacions. D'altra banda, els sistemes de xarxes distribuïdes basades en tecnologies de cadenes de blocs (blockchain technology en la seva denominació anglesa), estan emergint com un canvi disruptiu en l'àmbit de la tecnologia. Tot i que ja està impactant profundament en molts àmbits, com l'economia o el comerç, la seva aplicació en l'àmbit governamental i administratiu és una àrea que està encara per desenvolupar. Realment pot aportar beneficis en aquesta matèria? Com es podria aplicar aquesta tecnologia en processos administratius? Per conèixer quanta veritat hi ha en aquest fenomen i quins beneficis pot aportar al món de l'administració electrònica, aquest treball fa una anàlisi del funcionament de les xarxes basades en blockchain, amb la xarxa Bitcoin com a principal referent i una revisió de l'encara escassa bibliografia existent en aquesta matèria. Posteriorment, analitza els recursos tecnològics en què es basen els sistemes d'administració electrònica desplegats en l'actualitat per veure com es poden veure beneficiats amb les funcionalitats proveïdes per blockchain. Finalment, es proposa l'ús d'una xarxa basada en cadena de blocs com a registre comú, centralitzat i fefaent dels expedients tramitats per les administracions públiques i els documents que els integren. ; The Spanish public sector is experiencing a real revolution as a result of the widespread adoption of electronic administration. It is a change not only technological, but organizational and cultural. The introduction of technological tools is leading to profound internal changes in the organizational model of administrations and their relationships. On the other hand, distributed network systems based on blockchain technologies are emerging as a disruptive technological change. However, although it is already having a profound impact in many areas, such as the economy or trade, its application in e-government and administrative field is still in development. Can it really bring benefits in this matter? How could this technology be applied in administrative processes? To know how much truth there is in this phenomenon and what benefits it can bring to the world of e-government, this work makes an analysis of networks based on blockchain, with the Bitcoin as the main reference and a review of the still scarce bibliography existing in this matter. Subsequently, it analyzes the technological resources on which the e-administration systems currently deployed are based to see how they can benefit from the functionalities provided by blockchain. Finally, the use of a blockchain based network is proposed as a common, centralized and reliable record of the files processed by public administrations and the documents that comprise them.

This anthology coincides with Pakistan's 70-year independence celebrations and SDPI's 25 years as a research and advocacy organisation. The journey of both has been similar and monumental. From a country with a negligible industrial base, Pakistan's economy is now worth nearly USD 300 billion. Opening its doors as a small think-tank struggling to survive with unpredictable and meagre funding avenues, SDPI is now ranked and recognised internationally as the 15th Top Think Tanks in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. The book is a canvas, not just of ideas about where Pakistan needs to go in the next decade to realise the United Nations 'great' sustainability agenda under the Sustainable Development Goals, it is also an honest assessment of serious challenges the nation faces such as religious and gender discrimination, climate change and debt restructuring. But Pakistan is not alone. If anything, the volume also tells the story of other neighbouring countries, like Afghanistan and Sri Lanka, which are battling their own demons of conflict, envisaging their people's determination towards the shared dream of a peaceful, inclusive and well-governed civilisation. The authors help deepen our reflection on how 'policy' can be linked with 'practice', how to grapple with the foreboding reality of climate change in a country and region which has witnessed far too many weather-related calamities in the recent past and of late, and review the role of monetary institutions and regional blocs. They ponder the architecture of peace in countries hit by war and internal strife, and take stock of how this region treats its minorities.

Nevitte, Neil, André Blais, Elisabeth Gidengil and Richard Nadeau.
Unsteady State: The 1997 Canadian Federal Election. By Duff Spafford 177Arend, Sylvie et Christiane Rabier. Le processus politique. Environnement, prise de décision et pouvoir. Par Christine Bout de l'An 178Cairns, Alan C., John C. Courtney, Peter MacKinnon, Hans J. Michelmann and David E. Smith, eds. Citizenship, Diversity, and Pluralism: Canadian and Comparative Perspectives. By Idil Boran 180Benoit, William L. Seeing Spots: A Functional Analysis of Presidential
Advertisements, 1952-1996. By Richard Jenkins 182Reichmann, Rebecca, ed. Race in Contemporary Brazil: From Indifference to Inequality. By Ronald Schmidt, Sr. 183McLaren, Peter. Che Guevara, Paulo Freire, and the Pedagogy of
Revolution. By Marco A. Navarro-Génie 184Laffan, Michael. The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Fein Party 1916-1923. By Gretchen Macmillan 186Schmitter, Philippe C. How to Democratize the European Union . . . and
Why Bother? By Amir Abedi 187Mandelbaum, Michael, ed. The New European Diasporas: National Minorities and Conflict in Eastern Europe. By Pál Dunay 189Guibernau, Monserrat. Nations without States: Political Communities in
a Global Age. By Margaret Moore 192Arneil, Barbara. Politics and Feminism. By Judith Squires 193Miller, David. Principles of Social Justice. By Annabelle Lever 195Carens, Joseph H. Culture, Citizenship, and Community: A Contextual
Exploration of Justice as Evenhandedness. By Monique Deveaux 197Joppke, Christian and Steven Lukes, eds. Multicultural Questions. By Alan Patten 198Steinhart, Eric. On Nietzsche. By Craig Beam 200Verma, Vidhu. Justice, Equality and Community: An Essay in Marxist
Political Theory. By Brian Caterino 201Stoett, Peter. Human and Global Security: An Exploration of Terms. By Lowell Ewert 203Clement, Norris C., Gustavo del Castillo Vera, James Gerber, William A. Kerr, Alan J. MacFadyen, Stanford Shedd, Eduardo Zepeda and Diane Alarcón. North American Economic Integration: Theory and Practice. By Tony Porter 204Enloe, Cynthia. Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing
Women's Lives. By Maya Eichler 205Youngs, Gillian. International Relations in a Global Age: A Conceptual Challenge. By Sandra Whitworth 207Paul, T.V. and John A. Hall, eds. International Order and the Future of
World Politics. By Kim Richard Nossal 208Deng, Yong and Fei-Ling Wang, eds. In the Eyes of the Dragon: China Views the World. By Jeremy Paltiel 210Regan, Patrick M. Civil Wars and Foreign Powers: Outside Intervention in
Intrastate Conflict. By Stephen Ryan 212Sandler, Todd and Keith Hartley. The Political Economy of NATO: Past, Present, and into the 21st Century. By David G. Haglund 213Yeung, May T., Nicholas Perdikis and William A. Kerr. Regional
Trading Blocs in the Global Economy: The EU and ASEAN. By Richard Stubbs 215Zeiler, Thomas W. Free Trade, Free World: The Advent of GATT. By Sir
Nicholas Bayne, KCMG 216

Looking for accurate, up-to-date data on development issues? 'World Development Indicators' is the World Bank's premier annual compilation of data about development. This indispensable statistical reference allows you to consult over 800 indicators for more than 150 economies and 14 country groups in more than 90 tables. It provides a current overview of the most recent data available as well as important regional data and income group analysis in six thematic sections: World View, People, Environment, Economy, States and Markets, and Global Links. 'World Development Indicators 2011' presents

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction and Course of Work: In 2007, at their meeting in Tanzania, the central bank governors of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) laid out a strategy to strengthen regional integration, containing the development of a common market by 2015, fixed exchange rates by 2016, and, ultimately, a monetary union with a single currency in 2018. In pursuit of this agenda, a free trade area absent of intra-regional tariffs was arranged in August 2008 with a regional customs union to follow this year. The currently fourteen member countries of the SADC committed themselves towards achieving economic convergence and to deepen monetary cooperation. In the 21st century, Africa finds itself increasingly separated from economic developments in the remaining world and fails to prosper from increased globalization. Despite a large abundance in natural resources, many countries have suffered from an extremely poor economic performance, which mainly originated from internal strives and weak and distortionary policies. Inward looking governments, conducting clientele policies, are focused on reaping economic rents rather than on fostering growth. Furthermore, tribal conflicts and civil war have sparked recurring border conflicts with neighboring countries. Although Africa has seen a large number of regional arrangements and trading blocs throughout the continent, the overall success for growth and trade expansion was limited. Against this background, the formation of a monetary union is believed to counteract economic and political weaknesses, to improve regional cooperation and to enhance both the political and economic standing in the world. A monetary union and a common currency entails both gains and losses for its members. On the cost side, countries in a monetary union effectively loose the ability to pursue independent monetary policies and to use the exchange rate as adjustment instrument to stabilize the economy. On the other hand, countries inside a monetary union benefit from reduced transaction costs and the elimination of internal exchange rate volatility. Furthermore, countries which suffer from weak internal stability and high inflation rates benefit by using the fixed exchange rate in a monetary union as external anchor. By transferring the power over monetary policy to a supranational central bank, the risk of homegrown inflation and currency devaluations is banished and economic agents are able to borrow at more favorable interest rates. Both the gains and losses from a monetary union are determined by structural characteristics inside the countries. If, in total, the benefits from a single currency exceed the costs in that the constraints imposed by fixed exchange rates are not harmful to the economy, the countries constitute an optimum currency area. In essence, the theory of optimum currency areas considers the desirability for each country to join a monetary union. The trade off between costs and benefits is affected by three features: First, the degree of intra-country trade influences the gains in efficiency and reduced uncertainty from fixing the exchange rate. Second, the degree of correlation in output fluctuations determines whether a common monetary policy is adequate for all countries. And third, the response to output shocks is eased by several adjustment mechanisms, including price flexibility and factor mobility, which restore the initial equilibrium. The purpose of this study is to evaluate whether a monetary union in Southern Africa is both desirable and feasible from an economic point of view, to discuss institutional challenges and requirements, and to give direction for which countries are best candidates to form a monetary union. Both the motivation and requirements for a successful monetary union are drawn from the theory of optimum currency areas. Unfortunately, the various aspects of the theory have been gradually developed over time and are often confounded and fragmentary in theoretical work. The aim is therefore to first derive a framework that includes relevant benefits and costs, which are subsequently related to country-specific structural criteria. Since economic integration is an important aspect for Africa, emphasis will be put on the endogenous trade effects of monetary integration. Similarly, special attention is given to fiscal distortions and weak institutions, which are sources of high inflation rates and low monetary credibility. Next, the theoretical foundations are applied to the SADC to examine the suitability of countries to form a monetary union. Although a number of studies have discussed monetary integration in various parts of Africa (Masson and Pattillo 2001, Debrun, Masson and Pattillo 2005, and Houssa 2008, for instance, cover monetary unification in West Africa while Kishor and Ssozi 2009 analyze the East African Community), relatively little has been done concerning the SADC in particular. Relevant exceptions are Agbeyegbe, Bayoumi and Ostry, Buigut and Valev, Karras and Khamfula and Huizinga. However, while the studies mentioned typically focus on one aspect of the theory of optimum currency areas, there are very few attempts so far to include all relevant aspects in one framework. Overall, the findings suggest that a monetary union encompassing the whole SADC is infeasible at this stage, and unlikely in the foreseeable future. However, there is evidence for a monetary union consisting of a smaller group of countries, based on the long standing CMA arrangement. In addition to South Africa, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland, countries proposed for a monetary union are Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia. On the other hand, there is little evidence that the remaining countries would benefit from monetary unification in any time soon. Countries in the SADC generally differ much in their economic and political development. While some countries, namely South Africa, feature a relatively advanced economy, other countries like Congo and Zimbabwe experienced economic deterioration and high inflation rates. Especially the findings of low regional trade intensities do not hold much promise of large gains from transaction cost savings. Furthermore, both the comovement of business cycles and the correlation of output disturbances are strikingly low, indicating that a common monetary policy is unsuited for most countries. For a small number of countries with a history of high and volatile inflation rates, a common, stable currency would be however attractive in giving higher price stability and an institutional framework to insulate monetary policy from domestic fiscal pressures. Nevertheless, this path is unrealistic since it will be impossible to merge the interests of undisciplined countries with those of low inflation countries like South Africa. In sum, it is inadvisable to proceed with monetary unification to rashly. A monetary union is far from certain to promote regional integration and should not be seen as substitute for political initiatives to solve regional problems and restraining poor fiscal policies. The analysis is divided into three main sections: Section 2 reviews the theoretical implications from the theory of optimum currency areas. After introducing the benefits and costs from monetary unification, both the traditional and endogenous criteria are described to judge the desirability of a monetary union. Next, two models of monetary policy are presented so as to formalize the concept of monetary cooperation. Section 3 subsequently applies the criteria to the SADC. Special attention is given to the correlation of business cycles and comovement of output shocks. A structural vector autoregression analysis is carried out in order to separate underlying supply and demand shocks from output disturbances. Section 4 evaluates the feasibility of a monetary union in the SADC by drawing lessons from the CMA and EMU. Finally, further challenges in the transition to a monetary union are pointed out. Section 5 summarizes and concludes.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: List of Figuresiii List of Tablesiii List of Abbreviationsiii 1.Introduction1 2.Theoretical Foundations of the Optimum Currency Area Theory5 2.1Benefits and Costs of Monetary Integration7 2.1.1Benefits of Monetary Integration8 2.1.2Costs of Monetary Integration11 2.2Criteria of Optimum Currency Areas12 2.3Endogenous Effects in Monetary Integration17 2.4Policy Implications20 2.5Fiscal Distortions and Monetary Credibility22 2.6Theoretical Conclusions27 3.Theory and Empirical Evidence in the Southern African Development Community28 3.1The Economic Situation and Convergence in Southern Africa29 3.2Empirical Approaches of the Optimum Currency Area Theory and Evidence in Southern Africa38 3.3Correlation and Structure of Output Shocks and Business Cycles46 3.4Results52 4.Evaluating the feasibility of the SADC as a Monetary Union and future Prospects54 4.1The Experience of the Common Monetary Area56 4.2Lessons from the European Monetary Union58 4.3The role of Monetary and Fiscal Policies in Southern Africa60 4.4Challenges and the Path to a Monetary Union62 5.Summary and Conclusion68 AAppendix70 A.1Appendix for Section 2.570 A.2Appendix for Section 3.372Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3, Theory and Empirical Evidence in the Southern African Development Community: To recapitulate: The main criteria which have been identified in the optimum currency area theory are (i) the correlation of output shocks, (ii) the extent of regional trade and production diversification, (iii) financial integration, (iv) price flexibility and factor mobility, and (v), inflation differentials and fiscal distortions. It is generally accepted that the formation of a monetary union requires participants to first achieve convergence in a variety of criteria. In this respect, fiscal and institutional convergence and low debt burdens are of special interest since both are a measure of sustainable economic policy. Furthermore, a similar level of per capita income indicates that countries have comparable institutional developments and interests. A monetary union that fails to satisfy these preconditions tends to be instable and may lack credibility from the very beginning. Over the last years however, a number countries in the SADC have experienced an increasing rate of divergence. The transition process in the SADC towards a monetary union is supported by a number of preceding arrangements. The Southern African Customs Union between South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Lesotho and Swaziland has promoted a certain degree of regional trade. Economic integration has been however limited since the main objective of the customs union was to ease the collection of customs duties rather than industrial cooperation. Regional integration within the SADC advanced in 2008 with the Free Trade Area, which established zero tariffs for 85% of traded goods. However, for goods that have been declared as import-sensitive, most notably food and clothing, liberalization has been deferred. The overall impact on regional trade is therefore uncertain. Despite various efforts for trade liberalization in the past, political commitment has been low so far. Financial relations in the SADC are mainly limited to foreign direct investments. Nevertheless, some recent efforts have been made to harmonize national payment systems. Moreover, the SADC has agreed to work towards full currency convertibility. Since microeconomic data for Africa is scarce, the empirical evidence on optimum currency areas is mainly based on the correlation of output shocks and inflation or exchange rate differentials. Of the other criteria, factor mobility and price flexibility are especially hard to measure and estimates rely on very few observations. Not all of the criteria can therefore be analyzed in similar depth or for the same set of countries. Data was obtained from the World Bank World Development Indicators, the United Nations statistics division, the International Monetary Fund and the African Economic Outlook Database. 3.1, The Economic Situation and Convergence in Southern Africa: The SADC is unique among all regional arrangements in Africa due to the dominant role of South Africa. With a share of over 65% in real GDP (USD at 2000 prices) and 18% of the total population, South Africa is by far the largest and most industrialized economy in the region. In comparison, the remaining countries differ remarkably in size, income and economic structure. The Seychelles, the smallest country with little more than 85,000 residents, is the richest country with a real per capita income (in PPP) of over 19,000 USD in 2008 while Congo and Zimbabwe are among the poorest countries in the world with a real per capita income of approximately 290 USD and 185 USD respectively (see table 1). Life expectancy is low for most countries with an average of 53 years (ranging from 44 years in Zimbabwe to 73 years in the Seychelles) which is an indicator for the high poverty rate among the population. Income inequality as measured by the GINI Index varies considerably across contries, where South Africa (58), Angola (58) and Namibia (70) display one of the highest inequalities worldwide. Economic growth was robust for almost all countries since 1990 except in Congo and Zimbabwe and accelerated in Angola, Mauritius, Tanzania and Mozambique in recent years. Average annual GDP growth from 1990-2008 was highest for Angola (6.2%) due to increasing oil export revenues, but also the most volatile with a standard deviation of 10.5. In the four countries of the CMA, the growth performance was driven by the end of Apartheid in South Africa in 1994 and averaged to 3.7% from 1990-2008. The reeintegration of the South African economy in the world market attracted new foreign investors and trade, and more than tripled growth rates in the post-Apartheid period (from 1980-1992 the average was 1.1. On the other hand, Zimbabwe and until recently Congo experienced a drastic fall in income levels. While Congo still suffers from the aftermath of the civil war and political instability, Zimbabwe was run down by the Mugabe regime. Since at the same time these countries also have the lowest per capita income levels, it appears that the economies in the SADC diverge. Figure (4) illustrates the relationship between average per capita growth rates and relative income for 14 SADC members in the period 1990-2008. The results show that most countries with an initially high income level also had the highest average growth rates, which led to a widening of the income gap (striking examples are Botswana and Mauritius). The ambiguous relationship is a sign that positive developments in individual countries were determined by external factors rather than by improved regional cooperation. Production structure and trade: Production and export structures vary to a large extent among the SADC. While South Africa, Lesotho, Zimbabwe and Swaziland have a relatively advanced manufacturing sector, most other countries depend on primary goods production (except for Mauritius which is specialized in financial services). In the rural countries Malawi, Tanzania, Congo, Mozambique and Madagascar, agriculture still accounts for a large, although declining production share. Raw materials (mining and oil) are a main income source for Angola, Botswana, Zambia, Congo and Namibia and contribute to a large part of foreign reserves. Accordingly, those countries usually exhibit surpluses in their trade and current account (see table 1). Similar to production structures, the composition of merchandise trade reported in table (2) differs considerably across countries. A higher income level is generally associated with high export shares in manufacturing and primary products, while low income countries tend to export food products and import manufactures. As a result of different production and trade structures, the ratio of intra-industry trade are ineffectual small for all countries except South Africa, reflecting the low degree of industrialization. Regional trade in the SADC is dominated by South Africa, which exports high value manufactures in return for small amounts of raw material imports. Especially countries inside the SACU maintain important trade connections to South Africa. Commodity imports from South Africa represent on average over 44% of total imports in other SADC countries and account for approximately 80% of total imports in Lesotho, Swaziland, Namibia and Botswana (see table 3). On the other hand, export shares from the SADC towards South Africa amounts to only 15% on average with Swaziland (38%), Namibia and Lesotho (both 27%) having the strongest trade linkages. As a result, South Africa typically generates substantial regional trade surpluses. In contrast, trade integration among the remaining SADC countries is at very low levels, also because of a shortage in infrastructure. The only substantial trade flows are between neighboring Namibia and Angola (10% of Namibias exports), Zimbabwe and neighboring Zambia (14% of Zimbabwes exports) and landlocked Swaziland and Mozambique (9% of Swazilands exports). Although informal trade is assumed to account for a large proportion of total trade, most of the regional trade flows are negligible. To promote intra-regional trade, various efforts have been started in recent years. Overall trade has been substantially liberalized in the past and import restrictions reduced so that effective tariff protection rates declined in most countries. Accordingly, the average share of regional merchandise exports in percent to total merchandise exports increased from 8% in 1990 to 19% in 2008, and overall merchandise exports have grown on average by 10% per year since 1990.

Раздел "Международные экономические отношения" ; Внешняя политика КНР направлена на повышение роли Китая в международных вопросах и создание благоприятных условий для развития экономики. Китай неизменно претворяет в жизнь концепцию Дэн Сяопина, придерживается независимой и самостоятельной внешней политики, выступает в защиту территориальной целостности страны и суверенитета. Руководство КНР подчеркивает, что в международной политике Китай направляет усилия на обеспечение мира, не вступает ни в какие союзы и блоки, добивается добрососедских отношений с соседними странами. Между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой достигнут высокий уровень сотрудничества. КНР является основным политическим и торгово-экономическим партнером Беларуси в Азии. Решающее значение для становления и развития двустороннего политического сотрудничества между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой сыграло совпадение позиций по широкому кругу международных вопросов и поддержка друг друга в международных организациях. Создана значительная договорно-правовая база двусторонних отношений, охватывающая широкий круг вопросов сотрудничества между Республикой Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республикой. Подписанные договоры, программы и соглашения стали основой для становления, развития и укрепления связей Республики Беларусь и Китайской Народной Республики и обеспечили их стабильное развитие на долгосрочную перспективу. Закрепление в различных документах получило торгово-экономическое, научно-техническое, военное сотрудничество, сотрудничество в сфере образования, культуры. Китай действительно развивается стремительным темпом, что подтверждается различными показателями роста экономики. Характеризуя сложившуюся экономическую ситуацию в Китае, можно выделить следующие моменты: высокий рост инвестиций и экспорта; изменение структуры потребления в сторону строительства жилья, рынка автомобилей, потреблению средств связи; структурные изменения в экономике, связанные с привлечением новейших технологий и улучшение уровня жизни населения. Экономический подъем в Китае из года в год создает реальные предпосылки для успешной работы белорусских субъектов хозяйствования в КНР. Однако сегодня белорусский экспорт практически не заметен на этом перспективном и платежеспособном рынке. Для экспортоориентированной экономики Беларуси подобное состояние дел в торговле с ведущей страной Азии непозволительно. Более того, это происходит на фоне впечатляющих темпов развития Китая. В связи с этим, представляется целесообразным учесть в стратегии сотрудничества с КНР следующие основные моменты: 1) Развитие инфраструктуры торгово-экономических связей: задействования банков и страховых компаний двух стран для совершенствования расчетно-платежных отношений, кредитования поставок сложной машинотехнической продукции и оборудования с длительным циклом изготовления, финансирования инвестиционных проектов; совершенствование структуры транспортных перевозок, внедрение прогрессивных форм таможенного и санитарного контроля; развитие электронной торговли, а также прикладных информационных технологий. 2) Участие Беларуси в программах хозяйственного подъема западных провинций КНР. 3) Развитие прямой торговли с Китаем, без участия посредников, на основе расширения совместной торговой инфраструктуры — выставок, представительств, создания торговых и сервисных сетей. 4) Беларусь и Китай находятся на большом удалении друг от друга, поэтому необходимо развитие электронной торговли. 5) Состояние белорусско-китайской торговли показывает, что необходимо коренное изменение представлений белорусских экспортеров о Китае, как стране производящей высокотехническую продукцию. 6) По-прежнему концентрируя основные усилия на привлечении иностранного капитала, в Китае придают все большее значение инвестированию за рубеж. Правительство разработало специальную стратегию выхода на внешние рынки китайских фирм и предприятий. 7) Для китайских компаний также существуют немалые ниши для укрепления своих позиций на белорусском рынке. В первую очередь, это поставки недорогого и не уступающего западным аналогам оборудования для технической модернизации отечественных производителей, а также бытовой техники и товаров народного потребления в части, дополняющей ассортимент, производимый в Беларуси. В республике разработана стратегическая Программа активизации торгово-экономического сотрудничества с КНР на 2004—2008 гг. В программе отражены мероприятия по увеличению объемов экспорта белорусских предприятий в КНР, развитию товаропроводящей сети, выставочно-ярмарочной деятельности, созданию совместных предприятий (производств) на территории КНР, привлечению китайских инвестиций и финансовой помощи, дальнейшему развитию регионального сотрудничества с провинциями Китая. Реализация Программы позволит выполнить поставленные задачи по увеличению товарооборота между Беларусью и Китаем. = The foreign policy of the People's Republic of China is directed at raising China's role in the international life and creation of favourable conditions for its economic development. China steadily realizes the concept of Deng Xiaoping, adhering to the independent foreign policy policy, advocating territorial integrity and sovereignty. China's leadership emphasizes that in its international politics China supports peace, stays outside all unions and blocs and seeks good neighbourly relations with the bordering countries. The Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China can boast a high level of cooperation. China is the main political, trade and economic partner of Belarus in Asia. The decisive role for the formation and evolution of bilateral political cooperation between the Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China was played by the agreement in their opinions on a wide range of international issues and mutual support in the international organizations. The countries have established a significant legal treaty base for the bilateral relations involving different aspects of cooperation. The existing treaties, programmes and agreements underlie the formation, development and strengthening of ties between the Republic of Belarus and the People's Republic of China, thus providing their stable development in the long-term. Trade and economic, scientific and engineering, military, educational, cultural cooperation was fixed in various documents. China is indeed developing rapidly and showing various high indeces of economic growth. While characterizing the current economic situation in China, one can point out high investment and export growth, the shift of consumption pattern towards house-building, automobile and communications markets, and structural changes in the economy related to the latest technologies and the growth of standards of living. The economic boom in China from year to year creates real prerequisites for the successful work of Belarusian economic subjects in China. However, Belarusian export is currently almost insignificant on this promising and profitable market. The author states that it is unfitting for Belarus with its export oriented economy to have the existing level of cooperation with this leading Asian state. Moreover, it is happening against the background of impressing economic growth rates in China. In this connection, the author considers it advisable to take into account the following basic aspects when realizing the strategy of cooperation with China: 1) the development of infrastructure of trade and economic relations: involvement of banks and insurance companies of the two countries to improve the relations in the payments sphere, the crediting of deliveries of complex machinery and equipment with a long production cycle, financing of investment projects, the structure of transportation, introduction of new forms of customs and sanitary control, development of e-trade and applied information technologies; 2) participation of Belarus in the programmes of economic upswing of the China western provinces; 3) development of direct trade with China without any mediators on the basis of expansion of joint trade infrastructure: exhibitions, offices, trade and service networks; 4) development of e-trade because of long distance between two states; 5) radical change of awareness of Belarusian exporters about China as a country manufacturing high-tech produce; 6) while focusing its main efforts on attracting foreign capital, China gives ever greater importance to the investment expansion. The government elaborated a special strategy of foreign market entry for the Chinese companies and manufacturers; 7) Chinese companies also enjoy ample opportunities for strengthening their positions on the Belarusian market. Primarily, this is connected with supplying equipment to modernize Belarusian industry, competitive both in prices, which are reasonable, ad quality. Domestic appliances and consumer goods in addition to those produced in Belarus are also sold. The Belarusian strategic Programme of Intensification of Trade and Economic Cooperation with the People's Republic of China in 2004—2008 contains actions to increase the volume of export of Belarusian enterprises to China, to develop commodity distrubution network, exhibitions and fairs, to create of joint ventures on China's territory, to attract Chinese investments and financial aid, and to develop further regional cooperation with Chinese provinces. The Programme implementation will lead to the realization of the tasks on turnover growth between Belarus and China.

"Liberal Club established in Guzmán, Jalisco." EXCELSIOR. Mexico, D.F. July 20, 1927. "Obregón will arrive to this city on Monday the 24th." EXCELSIOR. Mexico, D.F. July 20, 1927. Arrival of Gen. Alvaro Obregón to Tacuba from where he addressed the Obregonista Committee Director in Avenida Juárez. "General Arnulfo Gómez returned to the capital yesterday." EXCELSIOR. Mexico, D.F. July 20, 1927. He does not think that this is the way to merge blocs in Congress. GUISA Y AZEVEDO, Jesús. "Failure of the Revolution." EXCELSIOR. Mexico, D.F. July 20, 1927. Pp. 5 and 7. Irrefutable proof." "Una prueba irrecusable". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. July 20, 1927. Failure of the Agrarian movement in Morelos; copy of the Decree No.4 by Governor of Morelos, Ambrosio Puente, against the leasing of parcels of land common tenancy. "Mr. José Ives Limantour comes to Mexico". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. July 20, 1927. "México does not have relations with Soviet communists". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. July 20, 1927. pp. 1 and 3. Speech by the Secretary of Commerce and Industrial Development, Luis N. Morones at the Panamerican Congress of Workers in Washington, U.S.A., in which he defended the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers from alleged accusations of being communist. Synthesis of Mr. William Green's speech, who is President of the Panamerican Labor Federation. "How were serious conflicts between our country and the U.S.A. avoided? " EXCELSIOR. Mexico, D.F. July 20, 1927. The American Labor Federation agreed with President Coolidge not to lift the weapons embargo to our country. / "Club Liberal establecido en Ciudad Guzmán, Jalisco". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. "Obregón llega a esta ciudad el domingo 24". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. Llegada del Gral. Alvaro Obregón a Tacuba desde donde se dirigió al Comité Director Obregonista en Avenida Juárez. "Regresó a la capital ayer el General Arnulfo Gómez". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. "El Gral. Obregón no aprueba la supresión de los líderes". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. No juzga que sea ésta la forma de fusionar los bloques de la Cámara. GUISA Y AZEVEDO, Jesús. "Fracaso de la Revolución". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. pp. 5 y 7. "Una prueba irrecusable". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. Fracaso del agrarismo en Morelos; copia del Decreto No.4 del Gobernador de Morelos, Ambrosio Puente, en contra del arrendamiento de parcelas ejidales. "Viene a México el Sr. D. José Ives Limantour". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. "México no mantiene relaciones con los comunistas soviets". EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. pp. 1 y 3. Discurso del Secretario de Industria, Comercio y Trabajo, Luis N. Morones en el Congreso Obrero Panamericano en Washington, E.U.A., defendiendo a la Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana de las acusaciones que se le hacen de comunista. Síntesis del discurso de Mr. William Green, Presidente de la Federación Panamericana del Trabajo. "Cómo se evitaron graves dificultades entre nuestro país y E.U.A." EXCELSIOR. México, D.F. Julio 20, 1927. La Federación Americana del Trabajo gestionó con el Presidente Coolidge que no se levantara el embargo de armas a nuestra República.