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"Leadership is demanding and challenging. How do leaders cope? How do they remain fit and strong, and thrive? The authors of Leadership Resilience, a business school academic and a police officer, suggest that many challenges faced by leaders are similar to the challenges experienced by police officers. The isolation; the pressure not to show personal emotions; the expectation that they will deal effectively with confused, frustrated and angry people; and that they can deal with delivering bad news; all contribute to the pressures bearing on leaders and police officers everywhere. The authors argue that these challenges are more pronounced in policing and so more readily identifiable than in other leadership situations. They explore challenges experienced by police officers, look at how they cope with them, and draw lessons for those undertaking leadership roles more generally. Leadership Resilience provides accounts from police officers, in their own words, of difficult experiences they encounter. They describe their feelings about what was important and how they coped with it. Each account is followed by an analysis highlighting what is discussed, and not discussed, in the accounts and identifying lessons that can be drawn by leaders in other situations. All is presented so that it is relevant to different cultures demanding different styles of leadership. Analysis of the engaging experiences featured will help leaders struggling with the gap between leadership education and capability and the demands made of them to survive and thrive, while maintaining their physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual health."

From the perspective of a hierarchically ordered company, the expectations of company leaders concerning their employees' necessary competencies play a greater role than vice versa. This paper light on the expectations of leaders and sub-leaders of micro-, small and medium-sized enterprises concerning the competencies of employees in neighbouring parts of Hungary and Slovakia.The authors' collected 28 scientific papers on the issue of communication competencies in order to map out 21 "common denominators" derived from the combined competence lists. A survey was conducted with 222 respondents to measure the subjective importance assigned to these traits and to observe the respondents' attitudes towards the effectiveness of communication training programmes they had participated in. On the Hungarian side, speech competence proved to be the most crucial competence for business leaders, followed by attention/reflection and interpersonal communication skills. In Slovakia, persuasion was reported to be the most crucial trait, the second most important is the application of confirmation and feedback, and the third is speech competence. In terms of the participants' past communication training experiences, the competences of group communication, assertiveness and leadership skills were reported to have been the main areas of focus. The findings indicate that overall satisfaction with communication training programmes depends on neither the amount of participants' leadership experience nor the companies' field(s) of activity, nor the nationality (i.e. the venue) of the companies. The overall satisfaction rate is 2.53 on a four-grade scale among those who ever attended communication training programmes.

Zijn politieke leiders van belang? Bijvoorbeeld, heeft een buitenwettelijke leiderschapswisseling een effect op economische groei? En heeft politiek stabiliteit hogeropgeleide leiders tot gevolg? Dit zijn enkele van de vragen die behandeld worden in het proefschrift van Shu Yu. Shu concludeert dat in het decennium na een staatsgreep, de economische groeivoet in landen, waar een staatsgreep heeft geleid tot een leiderschapswisseling, significant verschilt van landen, waar een staatsgreep mislukte. De rijkere landen hebben een lage groeivaet, terwijl de armste landen een hogere groeivoet hebben. Om te bepalen of politieke stabiliteit invloed heeft op de selectie van leiders, heeft Shu een theoretisch model geconstrueerd, waarin het optimaal is een hoogopgeleide leider met lage militaire vaardigheden te kiezen als het regime stabiliseert. Empirisch bewijs bevestigt de voorspelling van het model. Shu toont aan dat het overleven van politieke leiders afhangt van de kenmerken van deze leiders, in het bijzonder hun opleidingsniveau en hun militaire achtergrond. Shu laat zien dat, onder een revolutionaire dreiging, economische competentie schadelijk kan zijn voor politiek overleven, maar dat dit effect minder sterk is als de winnende coalitie groter wordt. Bovendien, het tegenovergestelde is waar voor de militaire kundigheid. Empirisch bewijs ondersteunt deze propositie als data wordt gebruikt voor de periode 1875-2004. Shu heeft ook onderzoek gedaan naar het effect van leiders op buitenlands beleid. Zich richtend op de overeenstemming van landen met de V.S. in de Algememe Vergadering van de V.N., vind zij dat leiders, die hun opleiding in het buitenland hebben genoten, loyaliteit aan hun eigen land moeten aantonen door minder in overeenstemming met de V.S. te stemmen dan leiders zonder buitenlandse opleiding. ; Do political leaders matter? For instance, does an extra-legal leadership change affect economic growth? And does political stability result in more educated leaders? These are some of the questions dealt with in the thesis of Shu Yu. Shu concludes that in the decade after a coup d'état, the economic growth rate in countries where a coup d'état caused a leadership change is significantly different from the economic growth rate in countries where a coup attempt failed. The richer countries have lower growth rates while the poorest countries have higher growth rates. To examine whether political stability influences leader selection, Shu builds a theoretical model to show that it is optimal to choose a highly educated leader with less military skills as the regime stabilizes. Empirical evidence shows support for the model's prediction. Shu shows that political leader survival also depends on leaders themselves, especially their educational and military background. She derives the proposition that, under a revolutionary threat, economic competence can be detrimental to political survival, but that the effect decreases as the winning coalition grows. Moreover, the reverse holds for military attainment. Empirical evidence supports the proposition when using data for the period 1875-2004. Shu also examines the impact of leaders on foreign policies. Focusing on countries' alignment with the U.S. at the UNGA for the period 1970-2011, she finds that foreign-educated leaders need to signal loyalty to their own state by voting significantly less in line with the U.S. than domestically educated leaders.

The article examines the question of how integrated the Civil Service reform program is in political discourse, and how the content of these programs depends on political changes. The statements about the Civil Service reform by Russian leaders have been studied in a wide time range from 1916 to 2016. The author had formed large empirical data to have the opportunity to use statistical methods. It was found that most of the statements related to Civil Service reforms chronologically coincide with the periods of social and political instability. The leaders of polar political orientation have voiced textually and substantially similar theses on the bureaucracy reform. All of them can be reduced to a few key themes. The politicians of different generations and political views have statements similar in form and content to each of these themes. For instance, every leader, communist or democrat, voiced the idea about the need for a gradual displacement of bureaucracy structures by the civil society institutions. The most quoted issue was about the public authorities efficiency and about the personnel management. The statements about the Civil Service interaction with society, as well as about corruption and Civil Service relationship with politicians were rarely stated. More or less often were discussed the questions regarding payment system and number of civil servants. Our hypothesis was proved to be right that the general direction of the Civil Service reform is experiencing relatively weak influence from political situation because institutional characteristics of the Civil Service are relatively stable. The statements from politicians about bureaucracy are strongly connected with political cycles and their main purpose is to criticize the previous leader. The promises to reduce bureaucracy, make political system cheaper and closer to people are an important element in pre-election rhetoric of political leaders, which attracts the support of voters to them.

Recent research has shown that natural disasters present political problems for societies, as these events make both citizens and leaders vulnerable. Autocratic leaders use language strategically following natural disasters to maximize their time in office. We introduce a new data set derived from using computational linguistic programs (LIWC and Coh‐Metrix) to explore language patterns in the discourse of three prominent political leaders to uncover their strategies for navigating the political and social problems created by natural disasters. Our analysis covers the speeches of Chairman Mao Tse‐Tung, Commander Fidel Castro, and President Hosni Mubarak. We show that leaders' language reveals their preferences and strategies for accommodating the social, political, and economic shocks created by natural disasters through blaming and credit‐claiming language. Our results provide insight into how autocratic leaders' language reflects these three strategies.

Why has there never been a space war? The most powerful states on Earth – the US, China, Russia – have all developed anti-satellite weapons (ASATs), but they have never used them to destroy each others satellites. This master thesis in International relations (IR) finds that the distribution of space power in the international system has so far been prone to peace in space, but the distribution is gradually becoming more dangerous. A history of international politics between 1957 and 2018 is analysed using a theoretical framework built on four different neorealist theories. If defined widely, neorealism can include at least defensive neorealism (DN), offensive neorealism (ON), power transition theory (PTT) and hegemonic stability theory (HST). The four theories have much in common, but are divided on the question of war. DN and ON argues that a bipolar balance of power is the safest system and multipolarity the most dangerous. PTT and HST argues that a preponderance of power is the safest and power parity the main threat. Two hypotheses, one for each "camp", are formulated from the theories and tested against historical evidence on international space politics in the period between 1957 and 2018. The conclusion is that the distribution of space power has been bipolar in the First Space Age and unipolar in the Second Space, but in the underlying components of space power neither the USSR/Russia or China ever reached up to the US. However, China is rapidly catching up with the US both in space power and the underlying components – and so are other powerful states. The distribution of space power In the international system is becoming more multipolar, and a rising challenger is approaching parity with the dominant one. Thus, according to both camps of neorealism, the world is entering a period with higher risk for space war. The thesis aims to be a stepping stone. Even neorealism, a prominent school within the dominant realist paradigm, has rarely been used to analyse international space politics. The goal of the thesis is to fill a gap in the growing IR literature on space and experiment with neorealism to inspire further research on the topic. ; Por que nunca houve uma guerra espacial? As Grandes Potências - EUA, China e Rússia - desenvolveram armas anti-satélite (ASATs), mas nunca as utilizaram para destruir os satélites uns dos outros. Esta dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais (RI) visa evidenciar que a distribuição do poder espacial no sistema internacional tem sido até agora propensa à paz no espaço, mas a mesma distribuição tende a tornar-se gradualmente mais perigosa. Uma história da política internacional entre 1957 e 2018 é analisada recorrendo a um quadro teórico construído sobre quatro diferentes teorias neo-realistas. Se amplamente definido, o neo-realismo pode incluir, o neo-realismo defensivo (DN), o neo-realismo ofensivo (ON), a teoria da transição de poder (PTT) e a teoria da estabilidade hegemónica (HST). As quatro abordagens têm muito em comum, mas dividem-se sobre a questão da guerra. DN e ON argumentam que a bipolaridade é a estrutura mais segura e a multipolaridade a mais perigosa. PTT e HST argumentam que uma preponderância de poder permite maior segurança, enquanto que a sua paridade é a principal ameaça. Duas hipóteses, uma para cada "campo", são formuladas a partir das teorias e testadas contra evidências históricas da política espacial internacional no período compreendido entre 1957 e 2018. A conclusão é que a distribuição do poder espacial foi bipolar na Primeira Era Espacial e unipolar na Segunda, mas a nível de componentes subjacentes ao poder espacial, nem a URSS / Rússia nem a China alcançam os EUA. No entanto, a China – e outras potências - está a alcançar rapidamente os EUA tanto no poder espacial quanto nos componentes subjacentes. A distribuição do poder espacial no sistema internacional tende a tornar-se multipolar, e uma potência desafiante aproxima-se da paridade com o poder dominante. Assim, de acordo com os dois campos do neo-realismo, entramos num período com maior risco de guerra espacial. Esta dissertação pretende funcionar como ponto de partida e "trampolim". Mesmo o neorrealismo, uma escola proeminente dentro do paradigma realista dominante, raramente é utilizado para analisar a política espacial internacional. O objetivo da dissertação é preencher uma lacuna na crescente literatura de RI sobre o espaço, utilizando o neorrealismo para inspirar mais pesquisas sobre o tema.

More than a decade after the revolutions of 1989, we can see these as a high point of a new, worldwide and increasingly global wave of democratic revolution and counter-revolution. Violent struggles between the political forces unleashed have produced genocidal wars and stimulated global state formation. These developments present concerned citizens and students of international relations and politics with new challenges. This article criticizes two trends in the responses of political intellectuals in the West: the 'new anarchism' of some critical thinkers in the academic discipline of international relations, and 'yesterday's radicalism' which has led some left-wing critics to revive the defence of sovereignty for repressive and genocidal non-Western states. The lecture concludes by outlining an alternative 'new politics' of international relations

Long description: Im Jahr 1980 waren in den USA jene Stimmen nicht mehr zu überhören, die nach moralischer Führung verlangten. Doch aus welchem Stoff war die Forderung nach »Moral Leaders« gestrickt? Felix Krämer ordnet Botschaften und Medien für die Zeitgeschichte der USA neu und verortet eine entscheidende Triebfeder diskursiven Wandels in einer dynamischen Fernsehöffentlichkeit. Anhand der Abendnachrichten von ABC, CBS und NBC zeigt er die Kämpfe in einer intersektionalen Geschlechterordnung - von verschiedenen Emanzipationsbewegungen der späten 1960er Jahre über eine angebliche Krise der US-Männlichkeit bis zum wachsenden Einfluss einer weißen evangelikalen Bewegung. Seine Studie zeigt, wie Politiker zu Predigerfiguren wurde, während sich gleichzeitig kulturelle Verteilungskämpfe in den 1980er Jahren erheblich verschärften

Our understanding of the politics of race, indigeneity, and ethnicity is informed not only by the work of scholars, but also by the work of leaders and practitioners, many of whom are pioneers in their respective fields. The Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics (JREP) is proud to continue our Q&A series with Christine Chen, executive director of Asian and Pacific Islander American Vote (APIAVote). Our hope is that forums like these will help advance our collective scholarship by better informing our research agendas, validating some of our claims, and building more bridges between the worlds of research, politics, and policy.

With five years of experience under our collective belt, the French
Politics Group (FPG) (a related group of the APSA) has moved into a
new phase of network development and international collaboration
across North America, Europe, and other continents. The goal of this
article is to map out these networking efforts, to present the
ingredients for our success, and, in so doing, provide some possible
avenues of collaboration for other APSA members to consider in their
own efforts to develop international work groups and networks.