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Abstract: This paper describes historical phases of Madurese identity construction, the origins of Madurese ethnicity, inter-ethnic and inter-cultural relation, Madurese Pendalungan culture, and how Islam involves into cultural identities of the Madurese. In this paper, I will argue that Islam has become part of cultural values of the Madurese, that is, embedded within traditional activities and local wisdom. However, the involvement does not mean to exclude other "non-Islamic" and "non-Madurese" tradition in the process of construing Madurese identity. By exploring how Madurese identity was culturally constructed we could be able to draw more visible connection between religion, tradition, and social identity. This paper illustrates how Madurese identity culturally produced, nurtured, and matured. Since identity is a way of perceiving, interpreting, and representing the existence of people, I persist that Madurese identity has also been produced and reproduced depending on political, social, and cultural situation. In this regard, inter-religious or inter-ethnic relation remains important. [Artikel ini menjelaskan fase terbentuknya identitas orang-orang Madura, asal-usul etnis, hubungan lintas-budaya dan antaretnis, budaya Pendalungan, dan bagaimana Islam berinteraksi dengan identitas budaya orang Madura. Dalam artikel ini saya meneguhkan bahwa Islam telah menjadi bagian tak terpisahkan dari nilai-nilai budaya Madura, yang bisa dilihat dari dalam aktivitas sosial dan kearifan lokal orang Madura. Meski demikian, hal ini tidak menafikan bahwa tradisi "non-Islam" atau "non-Madura" juga memiliki peran dalam proses pembentukan identitas Madura. Dengan mengurai proses konstruksi identitas sosial Madura, seseorang bisa melihat dengan lebih jelas hubungan erat antara agama, tradisi, dan identitas sosial. Artikel ini juga menggambarkan bagaimana identitas Madura diproduksi, dikembangkan, dan dilestarikan. Sebab identitas adalah sebuah persepsi, interpretasi, dan representasi, artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa identitas Madura pun tidak lepas dari tahapan itu: bergantung pada kondisi politik, sosial, ekonomi dan budaya. Dalam konteks ini, relasi antaragama dan antaretnis menjadi sangat penting.]

Raymond Haberski argues that since 1945 the common moral assumptions expressed in an American civil religion have become increasingly defined by the nation's experience with war. God and War traces how three great postwar "trials"--the Cold War, the Vietnam War, and the War on Terror--have revealed the promise and terror of an American civil religion. With the tenth anniversary of 9/11 behind us and the subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan winding down, Americans might now explore whether civil religion can exist apart from the power of war to affirm the value of the nation to its people and the world.

Stability and security as much as the indivisibility of a state depend on relations between it and religion. The relationship between state and religion is as classic as contemporary. Classical, on the one hand, because it is known that this problem has been solved in France in particular since 1905. This has witnessed the demarcation of the state from religion. On the other hand, and above all, contemporary, because in any human society it is widely accepted that either the State has a relationship of intertwining with religion (then referred to as a sectarian state), or it is still totally irrelevant (when it comes to the secular state). The Cameroonian state, for its part, opts for the latter logic. Indeed, since his very first formal constitution, he solemnly affirmed the rejection of a state religion and as a corollary the protection of this fundamental right of religious freedom and equality. The aim is then to protect religious minorities by rejecting a single religion. The constant quest for harmony, social cohesion and thus national unity is showing the rise of churches, which is also leading to the proliferation of religions, in the major cities of Cameroon. This is compounded by the disruption of public order and the violation of other fundamental rights. The study then raises the fundamental question of relations between the state and religion under Cameroonian law. In this order of concern, the Cameroonian Constitution and its subsequent texts explicitly reject the single religion, on the one hand, and implicitly adhere to the plurality of religion, on the other. On the first point, this is made possible by the assertion of the secular nature of the Republic, against the background, the separation of civil society from religious society, the impartiality and neutrality of the State with regard to religious faiths, and the rejection of a super religion. As regards the second point, positive law recognises freedom of religion and provides for it so as to enable any citizen, individually or ...