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Against the backdrop of repeated political violence between Israel and different belligerents in the first and second decades of the 21st century (2003-2017) and by employing a social-psychological theoretical framework, this dissertation explores the effects of political violence on Israelis ' social and national identities. The findings support the discussion of the social consequences of political violence in Israel, be them increased cohesiveness among different social groups (ethnic minority and majority) or social fragmentation and increased polarization between other groups (rich vs. poor or political right vs. left). Whereas Social Identity Theory constitutes the theoretical base for the explored hypotheses, Israeli social place-making practices are also discussed. Topic Whereas a vast amount of literature has been dedicated to the effects of exposure to violence on individuals and groups for over a century, it mainly focuses on type, duration or location of such violence. Since the relevant literature seems to consider the occurrence of political violence a unitary phenomenon, it consistently fails to attend to a most important factor- the aftermath of such violence. By overlooking the discrepancy in violence' aftermath and by neglecting any analysis derived from it, I argue that the comprehensive literature examining the social effects of political violence and post-conflict societies is missing a vital piece of the puzzle. Accordingly, the contribution of this dissertation to the conflict literature is twofold: first, it disaggregates the aftermaths of two common forms of political violence, wars and military operations and explores their effects on individuals, groups and the Israeli society as a whole. Second, it closely examines some of the central assumptions of Social Identity Theory, one of the most comprehensive theories of group relations in the context of concrete political violence. It does so while paying special attention to highly fascinating identity components and basic social building blocks: national identification, social trust and social rifts in Israel. Methods The dissertation employs various methodologies: First, a macro-level, statistical examination of the relationship between different war outcomes and socio-national identities was conducted using two web-based experiments. Second, a qualitative analysis of Zionism in Europe and in Israel's early years complemented a discussion of Israeli narratives of belonging, memory politics, ingredients of national pride and contemporary social challenges. Third, a quantitative micro-level analysis of the effect of successful and unsuccessful military operation on the Israeli society was conducted. The latter utilized a unique, self-compiled database, following an extensive manual content analysis , alongside data originating in annual social surveys conducted in Israel by the Guttmann institute. Knowledge gained The first empirical chapter (chapter four) was set to establish the underlying assumption upon which the dissertation is based; Namely, that different outcomes of political violence have distinctive effects on individual identities. In this chapter, predictions derived from Social Identity Theory were put into an initial macro-level analysis through two original web experiments. The latter explored the effect of different war outcomes (distinguishing between victory, defeat, stalemate and a negotiated agreement) on social and national identities . Whereas the research supported the underlying hypothesis according to which distinctive war outcomes are associated with distinctive effects when national identification is concerned, no significant differences between war outcomes were found in relation to individuals' social identities. These results are consistent with Social Identity Theory and the self-esteem protection/enhancement strategies derived from it (BIRGing and CORFing ); the significant differences between war outcomes (mainly between victories and defeats) are explained by individuals' tendencies to share in the glory of a successful other (to BIRG) following a positively evaluated war outcome, and to distance themselves from an unsuccessful group (to CORF), following a negatively valued war outcome. The non-significant results concerning social identities are consistent with Simmel's conflict hypothesis suggesting that conflicting interactions strengthen the internal cohesion of pre-existing groups. In this regard, it appears as though individuals react to the conflict itself whereas its aftermath did not play any significant role. The overall outcomes obtained thus laid the foundations for an extensive micro-level analysis of the effect of outcomes of political violence on socio-national identities among Israelis. Chapter five refocused the attention on the state of Israel and the Israeli society. It provided a historical analysis of Jewish-Israeli nationalism, rooted in the Zionistic movement in Europe in the late 19th century, which preceded the establishment of the state of Israel. The analysis centered on nation-building processes which took place in Israel's first years, namely, the constructing of a new Jewish-Israeli identity by means of institutionalizing the Hebrew language as an official language, integration of new immigrants and the role of the Israeli defense force as a melting pot. The study of the origins of Israeli national pride, both in the country's first years and in contemporary times, complemented the discussion as it is entwined with both Jewish and Israeli identities. The analysis suggests that while Israel was established as a democracy, it was never a space of ethnic diversity. As the national home for world jury based on a Zionist narrative and highly influenced by the Holocaust, no plurality of ethnic discourses existed in Israel in over 50 years. The research describes the way state-sponsored dominant Jewish and Zionist narratives morphed into a uni-dimensional Israeli identity. This, in turn, prevented Arab-Israelis, the largest ethnic minority in Israel, from being incorporated into the Israeli society. Recurrent political violence as part of the on-going Israeli Palestinian conflict further contributed both to the exclusion of Arab-Israelis from the original Israeli narrative and to the bonding of Jewish Israelis. It was only in the last decades and against the backdrop of significant changes endured by the Israeli society that place-making processes were put on the political and social agenda. Whereas nation and community-building processes are still prominent in contemporary Israel, they now exist side by side a vibrant and vocal discourse of post-Zionism, Jewish secularism and "Israelism" which is not based on Judaism but on an Israeli cultural narrative. Persistent political violence that contributed to social fragmentation in Israel's first decades alongside cultural commonalities between Jewish and Arab Israelis now begin to serve as a common denominator in contemporary Israeli society. If those continue to resonate among Israelis, it is thus not implausible that they would eventually substitute Judaism and Zionism as social unifiers in the process of creating a "same boat" society. Under such circumstances and with diminishing boundaries between Arab and Jewish Israelis, the former will no longer be construed as an "out-group" by the Jewish majority in Israel. Nonetheless, drifting away from the original Jewish integrator and common factor of more than 75% of the country's population may threaten the Jewish communities of Israel with social fragmentation. Consequently, the study of the effect of political violence on both Jewish and non-Jewish communities in Israel set forth in the upcoming chapters is of great importance for the future of Israel. Chapter six set out to examine the relationship between Israelis and their nation-state following different outcomes of Israeli military operations. Special attention was paid to changes in levels of national pride among Jewish Israelis, Arab Israelis and new immigrants across a tempestuous ten-year period (2003-2013) and in conjunction with successful and unsuccessful conclusions of Israeli warfare, as perceived by the Israeli public. Using a regressing analysis of data originating in social surveys, the research tested the validity of predictions derived from Social Identity Theory in both the individual and the social levels. Results indicate that the effect of recurrent warfare on national identification among Israelis is highly mitigated by the perceived outcome of such warfare as well as by sub-group membership (ethnic/social majority vs. minority). Consistent with Social Identity Theory, an Israeli military success was highly associated with increased national identification for the general Israeli population. However, contrary to conventional wisdom and to the "minority hypothesis ", the same effect was also registered among Israeli Arabs. While Israeli Arabs, the largest ethnic minority in Israel, might share neither the country's collective Jewish narrative nor its Zionist ethos they are Israeli citizens who nonetheless feel a sense of belonging to the state of Israel . As such, they are a part of a larger in-group which shares personal and economic interests. Those are equally and existentially threatened when Israel is experiencing unsuccessful military operations. This positivistic evidence suggests that Israeli Arabs' identification with the state of Israel lies in the area of "Israeliness that is beyond Jewishness". The analysis also affirmed the existence of an "embedded identity effect" concerning national identification among Jewish Israelis; Israeli Jews, the majority ethnic group in Israel, maintained high national-identification levels regardless of the way the warfare was concluded. This finding is unsurprising considering Israel's Jewish character and the circumstances of its creation. Whilst societies subjected to external threat may unite in the face of a common enemy, chapter seven sought to examine whether this is true in the Israeli context and if so, whether the outcomes of political violence mitigate the effect. Whereas a large scholarship examined the effect of violence on social cohesion and political tolerance in Israel, it mostly focused on Arab-Israelis and immigrant. The research presented in chapter seven studied the effect of discrepant outcomes of Israeli warfare on social cohesion, social tensions and trust between the various communities of Israel (both Jewish and non-Jewish). The research focused on the general level of social trust in society alongside six specific social rifts, prevalent in present-day Israel: the intercommunal rift (between the Israeli Jewish community and the Israeli-Arab community), the Jewish intercommunal rift (between Jews of Ashkenazi and Sephardic/Mizrachi origins), the religious rift (between orthodox and non-orthodox Jewish communities), the ideological/political rift , the socio-economic rift and the nativist tension (between native Israelis and new immigrants). Results revealed a highly significant effect of Israeli military success concerning all six social rifts and a very mild effect concerning social trust. For all but one rift (the Jewish inter-communal rift), successful termination of Israeli warfare was associated with an increased social tension between the different communities in Israel (though in different levels of significance). This unfortunate finding which points to increased fractionalization among the different communities in Israel following Israeli military successes is in line with several other studies examining the effects of political violence on political exclusionism in Israel. Whereas the literature supports the notion that in time of crisis social cohesion increases, it is not surprising to find increased tensions following military successes rather than failures. An exception to the observed rise in social tensions in Israel is the increased cohesion between Ashkenzi and Sephardic/Mizrachi Jews (the Jewish intercommunal rift). The results support the conclusion that the Jewish population, the majority ethnic group in Israel, is united behind the idea that Israel is a homeland for the Jewish people (and possibly a necessary refuge from rising anti-Semitism around the globe). A decrease in Jewish intercommunal tension following Israeli victories supports the cohesive potential of in-group pride and is consistent with the Jewish foundation and Zionistic narrative of Jewish Israelis and with the existence of an embedded Jewish-Israeli identity . As for the national level, a "rally around the flag" effect is a term used to describe the uniting power of common threats. An underlying motive for this surge in national unity is linked to patriotism, as individuals respond to threats by identifying with their in-group . However, when the crisis is over, politics and society quickly revert to normal and existing social rifts resurface. Whereas an unsuccessful termination of an Israeli military operation is likely to induce a "rally around the flag" effect, a military success demonstrates the opposite effect. Consequently, the seemingly rising tensions between various communities in Israel observed following an Israeli military success is consistent with a reverse "rally around the flag" effect and reflects the fractionalized nature of the Israeli society. Another explanation to the observed trend of increased social tensions following a successful warfare may be directly linked to the experience of in-group guilt or shame despite a successful outcome. Such gilt might lead to rising tension between those who are more/less supportive of the outcome, or perhaps feel that more should have been done to achieve a more solid outcome. Finally, the increased tensions may speak to the theorized dynamic at the heart of the present and similar works that reflects the more destructive side of pride and in-group glorification. According to that scholarship, out-group hate can even extend to people perceived to be "hostile minorities ". Whilst the increase in intercommunal tension is expected and in line with the results of similar studies examining the effect of violence or stress on the relationships between Jewish and Arab Israelis, the increase in religious tensions, socio-economic tension and ideological tensions could be reflective of a second circle of out-group hate; Supporters of the political left alongside less observant and wealthier elements of the Israeli society , may experience in-group guilt and possibly shame despite the perceived successful outcome, thus distancing themselves from those experiencing pride at the outcome. The effect of education, in particular higher education, in reducing social tensions and increasing social trust emerges as another important finding of this research. Whether education provides a sense of optimism and control over one's life that allows people to trust, or whether it provides opportunities for contact and networks' creation with others, the study confirms the potential role of education in reducing social tension even in a highly diverse and conflict-torn Israeli society. Moreover, since social divisions may be exploited by political entrepreneurs, and since increasing social tensions might result in the erosion of social capital, raising the alarm would be the first step in directly addressing such important issues (for example, by policy making). Lastly, any serious peace negotiation with a Palestinian leadership would require difficult concessions to be made by both parties. As such, the way towards a peaceful conclusion of the Israeli Palestinian conflict would inevitably depend, among others, on the social strength and cohesion of the Israeli civil society.:Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1.1 Background and Motivation . 7 1.1.1 National Identification . 10 1.1.2 Social Trust . 14 1.1.3 Focusing on Israel . 16 1.2 Prologue . 17 1.3 Contribution Scope . 18 1.4 Overview of Aims and Chapters . 20 2. Theoretical Framework: Conflict Research, National Identification and Social Trust Part I: Conflict Research 2.1 Conflict Research . 24 2.1.1 General Theory and Practices . 25 2.1.2 Contemporary Trends and Challenges . 26 2.1.3 Looking Forward . 27 Part II: Belonging, Identity and the Nation 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 Identity Formation . 28 Social Belonging and Group Identification . 29 The Sense of Belonging, Nationhood and Statehood . 30 2.4.1 What is a Nation? . 30 2.4.2 National Identification . 32 2.4.3 Hierarchies of National Belonging . 33 2.4.4 The Nation State . 34 2.4.5 Nationhood and Statehood . 35 Conflict Patriotic Affinity: Conceptual Outlines . 38 2.6.1 Between Patriotism and Nationalism . 41 Coping With Threatened Social Identity . 42 and Group Identification . 36 2 3 2.7.1 Social Identity Theory . 42 2.7.2 Basking In Reflected Glory . 45 2.7.3 Cutting Off Reflected Failure . 46 2.7.4 Self-Embedded Social Identity . 48 2.7.5 National Identity of Ethnic Minorities . 50 Part III: Social Trust and Cohesiveness 2.8 Social Capital and Cohesion . 52 2.9 Unraveling the Riddle of Social Trust . 54 2.9.1 Threats to Social Trust and Social Cohesion . 56 3. Methodology 3.1 Macro-level Analysis . 60 3.1.1 Appropriateness . 60 3.1.2 A Short History of Web Experiments . 61 3.1.3 Web Experiments: Advantages and Challenges . 63 3.2. Micro-level analysis . 69 3.2.1 Focusing on The state of Israel and Israeli Society . 69 Contemporary Israeli Media . 72 Military Censorship . 75 3.2.2 Episodes of High Intensity Political Violence . 75 3.2.3 Perceived Outcomes of Political Violence . 77 3.2.4 Relevant Issues Concerning the Use of Survey Data . 78 Vague Concepts . 78 Categorizing Identities . 80 3.2.5 The Israeli Democracy Index . 82 3.2.6 Control Variables . 83 3.3 Framing in Communication and Their Effect on Public Opinion . 84 3.3.1 The Use of Emphasis and Equivalence Framing in Shaping Public Opinion . 85 3.3.2 The Effect of Frames in Shaping Individual Perceptions . 87 3.3.3 Assessing a Frame's Strength in Political Settings . 88 4. The Ending matters: National and Social Identification Following Discrepant War Outcomes 4.1 Introduction . 90 4.2 Experimental Study I . 93 4.2.1 Procedure and Experimental Design . 93 4.2.2 Measures . 95 4.3.3 Results . 95 4.2.4 Discussion . 99 Seriousness Check . 99 National Identity . 100 Social Identity . 102 4.3 Experimental Study II . 103 4.3.1 Using video Vs. Text in Experimental Research . 103 4.3.2 Procedure and Experimental Design . 104 4.3.3 Measures . 105 4.3.4 Results . 106 4.3.5 Discussion . 109 Seriousness Check . 109 National Identity . 109 4.4 Limitations . 110 4.5 Conclusion . 111 5. Focusing on the State of Israel and Israeli Society 5.1 Introduction . 114 5.2 Jewish Nationalism and the Zionist Movement in Europe . 114 5.3 Zionism, National Identity and Hebrew Culture Following the Establishment of The State of Israel . 118 5.3.1 The Israeli Defense Forces . 119 Serving in the Israeli Defense Forces . 120 Education, Socialization and Nation Building . 121 The Effect of the IDF on the Israeli Society . 123 5.3.2 Sport as an Integrative Tool for Shaping Israeli Collective Identity . 129 5.4 The Jewish and Democratic Nature of the State of Israel . 132 4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5 Current Challenges to Contemporary "Israeliness" . 134 5.5.1 Ethnic-religious Classification of Israelis- Between Citizenship and Nationality . 136 5.5.2 Israeli Nationalist Particularism . 137 Israeli Patriotism and Ingredients of Israeli National Pride . 140 5.6.1 Tzedakah, Gemilut Hasadim and Tikun Olam . 141 5.6.2 Mashav . 142 5.6.3 Operation "Good Neighbor" . 144 Conclusion . 148 6. Together We Stand? Perceived Outcomes of Political Violence and National Pride 7. 6.1 Introduction . 150 6.2 Hypotheses . 151 6.3 Data, Measures and Method . 153 6.3.1 Focusing on Israel . 153 6.3.2 Military Operations . 154 6.3.3 Survey Measures: National Identification . 155 6.3.4 Perceived Outcome of Military Operation . 157 6.3.5 Control Variables . 158 6.4 Findings and Discussion . 159 6.4.1 Preliminary Findings . 159 6.4.2 Disaggregating the Israeli Society . 163 6.4.3 Interaction Analysis . 164 6.5 Robustness Checks . 169 6.5.1 Israel's General Situation . 170 6.5.2 Proximity to the Center of Violence . 171 6.6 Conclusion . 172 In Us We Trust? The Effect of Military Operations on Social Cleavages and Social Cohesion in Israel 7.1 Introduction . 174 7.2 Hypothesis . 175 7.3 7.4 6 Data, Measures and Method . 179 7.3.1 7.3.2 7.3.3 7.3.4 The Israeli Society in Context . 179 Military Operations . 181 Perceived Levels of Tension and Trust in the Israeli Society . 183 Perceived Outcomes of Israeli Military Operations . 185 Control Variables . 185 7.3.5 Findings and Discussion . 186 7.4.1 7.4.2 7.4.3 Preliminary Findings . 187 The Effect of Individual Level and Country Level Variables on Social Tensions and Social Trust . 189 Examining the Effect of Israeli Military Operation on Inter-group Tensions . 193 Exploring the Rise and Fall of Social Trust . 197 7.4.4 Conclusion . 200 7.5 8. Conclusion . 203 8.1 Limitations . 210 8.2 Going forward: Ideas for Future Research . 213 8.3 Final remarks/Epilogue . 215 9. References . 218 10. List of Figures . 254 Appendices A. The Evolution of Conflict Research in the 20th Century . 255 B. Supplementary Material Chapter Four . 268 B.1 Experiment I . 268 B.2 Experiment II . 274 B.3 Witnessing a Real Conflict as a Potential Covariate . 287 C. Supplementary Material and Robustness Checks, Chapter Six . 288 D. Supplementary Material and Robustness Checks, Chapter Seven . 308

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal. ; Začasne ali stalne, lokalne ali mednarodne, prostovoljne ali prisilne, legalne ali ilegalne, registrirane ali neregistrirane migracije posameznic in posameznikov, celih družbenih skupnosti ali posameznih skupin predstavljajo pomemben dejavnik v konstruiranju in spreminjanju (sodobnih) družb. Razsežnosti mednarodnih migracij so resnično ogromne, saj je bilo vanje v času nastajanja te publikacije po ocenah Združenih narodov v enem letu vključenih več kot 200 milijonov ljudi. Po ocenah Gallupovega inštituta pa se jih še trikrat toliko želi preseliti, največ iz podsaharske Afrike ter proti nekaterim gospodarsko najbolj razvitim območjem sveta (Esipova, 2011). Nekateri avtorji zato, čeprav ob zavedanju, da ne gre za nov fenomen, govorijo o dobi migracij (Castles, Miller, 2009) ali o globalizaciji migracij (Friedman, 2004). Zagotovo je na globalne razsežnosti migracij vplivalo tudi to, da so vse bolj vidne značilnosti sodobnih družb nenehno spreminjanje razmer, nestabilnost, fluidnost, negotovost ipd. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).Na obseg, smeri in vrste migracij ter na njihove posledice vplivajo številni družbeni in naravni dejavniki, tako na območjih odseljevanja kot tudi na območjih priselitev. Poleg tega si raziskovalke in raziskovalci iz številnih znanstvenih disciplin, ki proučujejo migracije, v raziskavah zastavljajo »neverjetno raznovrstna« vprašanja (Boyle, 2009, 96), uporabljajo različne metodološke pristope in iščejo različne interpretacije, in sicer v različnih prostorskih, časovnih in vsebinskih okvirih. Vse bolj prihaja do izraza, da so migracije kompleksen, večplasten, spremenljiv in kontekstualen proces, ki poteka na več ravneh. Prav zaradi tega spoznanja je raziskovanje migracij postajalo vse bolj interdisciplinarno polje, saj so teme in problemi tako kompleksni, da jih ni mogoče zagrabiti zgolj in izključno iz perspektive ene same znanosti ali teorije. Zato smo priča pravemu bogastvu »obrazov migracij«, ki ga odraža ter obenem k njemu tudi prispeva pričujoča tematska številka revije Ars & Humanitas.Čeprav mobilnost oziroma migracije niso nov pojav, saj so se ljudje selili in preseljevali skozi celotno zgodovino človeštva, pa se šele v zadnjem času, v zadnjih nekaj desetletjih, z njimi resno teoretsko in raziskovalno ukvarjamo. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih so se pojavili številni raziskovalni projekti, univerzitetni programi in predmeti, raziskovalni inštituti, znanstvene konference, posveti, revije, knjige in druge publikacije, pri katerih sodelujejo tako raziskovalna in akademska sfera kot tudi politika in različne civilnodružbene organizacije. To priča o v zadnjem času izjemnem zanimanju za vprašanje migracij, tako kar zadeva poznavanje samih procesov in njihovo mapiranje v zgodovini človeštva kot tudi teoretski razvoj migracijskih študij in vsakodnevno urejanje tega politično občutljivega vprašanja.Migracije zadevajo številne subjekte na številnih ravneh: posameznice in posameznike, njihove družine ter celotne skupnosti tako na lokalni ravni v družbi emigracije kakor tudi na vseh teh ravneh v imigrantski družbi. Z migracijami se spreminjajo ne samo življenja posameznikov in posameznic, ampak se spreminjajo celotne skupnosti oziroma družbe in družbeni odnosi, zamikajo se kulturni vzorci, prihaja do pomembnih družbenih transformacij (Castles, 2010). Ob tem se seveda odpirajo številne teme, problemi in vprašanja, ki se gibljejo v širokem razponu od kršenja človekovih pravic do literarnih presežkov. Nekaterih od njih se dotikajo tudi prispevki v pričujoči tematski številki.Povezovalni naslov prispevkov v tej tematski številki revije, »Številni obrazi migracij«, smo si sposodili iz že omenjenega poročila Gallupovega inštituta o globalnih selitvah (Esipova, 2011). Temeljno vsebinsko vodilo pri izbiri prispevkov je bila raznovrstnost, kar nakazuje tudi pregled znanstvenih disciplin, iz katerih prihajajo avtorji: sociologija, geografija, etnologija in kulturna antropologija, zgodovina, umetnostna zgodovina, sodobne sredozemske študije, študiji spola in medijski študiji. Tak pristop nujno pripelje ne le do raznolikih, ampak tudi do vsaj navidezno neskladnih, morda celo nasprotnih pogledov na obravnavane tematike. Vendar nismo želeli utišati glasov iz »drugih« znanstvenih disciplin, temveč smo raje v recenzentske postopke povabili znanstvenike s področij, s katerih so tudi avtorji. Bogastvo zbranih prispevkov torej ni v njihovi medsebojni skladnosti in potrjevanju, temveč prav v mnogoterosti pogledov, zgodb in interpretacij.Prispevek Zore Žbontar obravnava odnos do tujcev v antični Grčiji, kjer je bilo gostoljubje do tujcev tako častivredna vrlina, da je vsak moral »izkazati gostoljubje in zaščititi kateregakoli tujca, ki je potrkal na vrata«. Zlasti je izzivalen kontrast med gostoljubjem v antični Grčiji in sodobnim pojavljanjem ksenofobije ter načini soočanja z migracijsko problematiko v gospodarsko razvitih državah. »Antični Grki so v odprti gesti gostoljubja do tujcev prepoznali svojo civiliziranost.«Čeprav omenjene raziskave Združenih narodov in Gallupovega inštituta podpirajo nekatere uveljavljene stereotipe o glavnih globalnih tokovih migrantov ter o območjih, o katerih »sanjajo« potencialni migranti, Bojan Baskar opozarja na sočasen obstoj tudi drugačnih migracijskih želja, tokov migracij in njihovih interpretacij. Posebej se osredotoči na preseganje in relativizacijo stereotipov in teorij o nemobilnem in nepodjetnem (alpskem) hribovskem prebivalstvu in migracijah.O tem, kako različne strategije pri prehajanju, prestopanju in prečkanju meja razvijejo migrantke, piše Mirjana Morokvasic. Označi jih kot prave socialne inovatorke, ki izumijo različne načine transnacionalnega življenja in tako od spodaj navzgor prispevajo k integrativnim procesom po vsej Evropi. V svoji inovativnosti gredo nekatere tako daleč, da premikajo različne, tako realne kot simbolne meje pripadanja naciji, spolu in poklicu.Elaine Burroughs in Zoë O'Reilly izpostavita tesno povezanost med sicer uveljavljeno terminologijo, s katero v statistiki in tudi znanosti označujejo imigrante na Irskem in širše v EU, ter negativnimi reprezentacijami nekaterih tipov migrantov v politiki in javnosti. Razpravo navežeta zlasti na iskalce azila in nezakonite priseljence, ki pridejo iz držav zunaj EU. Raba jezika lahko hitro postane politični način izključevanja, zato predlagata razvoj in uporabo obzirnejše in pravičnejše migracijske terminologije.Za spremembo izhodišča opredeljevanja in interpretacije sicer dobro proučenih selitev v nekdanji Jugoslaviji se zavzame Damir Josipovič. Predlaga zamenjavo dualističnega pogleda na te migracije s celostnim. Namesto njihovega poenostavljenega razumevanja kot mednarodnih in notranjih ali prostovoljnih in prisilnih migracij pa se zavzema za koncept psevdoprostovoljnih migracij.Na zanimiv fenomen zamikanja ustaljenih vzorcev spolnih vlog opozori tekst Maje Korać-Sanderson, katere zaključki izhajajo iz študije družinskega življenja kitajskih trgovcev v tranzicijski Srbiji. Medtem ko številne študije ugotavljajo, da skrbstveno delo v zadnjih desetletjih v imigrantskih družbah v glavnem opravljajo migrantke, njena študija ugotavlja, da v Srbiji kitajske trgovke skrb za svoje otroke večinoma zaupajo lokalnim ženskam srednjega razreda. Ta obrat vlog pri »delitvi dela« v skrbstveni sferi, ugotavlja avtorica, je v prid obema vpletenima stranema.Specifičen del mozaika sodobnih migracij v Sredozemlju, bangladeške skupnosti imigrantov na visoko industrializiranem severovzhodu Italije, razkriva Francesco Della Puppa. Izsledki poglobljenega kvalitativnega proučevanja odstirajo dejavnike, ki oblikujejo ta segment bangladeške diaspore, izkušnje migrantov ter učinke selitve na njihove družbene in biografske trajektorije.Izsek iz bolj tipičnih sredozemskih migracijskih procesov na primeru priseljevanja na Malto predstavita John A. Schembri in Maria Attard. Ugotavljata zmanjševanje števila selitev med Malto in Veliko Britanijo ob hkratnem povečevanju priseljevanja iz ostalih držav Evrope in podsaharske Afrike. Med učinki priseljevanja na Malto izpostavita izredno zgoščenost priseljenega prebivalstva, ki presega gostote celotnih prebivalstev v nekaterih evropskih državah.Miha Kozorog obravnava povezavo med migracijami in konstruiranjem krajev, iz katerih te migracije izvirajo. S pomočjo Ardenerjeve teorije »odročnost« izrazito emigracijske Benečije izrazi ne toliko v topografskem kot v topološkem smislu, v razmerju do drugih krajev. »Odročnost« nastaja v razmerju z »zunanjim svetom«, s tistimi, ki govorijo o »odročnih krajih« iz privilegiranih središč. Na primeru umetniškega dogodka, s katerim želijo organizatorji »odpreti tak kraj zunanjemu svetu« in »spodbuditi produkcijo bolj svetovljanskega kraja«, pokaže zgolj začasnost učinka tega dogodka na zmanjšanje »odročnosti«.O temeljnih časovnih in prostorskih značilnostih selitev »prebivalcev z ustvarjalnim poklicem« v Sloveniji piše Jani Kozina. Pri opredeljevanju tega specifičnega dela prebivalstva in pristopa k proučevanju njegovega migriranja se opre zlasti na dela Richarda Floride. Ugotavlja, da so prebivalci z ustvarjalnim poklicem v Sloveniji prostorsko zelo nemobilni in po tem kriteriju precej podobni ostalim poklicnim skupinam v Sloveniji, obenem pa tudi prebivalcem z ustvarjalnimi poklici v južni in vzhodni Evropi, za katere velja, da so med najmanj mobilnimi v Evropi. Podrobnejše analize pokažejo, da se ustvarjalci bolj razvitih regij načeloma intenzivneje selijo in so tudi v večji meri pripravljeni na selitev.O izkušnjah migrantk pri dostopu do trga delovne sile v Sloveniji govori članek Mojce Pajnik in Veronike Bajt. Obstoječa zakonodaja in posamezne politike namreč migrantke potiskajo v položaj, ko, če hočejo priti do zaposlitve, pristajajo na manj zahtevna dela. Pri tem so tarče stereotipnih reakcij in praks diskriminiranja tako na podlagi spola kot tudi starosti, pripisane etnične in religiozne pripadnosti ali kakšne druge okoliščine, še posebej dejstva, da so migrantke. Obenem pa prav zadnje vpliva na to, da s strani države niso deležne nikakršne zaščite.Migracijske študije pogosto domnevajo, da so ciljne države »moderne«, države izvora pa »tradicionalne«. Razprava Anıl Al-Rebholz ugotavlja, da takšna dihotomija pojmovanja modernega in tradicionalnega dodatno spodbuja stereotipne, esencialistične in homogenizirajoče predstave o muslimanskih ženskah v »zahodnem svetu«. Na podlagi biografskih pripovedi mlade Maročanke in Kurdinje ter razmerij med materami in hčerami prikaže raznolike strategije opolnomočenja mladih žensk v transnacionalnem migracijskem kontekstu.Specifični obraz migracij prinaša tekst Svenke Savić, namreč obraz umetniških migracij med Slovenijo in Srbijo po drugi svetovni vojni. Avtorica v njem ugotavlja, da je v treh ansamblih (opernem, gledališkem in baletnem) več kot trideset umetnic in umetnikov iz Slovenije s svojim pionirskim delom pomembno zaznamovalo razvoj gledališke umetnosti v Srbskem narodnem gledališču v Novem Sadu.Verjamemo, da nam je uspelo v pričujočo tematsko številko ujeti pomemben del sodobnega evropskega raziskovalskega utripa s področja migracij. Poleg uveljavljenih znanstvenikov s tega področja se je v ožji izbor prispevkov uvrstilo tudi več mladih avtoric in avtorjev, ki začenjajo raziskovalne kariere. Njihov uspeh nas veseli, saj obeta živahnost tega raziskovalnega področja tudi v bodoče. Obenem nas veseli, da so se vabilu odzvali predstavniki tako številnih znanstvenih disciplin ter da je število prispevkov, ki smo jih prejeli, znatno presegalo največji možni obseg revije. Spoznavanje in razumevanje številnih obrazov migracij sta pomembna koraka proti celovitemu znanju, potrebnemu za uspešno soočanje z izzivi migracijske problematike danes in, kot kaže, še posebej v prihodnosti. Zato je izjemnega pomena, da raziskovalci najdemo načine prenosa svojih znanstvenih spoznanj v prakso – na vse ravni izobraževanja, v medije, širše strokovne javnosti ter seveda tudi odločevalcem v lokalnih, državnih in mednarodnih ustanovah. Poziv velja tudi vsem avtorjem prispevkov v tej številke revije.

This guide accompanies the following article: Christian Fuchs, 'New Media, Web 2.0 and Surveillance', Sociology Compass 5/2 (2011): 134–147, [DOI]. 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2010.00354.xIntroductionThe Internet has become part of our everyday lives. Many of us use it for work, hobbies, entertainment, politics, staying in touch with friends and family, learning to know new people and other cultures, for getting all kind of information, etc. In the past 10 years, we have seen the emergence of platforms like Facebook and Myspace (social networking sites), Wordpress and Blogger (blogging) Twitter (social networking, microblogging), YouTube (video sharing), Wikipedia (wiki‐based encyclopaedia), or the Pirate Bay (filesharing index site). The notions of 'web 2.0' and 'social media' have been used by some scholars to describe features of such sites such as community‐building and maintenance, continuous communication, user‐generated content production and diffusion, collaborative authoring, and distributed content classifications (the latter mechanism is also called folksonomy). Most web 2.0 platforms collect, store, and share a lot of personal user data and data about usage behaviour. Therefore, questions about privacy violations and online surveillance have arisen in public discussions, especially concerning Google (for example the discussions about Google targeted advertising, Google Street View, Google Buzz, etc.) and Facebook (for example the discussions concerning Facebook targeted advertising, Facebook beacon, the Facebook privacy policy, Facebook places, etc.). The field of web 2.0 surveillance studies critically asks questions about the data protection aspects and power dimensions of the contemporary Internet. It is crucial for students and scholars, who are interested in the contemporary media landscape, and who study in fields such as media/communication studies, cultural studies, political science, law, computer science, social informatics, information science, sociology, business studies, advertising, marketing and public relations, philosophy, ethics, science and technology studies etc., to also engage with web 2.0 surveillance studies.Recommended readings Fuchs, Christian. 2010. 'Labour in Informational Capitalism and on the Internet'. The Information Society 26(3): 179–96. doi: 10.1080/01972241003712215 Christian Fuchs discusses in this article the political economy of the contemporary Internet. He does so by giving first an introduction to Karl Marx's analysis of capitalism that is then applied for understanding aspects of the exploitation of the users of contemporary commercial Internet platforms like Facebook. Fuchs uses Dallas Smythe's notion of the audience commodity for critically discussing the business models of web 2.0. He coins the notion of Internet prosumer labour in this context. He concludes that on commercial web 2.0 platforms, user activity tends to become exploited and is unpaid labour. Surveillance is situated in the framework of this analysis. Andrejevic, Mark. 2002. 'The Work of Being Watched'. Critical Studies in Media Communication 19(2): 230–48. doi: 10.1080/07393180216561 Mark Andrejevic argues in this article that contemporary commercial forms of interactive media make use of surveillance for exploiting consumers. He introduces in this context the notion of 'the work of being watched'. This concept is based on Sut Jhally's concept of the work of watching. Andrejevic also introduces the notion of the digital enclosure and gives very good examples for online surveillance. Albrechtslund, Anders. 2008. 'Online Social Networking as Participatory Surveillance'. First Monday 13(3). [online]. Retrieved on 1 March 2011 from: http://www.uic.edu/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/2142/1949. In this article, Anders Albrechtslund introduces the notion of participatory surveillance. Other than Fuchs and Andrejevic, Albrechtslund has a rather positive concept of surveillance, he focuses on the description of potentially empowering aspects of social networking sites and other web 2.0 technologies. Albrechtslund stresses the social dimension of web 2.0, its ability for enabling communication, sharing, and community‐building. Mathiesen, Thomas. 2004. Silently Silenced. Essays on the Creation of Acquiescence in Modern Society. Winchester: Waterside Press. In this short 100 page book, Thomas Mathiesen discusses mechanisms and examples of how political opposition is silently silenced, that is ideologically forestalled. The work is a masterpiece of contemporary ideology critique. Mathiesen identifies mechanisms of how silent silencing works and gives many examples. In chapter 8, it is discussed how the corporate Internet works as system of silent silencing or what Mathiesen terms the synopticon. Mathiesen's work is influenced among others by Foucault and Frankfurt School ideology critique. Campbell, John E. and Matt, Carlson M. 2002. 'Panopticon.com: Online Surveillance and the Commodification of Privacy'. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 46(4): 586–606. doi: 10.1207/s15506878jobem4604_6 In this paper, Campbell and Carlson discuss the usefulness of Michel Foucault's notion of the panopticon as technology of surveillance for explaining how Internet advertising and marketing work. They employ a political economy framework and argue that Internet advertising and marketing commodify users' private data and their privacy.Online materialsThe following online journals are very good sources for further papers about critical internet studies, information society studies, surveillance studies, and privacy studies:

tripleC: Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society. http://www.triple‐c.at
Surveillance and Society. http://www.surveillance‐and‐society.org
First Monday. http://firstmonday.org/
Journal of Privacy and Confidentiality. http://repository.cmu.edu/jpc/

Sample syllabusTopics for Lectures and DiscussionWeek I: Foundations of surveillance studiesReadings:Foucault, Michel. 1977. 'Panopticims.' (Part 3). Pp. 195–228 in Discipline and Punish. New York: Vintage.Lyon, David. 1994. 'Surveillance in Modern Society' (Chapter 2). Pp. 22–39 in The Electronic Eye. Cambridge: Polity.Lyon, David. 2007. 'Explaining Surveillance' (I.3). Pp. 46–70 in Surveillance Studies. An Overview. Cambridge: Polity.Week II: Foucault's surveillance theory and the panopticon: criticism and defenceReadings:Lyon, David (ed.) 2006. 'Pre‐ and Post‐Panopticism: The Search for Surveillance Theories.' Pp. 3–20 in Theorizing Surveillance. Portland, OR: Willan.Haggerty Kevin. 2006. 'Tear Down the Walls: On Demolishing the Panopticon.' Pp. 23–45 in Theorizing Surveillance, edited by David Lyon. Portland, OR: Willan.Fuchs, Christian. 2010. How Can Surveillance Be Defined? Remarks on Theoretical Foundations of Surveillance Studies. Vienna: Unified Theory of Information Research Group. SNS3 Research Paper No.1. ISSN 2219‐603X. http://www.sns3.uti.at/wordpress/wp‐content/uploads/2010/10/The‐Internet‐Surveillance‐Research‐Paper‐Series‐1‐Christian‐Fuchs‐How‐Surveillance‐Can‐Be‐Defined.pdfWeek III: What is web 2.0?Readings:Fuchs, Christian. 2010. 'Social Software and Web 2.0: Their Sociological Foundations and Implications.' Pp. 764–89 in Handbook of Research on Web 2.0, 3.0, and X.0: Technologies, Business, and Social Applications. Volume II, edited by San Murugesan. Hershey, PA: IGI‐Global.Castells, Manuel. 2009. 'Communication in the Digital Age' (Chapter 2). Pp. 54–136 in Communication Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Alternative to reading Castells (2009):Castells, Manuel. 2010. 'Communication Power: Mass Communication, Mass Self‐Communication, and Power Relationships in the Network Society.' Pp. 3–17 in Media and Society, edited by James Curran. London: Bloomsbury.Scholz, Trebor. 2008. 'Market Ideology and the Myths of Web 2.0.'First Monday 13(3). [online]. Retrieved on 1 March 2011 from: http://firstmonday.org/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/2138/1945.Week IV: Computing and surveillanceThe role of surveillance in the age of computingReadings:Marx, Gary T. 2002. 'What's New About the "New Surveillance"? Classifying for Change and Continuity.'Surveillance & Society 1(1): 9–29.Lyon, David. 1998. 'The World Wide Web of Surveillance. The Internet and Off‐World Power‐Flows.'Information, Communication & Society 1(1): 91–105.Clarke, Roger. 1988. 'Information Technology and Dataveillance.'Communications of the ACM 31(5): 498–512.Week V: The capitalist business and ideology of surveillanceReadings:Gandy, Oscar H. 1996. 'Coming to Terms with the Panoptic Sort.' Pp. 132–55 in Computers, Surveillance & Privacy, edited by David Lyon and Elia Zureik. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Mathiesen, Thomas. 1997. 'The Viewer Society. Michel Foucault's "Panopticon" Revisited.'Theoretical Criminology 1(2): 215–34. doi: 10.1177/1362480697001002003Week VI: The Internet prosumer commodityReadings:Smythe, Dallas W. 1981. 'On the Audience Commodity and Its Work.' Pp. 230–56 in Media and Cultural Studies, edited by Meenakshi G. Durham and Douglas M. Kellner. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Fuchs, Christian. 2010. 'Labour in Informational Capitalism and on the Internet.'The Information Society 26(3): 179–96. doi: 10.1080/01972241003712215Week VII: The work of watching and the work of being watchedReadings:Jhally, Sut. 2006. 'Chapters: Watching as Working. The Valorization of Audience Consciousness. The Political Economy of Culture'. Pp. 25–61 in The Spectacle of Accumulation. New York: Peter Lang.Andrejevic, Mark. 2002. 'The Work of Being Watched.'Critical Studies in Media Communication 19(2): 230–48. doi: 10.1080/07393180216561Week VIII: Economic online surveillance and web 2.0Readings:Mathiesen, Thomas. 2004. 'Panopticon and Synopticon as Silencing Systems' (Chapter 8). Pp. 98–102 in Silently Silenced. Essays on the Creation of Acquiescence in Modern Society. Winchester: Waterside Press.Fuchs, Christian, Kees Boersma, Anders Albrechtslund, Marisol Sandoval (eds) 2011. The Internet and Surveillance. New York: Routledge.

Chapter by Christian Fuchs: 'Critique of the Political Economy of Web 2.0 Surveillance.'
Chapter by Marisol Sandoval: 'A Critical Empirical Case Study of Consumer Surveillance on Web 2.0.'
Chapter by Thomas Allmer: 'Critical Internet Surveillance Studies and Economic Surveillance.'

Campbell, John E. and Matt, Carlson M. 2002. 'Panopticon.com: Online Surveillance and the Commodification of Privacy.'Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 46(4): 586–606. doi: 10.1207/s15506878jobem4604_6Focus questionsDiscussion in week 1:What different kinds of definitions of surveillance are there? Compile various definitions by making a literature search. Compare these definitions and discuss how surveillance should best be defined.Discussion in week 2:Discuss first in small groups of 3–5 and compare then the results of the group discussions in a general discussion.Consider the following list of information processing phenomena. Which one do you consider as surveillance, which one's not? Compare your results with the results of your colleagues. Discuss then if a Foucauldian understanding of surveillance fits your understanding of surveillance or not. Discuss pro and con arguments for 'demolishing' Foucault's notion of the panopticon. Discuss if using the notion of the panopticon makes political and theoretical sense in contemporary society or not.

teachers watching private activities of pupils via webcams at Harriton High School, Pennsylvania,
the employment of the DART system (Deep‐ocean Assessment and Reporting of Tsunamis) in the Pacific Ocean, the Atlantic Ocean, and the Caribbean Sea for detecting tsunamis,
the scanning of the fingerprints of visitors entering the United States,
consensual online video sex chat of adults,
parents observing their sleeping sick baby with a camera or babyphone in order to see if it needs their help,
the use of speed cameras for identifying speeders (involves state power),
the seismographic early detection of earthquakes,
electronic monitoring bracelets for prisoners in an open prison system,
the scanning of Internet and phone data by secret services with the help of the Echelon system and the Carnivore software,
the usage of a GPS‐based car navigation system for driving to an unknown destination,
the usage of full body scanners at airports,
biometrical passports containing digital fingerprints,
the use of the DoubleClick advertising system by Internet corporations for collecting data about users' online browsing behaviour and providing them with targeted advertising,
CCTV cameras in public means of transportation for the prevention of terrorism,
the assessment of customer shopping behaviour with the help of loyalty cards,
the data collection in marketing research,
the usage of smog and air pollution warning systems,
the publication of sexual paparazzi photos of celebrities in a tabloid,
the assessment of personal images and videos of applicants on Facebook by employers prior to a job interview,
drinking water quality measurement systems,
the collection of data about potential or actual terrorists in the TIDE database (Terrorist Identities Datamart Environment) by the US National Counterterrorism Center,
Passenger Name Record (PNR) data transfer from Europe to the United States in aviation,
the permanent electrocardiogram of a cardiac infarction patient,
the activities of radioactivity measuring stations for detecting nuclear power plant disasters,
Telekomgate: spying on employees, trade unionists, journalists, and members of the board of directors by the German Telekom,
measurement of meteorological data for weather forecasts
the video filming of employees in Lidl supermarkets and assessment of the data by managers in Germany,
the usage of a fire detector and alarm system and a fire sprinkling system in a public school,
watching the watchers: corporate watch systems, filming of the police beating of Rodney King (LA 1992), YouTube video of the police killing of Neda Soltan (Iran 2009)
systems for detecting and measuring temperature, humidity, and smoke in forest areas that are prone to wildfires.

Discussion in week 3:Work in groups of 3–5 people. Compile a list of Internet platforms that you use. Based on the literature that you have read about web 2.0, try to identify key qualities of the communication processes that are supported by the Internet platforms on your list. Discuss if it makes sense to employ notions like 'web 2.0' and 'social media'. Discuss how the communication qualities of the platforms you listed are connected to/enable surveillance. Compare the results in a plenary discussion.Discussion in week 4:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Discuss the meaning of the notions of the panoptic sort and the synopticon. Make a list of examples, where surveillance plays a role in the economy. Make a list of examples, where surveillance, the media, and information technology function as means for advancing ideologies. Discuss to which examples the notions of the panoptic sort and/or the synopticon can be applied. Discuss first in the small group and then in general with all colleagues in the seminar how useful the notions of the panoptic sort and the synopticon are for understanding the contemporary Internet and media landscape.Discussion in week 5:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Find examples for the connection of computers and surveillance. Based on your list of examples and the read literature, try to identify key qualities of computer‐based surveillance. Compare the three articles of Marx, Lyon, and Clarke: What are the key characteristics of computer‐based surveillance for each of the three authors? How do the three approaches differ? What do they have in common? If you compare computer‐based and non‐computer based forms of surveillance, what are commonalities and differences? Can we speak in the case of computer‐based surveillance of a new form of surveillance?Compare the group discussion results to the results of the discussions in the other groups.Discussion in week 6:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Discuss the meaning of the notions of the audience commodity and the Internet prosumer commodity. Find examples for how the audience commodity works in the area of advertising in newspapers and TV. Find examples for the Internet prosumer commodity in relation to web 2.0 platforms that you use. Discuss the role of surveillance in Internet prosumer commodification. Discuss if you as Interner prosumers that use Facebook, Google, YouTube, etc. are exploited by the companies owning these platforms or not. If you think you are exploited, what can be politically done in order to overcome the exploitation of labour on the Internet? Compare the results of the group discussions and conduct a general discussion about the crucial questions.Discussion in week 7:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Discuss the meaning of the notions of the work of watching and the work of being watched. Discuss the role of surveillance in the work of being watched. Find examples both for the work of watching and the work of being watched. Compare Dallas Smythe's concept of the audience commodity to Sut Jhally's concept of the work of watching. Compare Fuchs's concept of Internet prosumer commodification to Andrejevic's concept of the work of being watched online. What are differences and commonalities? Compare the results of the group discussions. Discuss with all colleagues what the political implications of economic online surveillance are: How dangerous is economic online surveillance and online labour exploitation? What can be done about it politically?Discussion in week 8:Work first in groups of 3–5 people. Based on the read literature, make a list of qualities of economic surveillance on web 2.0. Identify which web 2.0 platforms you read most frequently. Read the terms of use and privacy policies of these platforms. Make a list, how each of these platforms exactly uses your data and usage behaviour data, for economic purposes. List for each platform what kind of data about you it stores, collects from other Internet platforms, which data it is allowed to sell for advertising purposes, and which data about you or that you upload becomes property of the platform owner. How does the organization model of Wikipedia differ from the ones of Facebook and Google? Inform yourself about the alternative web 2.0 platform Diaspora. What are its organizational principles, how do they differ from Facebook? Compare the results of the group work.Conduct a general discussion about the following questions: What are the problems of surveillance on web 2.0? What are the advantages and disadvantages of platforms like Facebook, Google, YouTube, Twitter? How can advantages and disadvantages be overcome? Do you see possibilities for creating a non‐commercial Internet or non‐commercial Internet platforms? What are advantages and disadvantages of a non‐commercial, non‐profit, commons‐based Internet?Seminar/project ideaInternet Studies in general and Critical Internet Studies and Web 2.0 Surveillance Studies are very young fields of studies. There are a lot of unexplored topics relating to the political economy of web 2.0 that have thus far not been pursued. Writing master's theses and dissertations in this area is not only interesting and important, but is also a lot of fun because one engages in research about those media that we have come used to utilize in our everyday life and work. Students may also consider to present chapters from their dissertations or theses at international conferences, like the PhD student workshops and conferences of the ICTs and Society Network (http://www.icts‐and‐society.net) or the annual conference of the Association of Internet Researchers (http://www.air.org).Research results can also be presented to the public in the form of blog postings or small articles for popular journals or newspapers. For writing for these more popular formats, it is good to connect more theoretical ideas to concrete events and phenomena in the world of the Internet (see the example writings on the NetPoliticsBlog: http://fuchs.uti.at/blog). One can also pursue writing an op‐ed piece for a daily newspaper.Social movements and groups that discuss Internet politics and want to foster a common and free access to knowledge and the Internet can be interesting discussion and co‐operation partners for scholars, which can give a more practical dimension to research.Short BiographyChristian Fuchs holds the chair in media and communication studies at Uppsala University's Department of Informatics and Media. He is also board member of the Unified Theory of Information Research Group, Austria, and editor of tripleC (cognition, communication, co‐operation): Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society. He studied computer science at the Vienna University of Technology in the years 1994–2000. He completed his PhD in 2002 at the Vienna University of Technology. In 2000–2006, he was lecturer for information society studies at the Institute of Design and Technology Assessment of the Vienna University of Technology. He was a research associate at the same department in the years 2002–2004. At the University of Salzburg, he was assistant professor in the years 2005–2007 and associate professor from 2008 to 2010 in the field of ICTs and society. His main research fields are: social theory, critical theory, critical political economy of media, information, technology; information society studies, ICTs and society. He is author of many academic publications, including the books Internet and Society: Social Theory in the Information Age (New York: Routledge, 2008) and Foundations of Critical Media and Information Studies (New York: Routledge, 2011). He is co‐editor of The Internet and Surveillance (edited by Christian Fuchs, Kees Boersma, Anders Albrechtslund and Marisol Sandoval). He co‐ordinates the research project Social Networking Sites in the Surveillance Society (2010–2013), which is funded by the Austrian Science Fund FWF and is management committee member of the EU COST Action Living in Surveillance Societies (2009–2013).

Reseña de C. Wright Mills, La Élite del Poder, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1993. [C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite, Oxford University Press, New York, 1956]Se ha dicho que dentro de las diferentes disciplinas de las Ciencias Sociales es posible distinguir dos tipos de investigadores o "productores de conocimiento": el científico social y el pensador normativo. El primero, abundante en exceso, cumple el rol de generar o ajustar teorías para que sean funcionales a los intereses y estructuras de poder imperantes en una determinada sociedad. El segundo, notoriamente más escaso, se lanza a la cruzada de demoler los esquemas existentes que atan el avance del conocimiento científico y busca abrir campos de debate, de progreso en la realidad cotidiana de una sociedad. C. Wright Mills (1916-1962) es un fiel ejemplo de éste último tipo. Desde sus escritos sociológicos, fue el exponente intelectual principal del liberalismo radical o progresista de las décadas de los '40 y los '50. Batalló contra el nuevo liberalismo de David Truman, Daniel Bell, Seymour Martin Lipset, Charles Frankel, Richard Hofstadter e incluso Reinhold Niebuhr (1); rebeló la inutilidad del behaviourismo de Lloyd Warner y la innecesaria parsimonia de la teoría sistémica de Talcott Parsons.(2) Más significativo aún, llamó la atención sobre las características sociológicas más perversas de los Estados Unidos tras el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y el comienzo de la Guerra Fría, denunciando lo que nadie denunciaba, desde un lenguaje legible por todos. Esquivó las formalidades y abandonó la neutralidad política propia del mundo académico de su época. Su agudo pensamiento sociológico se volvió praxis política a favor de sus valores e ideales, a favor de la "liberación del hombre a través de su razón".Sus raíces intelectuales se nutrieron fundamentalmente de la obra de Max Weber, seguido por Thorsten Veblen y en un tercer plano, Karl Marx (si bien Mills se autodescartó como marxista), Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca y Emile Durkheim. Por ello es que partió en sus estudios desde la visión sociológica tradicional, aquella que analiza a un sistema sociocultural desde su totalidad y en la que poseen centralidad conceptos tales como "poder", "instituciones", "clase social", "élite", "capitalismo", "racionalidad" y "burocracia", entre otros. Con estas herramientas, Mills logró radiografiar la división del trabajo interna de los Estados Unidos. Lo hizo a través de una trilogía: The New Men of Power (1948), donde analiza a las clases trabajadoras en el contexto del New Deal, White Collar (1951) donde explora a las clases medias y sus crecientes vinculaciones con el corporativismo, y The Power Elite (1956), la obra que en esta oportunidad nos congrega, donde aborda los "altos círculos" de la sociedad estadounidense. De acuerdo a Irving Horowitz, su biógrafo y crítico, estas tres obras "ayudaron a definir la literatura crítica sobre la composición de clases en Norteamérica y revelaron definitivamente a Mills como un académico de primer nivel". (3) IIEl libro La Élite del Poder reintroduce y vigoriza como nunca antes la teoría elitista del poder, en desmedro de la teoría pluralista y de la teoría marxista. A tal fin se basta de quince capítulos donde se interrelacionan temáticas que de otra manera estarían alejadas entre sí. Su tesis central es la existencia en los Estados Unidos de una élite que controla y comanda los recursos de las grandes instituciones burocráticas o "dominios" sobre los que se asienta la sociedad industrial. Estas instituciones son tres: la economía, el aparato militar y el gobierno. De esta manera, la élite se constituye de "ricos corporativos", "señores de la guerra" y "directorios políticos". Con el lenguaje claro y estridente que caracterizó a Mills, esta idea central es esbozada en los tres primeros párrafos del primer capítulo ("Los altos círculos"):"Los poderes de los hombres corrientes están circunscriptos por los mundos cotidianos en que viven, pero aún en esos círculos del trabajo, de la familia y de la vecindad muchas veces parecen arrastrados por fuerzas que no pueden ni comprender ni gobernar. Los 'grandes cambios' caen fuera de su control, pero no por eso dejan de influir en su conducta y en sus puntos de vista […]Pero no todos los hombres son corrientes u ordinarios en este sentido. Como los medios de información y poder están centralizados, algunos individuos llegan a ocupar posiciones en la sociedad norteamericana desde las cuales pueden mirar por encima del hombro, digámoslo así, a los demás, y con sus decisiones pueden afectar poderosamente los mundos cotidianos de los hombres y las mujeres corrientes. […] El que tomen o no esas decisiones importa menos que el hecho de que ocupen esas posiciones centrales: el que se abstengan de actuar y de tomar decisiones es en sí mismo un acto que muchas veces tiene consecuencias más importantes que las decisiones que adoptan, porque tienen el mando de las jerarquías y organizaciones más importantes de la sociedad moderna: gobiernan las grandes empresas, gobiernan la maquinaria del Estado y exigen sus prerrogativas, dirigen la organización militar, ocupan los puestos de mando de la estructura social en los cuales están centrados ahora los medios efectivos del poder y la riqueza y la celebridad de que gozan". (4)El contenido de su diagnóstico, que parece ser estático, casi ahistórico a simple vista, se sustenta en realidad en un preciso estudio histórico de las "seis o siete generaciones" en las que se podía resumir la historia de los Estados Unidos en aquella época. Esto es visible en la medida en que el lector se adentra en los capítulos medulares. La élite del poder es el resultado de una profunda tendencia doble: el crecimiento y la centralización de las tres instituciones más importantes en la sociedad norteamericana, posible gracias a una "tecnología fabulosa", y la amplificación de los medios de poder y de las consecuencias de las decisiones que desde ellas se adoptan. (5) Al abordar dicha élite desde un plano estructural, Mills se cuida de no presentar una teoría conspirativa (6) ni un absoluto determinismo institucional (7), sino que permite cierto juego, cierto acomodo entre actor y estructura, donde el primero crea y destruye a la segunda y donde ésta, a su vez, lo condiciona. El elemento singular en el enfoque es que, si bien "indudablemente, la voluntad de esos hombres siempre está limitada (…) nunca anteriormente fueron tan anchos los límites, porque nunca fueron tan enormes los medios de poder. Esto es lo que hace tan precaria nuestra situación y hace aún más importante el conocimiento de los poderes y las limitaciones de la élite de los Estados Unidos. El problema de la naturaleza y poder de esa minoría es ahora el único modo realista y serio para plantear de nuevo el problema del gobierno responsable". (8)La unión (proximidad) entre los "ricos corporativos", los "señores de la guerra" y "el directorio político" en una única élite se explica por el creciente e intenso tráfico de influencias entre sus ámbitos institucionales.(9) Este fenómeno de intercambios no es necesariamente azaroso, sino estructuralmente intencionado en un sentido que le genera temores al autor: "[…] Hay actualmente en los Estados Unidos varias coincidencias de intereses estructurales importantes entre esos dominios institucionales, que incluyen la creación de una institución permanente de guerra por una economía corporativa privada dentro de un vacío político". (10) Este es el mensaje político de alarma que Mills pretendió destacar. En el esfuerzo por dejar en claro quiénes integran la élite y quienes no, el sociólogo, identifica y separa a la clase alta tradicional, de corte local, que ha obtenido su prestigio en el abolengo y en fortunas que se forjaron en el siglo XIX (capítulo 2: "la sociedad local"). También desmitifica "los 400 metropolitanos", las familias supuestamente más importantes de toda la nación, como un grupo estrictamente definido y estable. El advenimiento de la sociedad de masas, la gran industria y el New Deal han favorecido el ascenso de nuevos ricos, con nuevas costumbres y consumos (capítulo 3: "los 400 de Nueva York"). Finalmente, descarta a "las celebridades" (capítulo 4) de la élite institucional.(11)En cuanto al dominio económico, Mills propone una lectura desagregada. Por un lado, identifica a "los muy ricos" (capítulo 5); discute las causas de su ascenso, el fenómeno de la acumulación de ventajas una vez en la cima y el impacto de la sociedad anónima en el capitalismo norteamericano. Luego realiza un análisis de la estructura empresarial nacional y destaca el papel de "los altos directivos" (capítulo 6), quienes comandan las corporaciones, aprisionan las innovaciones técnicas y resguardan la gran propiedad. Finalmente, señala la conjunción de ambos en la figura de "los ricos corporativos" (capítulo 7), los miembros de laélite, producto de una "reorganización de la clase adinerada [hacia] un mundo corporativo de privilegios y prerrogativas" (12), y cómo estos utilizan el poder institucional que detentan gracias a sus desorbitantes riquezas.Sobre el dominio militar el análisis es análogo. En "los señores de la guerra" (capítulo 8) aborda los orígenes y trayectoria de la relación entre la institucionalidad militar y la civil en los Estados Unidos, cómo los militares fueron incorporándose a los "altos círculos" y cómo se ha impuesto una "definición militar de la realidad" en todos los ámbitos cotidianos. (13)Posteriormente, se centra ya en los militares de la élite (capítulo 9: "la ascendencia militar") destacando sus principales ámbitos operativos y de interés —la política exterior y las relaciones internacionales, el desarrollo científico y tecnológico nacional y la economía corporativa— y denunciando la configuración de una "economía bélica permanente".(14)Por último, en cuanto al dominio político, Mills dedica el capítulo 10 ("el directorio político") a contemplar la profesionalidad y burocratización del sistema político estadounidense. Su aseveración más importante es que "un reducido grupo de hombres se encarga ahora de las decisiones hechas en nombre de los Estados Unidos", ellos son los cincuenta hombres de excepción más importantes de la rama ejecutiva del gobierno. (15)La parte final del libro es donde el autor despliega su perspectiva crítica de forma directa. Arremete primero contra "la teoría del equilibrio" (capítulo 11) como retórica preferida de la minoría, funcionalpara ocultar los estratos superiores y centrar la atención en los niveles medios, pero definitivamente ineficaz para explicar la economía política estadounidense. Tras realizar una caracterización final de la élite del poder (capítulo 12) —en la que repasa entre diversos aspectos sus períodos históricos—, contextualiza la misma en relación al fenómeno de "la sociedad de masas" (capítulo 13), desestimando las visiones liberales clásicas sobre la virtud política de la opinión pública. Tras ello, denuncia "el estado de ánimo conservador" (capítulo 14) de los liberales antaño progresistas, para concluir revelando "la inmoralidad mayor" (capítulo 15) de la minoría poderosa: la organización de la irresponsabilidad y su decrepitud ética.Evidentemente, el impacto de La Élite del Poder tanto en el público académico como en el público en general fue muy grande. "Pocos libros de su clase han sido tan ampliamente leídos o más vigorosamente debatidos; pocos han preservado tanta relevancia por tanto tiempo […] Sólo un crítico desagradecido podría hoy negarle un lugar central en la historia intelectual de nuestra era". (16)IIIEl valor de la élite del poder para la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales es notorio. Tiene utilidad como teoría contextual sobre la toma de decisiones en defensa y política exterior, como ha sido destacado por Roger Hilsman.(17) Mills estudia desde una perspectiva social, institucional e, incluso, psicológica los tipos de actores que controlan y deciden, consciente o inconscientemente, los acontecimientos nacionales, así como los tipos de determinantes que inciden también en ellos. Se cuida, sin embargo, de dejar en claro que "la idea de la élite del poder no implica nada acerca del proceso de adopción de decisiones como tal; es un intento para delimitar las zonas sociales en que se realiza ese proceso, cualquiera sea su carácter. Es una concepción de lo que va implicado en el proceso".(18)También tiene utilidad como teoría de gran alcance. Permite abordar la trayectoria más amplia de la sociedad norteamericana entre el 1800 y mediados del 1900. Posee poder explicativo en relación a la historia contemporánea mundial y a las relaciones internacionales de la primera mitad del siglo XX. De hecho, las dimensiones nacional e internacional se integran bajo la coherencia que otorgan conceptos centrales como "clase capitalista" e "industrialización", entre otros. (19)Además de ello, en varios pasajes del libro Mills rescata las enseñanzas de E. H. Carr en La Crisis de los Veinte Años (1949) sobre la política mundial con lo que termina configurando una perspectiva ecléctica sobre los asuntos internacionales de gran amplitud y utilidad.(20)Fundamentalmente, La Élite del Poder es un excelente complemento para los diferentes enfoques estructurales existentes en las Relaciones Internacionales, para comprender la naturaleza de la economía política de los Estados Unidos en tiempos de unipolaridad y hegemonía.Pero el gran legado del sociólogo trasciende los campos disciplinares así como su utilidad heurística. Como señaló Horowitz, "[l]a tendencia principal de la obra de C. Wright Mills está ligada a la importancia práctica de una ciencia social éticamente viable. Esto se debe a que esa sociología se enfrenta a los hechos con integridad y confirma la integridad actuando en relación con los hechos. Éste es el 'mensaje' del más grande sociólogo que haya producido los Estados Unidos".(21)* Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional de General San Martín (UNSAM, Argentina). Investigador del Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Problemáticas Internacionales y Locales (CEIPIL-UNCPBA).Notas(1) Richard Gillam, "C. Wright Mills and the Politics of Truth: The Power Elite Revisited",American Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 4, October, 1975, p. 464. Cfr. Stanley Aronowitz, "A Mills Revival?", Logos 2.3, Summer, 2003.(2) C. Wright Mills, La Imaginación Sociológica, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1986. Especialmente capítulos "II. La gran teoría" y "III. Empirismo abstracto". La primera edición en inglés se encuentra como: The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, New York, 1959.(3) Irving L. Horowitz, C. Wright Mills: An American Utopian, New York, 1983, p. 209.(4) C. Wright Mills, La Élite del Poder, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1993, pp. 11-12. El primer capítulo presenta y sintetiza el tema general del libro.(5) "La economía —en otro tiempo una gran dispersión de pequeñas unidades productoras en equilibrio autónomo— ha llegado a estar dominada por dos o trescientas compañías gigantescas, relacionadas entre sí administrativa y políticamente, las cuales tienen conjuntamente las claves de las resoluciones económicas.El orden político, en otro tiempo una serie descentralizada de varias docenas de Estados con una médula espinal débil, se ha convertido en una institución ejecutiva centralizada que ha tomado para sí muchos poderes previamente dispersos y ahora se mete por todas y cada una de las grietas de la estructura social. El orden militar, en otro tiempo una institución débil, encuadrada en un contexto de recelos alimentados por las milicias de los Estados, se ha convertido en la mayor y más costosa de las características del gobierno, y, aunque bien instruida en fingir sonrisas en sus relaciones públicas, posee ahora toda la severa y áspera eficacia de un confiado dominio burocrático." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., pp. 14-15.(6) "La idea de que toda la historia se debe a la conspiración de un grupo de malvados, o de héroes, fácilmente localizables, es también una proyección apresurada del difícil esfuerzo para comprender cómo los cambios de estructura de la sociedad abren oportunidades a diferentes minorías y cómo estas minorías se aprovechan o no de ellas. Admitir cualquiera de ambas opiniones —que toda la historia es una conspiración o que toda la historia es un movimiento ciego a la deriva— es abandonar el esfuerzo para comprender los hechos del poder y los caminos de los poderosos". C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 33.(7) "[.] Lejos de depender de la estructura de las instituciones, las minorías modernas pueden deshacer una estructura y hacer otra en la que representan después papeles totalmente diferentes. En realidad, esa destrucción y creación de estructuras institucionales, con todos sus medios de poder, cuando los acontecimientos parecen ir bien, es precisamente lo que va implícito en 'gran gobierno', o, cuando van mal, 'gran tiranía.'" C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 31.(8) La cursiva es propia. Ibíd.(9) "Las decisiones de un puñado de empresas influyen en los acontecimientos militares, políticos y económicos en todo el mundo. Las decisiones de la institución militar descansan sobre la vida política así como sobre el nivel mismo de la vida económica, y los afectan lastimosamente. Las decisiones que se toman en el dominio político determinan las actividades económicas y los programas militares. Ya no hay, de una parte, una economía, y de otra parte, un orden político que contenga una institución militar sin importancia para la política y para los negocios […] En el sentido estructural, este triángulo de poder es la fuente del directorio entrelazado que tanta importancia tiene para la estructura histórica del presente." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 15.(10) La cursiva es propia. C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 26. Para una interpretación igualmente crítica pero más nueva sobre este tráfico e imbricación entre poder político (y militar) con el poder económico de las grandes corporaciones en los Estados Unidos para el caso de la administración de George W. Bush véase Sidney Blumenthal, "Republican Tremors",Open Democracy, October 6, 2005 (extraído el 10 de octubre de 2006), disponible en http://www.opendemocracy.net.(11) En una lectura que es útil actualmente, Mills aclara que los "famosos profesionales" no son poderosos en un sentido de autoridad; por el contrario son "el resultado que corona el sistema de 'estrellato' de una sociedad que ha hecho de la competencia un fetiche. En los Estados Unidos, ese sistema es llevado a tal punto, que un individuo que puede llevar a golpes una pelota blanca por una serie de agujeros en el suelo con más eficacia y habilidad que cualquier otro, sólo por eso consigue tener acceso social al presidente del país." C. Wright Mills (1993),Op. Cit., pp. 76-77.(12) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 144.(13) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 194.(14) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 205.(15) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 219.(16) Richard Gillam (1975), Op. Cit., p. 461.(17) Roger Hilsman, The Politics of Policy Making in Defense and Foreign Affairs, Prentice-Hall Inc., New Jersey, 1987, pp. 57-58.(18) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 28.(19) Una prueba de ello yace en el siguientes párrafo: "Ninguna clase gobernante fija, anclada en la vida agraria y con la aureola de la gloria militar, pudo contener en Norteamérica el empuje histórico del comercio y de la industria, ni someter a la élite capitalista, como los capitalistas fueron sometidos en Alemania y el Japón, por ejemplo. Ni pudo la clase gobernante de ninguna parte del mundo contener a la de los Estados Unidos cuando vino a decidir la historia la violencia industrializada. Así lo atestiguan el destino de Alemania y del Japón en las dos guerras mundiales, y también el destino de la misma Inglaterra, de su clase gobernante modelo, al convertirse Nueva York en la inevitable capital económica y Washington en la inevitable capital política del mundo capitalista occidental." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 20.(20) Ver E. H. Carr, The Twenty Year's Crisis, Macmillan, London, 1949.(21) C. Wright Mills, Poder, Política, Pueblo, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1973, p. XXXVIII.

A bold reassessment of "smart cities" that reveals what is lost when we conceive of our urban spaces as computers Computational models of urbanism--smart cities that use data-driven planning and algorithmic administration--promise to deliver new urban efficiencies and conveniences. Yet these models limit our understanding of what we can know about a city. A City Is Not a Computer reveals how cities encompass myriad forms of local and indigenous intelligences and knowledge institutions, arguing that these resources are a vital supplement and corrective to increasingly prevalent algorithmic models. Shannon Mattern begins by examining the ethical and ontological implications of urban technologies and computational models, discussing how they shape and in many cases profoundly limit our engagement with cities. She looks at the methods and underlying assumptions of data-driven urbanism, and demonstrates how the "city-as-computer" metaphor, which undergirds much of today's urban policy and design, reduces place-based knowledge to information processing. Mattern then imagines how we might sustain institutions and infrastructures that constitute more diverse, open, inclusive urban forms. She shows how the public library functions as a steward of urban intelligence, and describes the scales of upkeep needed to sustain a city's many moving parts, from spinning hard drives to bridge repairs. Incorporating insights from urban studies, data science, and media and information studies, A City Is Not a Computer offers a visionary new approach to urban planning and design

After World War II, the question of how to define a universal human nature took on new urgency. This book charts the rise and precipitous fall in Cold War America of a theory that attributed man's evolutionary success to his unique capacity for murder. The book reveals how the scientists who advanced this "killer ape" theory capitalized on an expanding postwar market in intellectual paperbacks and widespread faith in the power of science to solve humanity's problems, even to answer the most fundamental questions of human identity. The killer ape theory spread quickly from colloquial science publications to late-night television, classrooms, political debates, and Hollywood films. Behind the scenes, however, scientists were sharply divided, their disagreements centering squarely on questions of race and gender. Then, in the 1970s, the theory unraveled altogether when primatologists discovered that chimpanzees also kill members of their own species. While the discovery brought an end to definitions of human exceptionalism delineated by violence, the book shows how some evolutionists began to argue for a shared chimpanzee-human history of aggression even as other scientists discredited such theories as sloppy popularizations. A wide-ranging account of a compelling episode in American science, the book argues that the legacy of the killer ape persists today in the conviction that science can resolve the essential dilemmas of human nature

"Reassessing the developing world through the lens of Europe's past. Today's developing nations emerged from the rubble of the Second World War. Only a handful of these countries have subsequently attained a level of prosperity and security comparable to that of the advanced industrial world. The implication is clear: those who study the developing world in order to learn how development can be achieved lack the data to do so. In The Development Dilemma, Robert Bates responds to this challenge by turning to history, focusing on England and France. By the end of the eighteenth century, England stood poised to enter "the great transformation." France by contrast verged on state failure, and life and property were insecure. Probing the histories of these countries, Bates uncovers a powerful tension between prosperity and security: both may be necessary for development, he argues, but efforts to achieve the one threaten the achievement of the other. A fundamental tension pervades the political economy of development. Bates also argues that while the creation of a central hierarchy-a state-may be necessary to the achievement of development, it is not sufficient. What matters is how the power of the state is used. France and England teach us that in some settings the seizure and redistribution of wealth-not its safeguarding and fostering-is a winning political strategy. These countries also suggest the features that mark those settings-features that appear in nations throughout the developing world. Returning to the present, Bates applies these insights to the world today."--Provided by publisher

In response to the COVID-19 health crisis, the French government has imposed drastic lockdown measures for a period of 55 days. This paper provides a quantitative assessment of the economic and environmental impacts of these measures in the short and long term. We use a Computable General Equilibrium model designed to assess environmental and energy policies impacts at the macroeconomic and sectoral levels. We find that the lockdown has led to a significant decrease in economic output of 5% of GDP, but a positive environmental impact with a 6.6% reduction in CO2 emissions in 2020. Both decreases are temporary: economic and environmental indicators return to their baseline trajectory after a few years. CO2 emissions even end up significantly higher after the COVID-19 crisis when we account for persistently low oil prices. We then investigate whether implementing carbon pricing can still yield positive macroeconomic dividends in the post-COVID recovery. We find that implementing ambitious carbon pricing speeds up economic recovery while significantly reducing CO2 emissions. By maintaining high fossil fuel prices, carbon taxation reduces the imports of fossil energy and stimulates energy efficiency investments while the full redistribution of tax proceeds does not hamper the recovery.

La version produite est la version d'auteur, conforme à la dernière corrigée et validée par l'éditeur scientifique et avec son accord. L'original papier publié contient, en effet, de nombreuses errata, en particulier de typographie, qui affectent sérieusement la bonne lecture des indications de nombreux numéros de pages, dates, indications de prosodie et graphies du texte original cité dans l'article et tel que voulu par l'auteur. ; International audience ; On ne conserve que deux exemplaires imprimés (BNE, HSA) et aucun manuscrit du curieux panégyrique de 1681 à Juan Francisco de la Cerda Enríquez de Ribera, écrit par le Malaguène Juan Esteban de Ovando Santarén y Gómez de Loaisa y Rojas, dont le présent article édite de larges fragments. Curieux, il l'est en cela qu'il juxtapose aux côtés de l'« octava real », que l'on associe au genre et qui domine bien ici, divers autres mètres et autres formes, tels des « romances », des distiques latins et même quelques antiques vers d'« arte mayor » castillan. On en vient à se demander — et on s'est efforcé de le démontrer — si une telle écriture n'avait pas donné lieu à quelque performance sonore particulière qui aurait supposé la mise en musique de certains de ces fragments au sein de la narration récitée en octaves. Après un petit état de l'art concernant son auteur et la figure du duc de Medinaceli, on situe le poème au sein de la production d'Ovando y Santarén avant de décrire la matérialité des exemplaires connus, d'en analyser la structure, de voir son inscription dans une certaine imitation du style de Luis de Góngora et de délimiter la présence de la musique dans ce texte.

This article examines how Army Special Operations might prepare to expand in the event of a major war by resolving impediments to growth, improving recall procedures, and developing plans to expand training capacities.

La version produite est la version d'auteur, conforme à la dernière corrigée et validée par l'éditeur scientifique et avec son accord. L'original papier publié contient, en effet, de nombreuses errata, en particulier de typographie, qui affectent sérieusement la bonne lecture des indications de nombreux numéros de pages, dates, indications de prosodie et graphies du texte original cité dans l'article et tel que voulu par l'auteur. ; International audience ; On ne conserve que deux exemplaires imprimés (BNE, HSA) et aucun manuscrit du curieux panégyrique de 1681 à Juan Francisco de la Cerda Enríquez de Ribera, écrit par le Malaguène Juan Esteban de Ovando Santarén y Gómez de Loaisa y Rojas, dont le présent article édite de larges fragments. Curieux, il l'est en cela qu'il juxtapose aux côtés de l'« octava real », que l'on associe au genre et qui domine bien ici, divers autres mètres et autres formes, tels des « romances », des distiques latins et même quelques antiques vers d'« arte mayor » castillan. On en vient à se demander — et on s'est efforcé de le démontrer — si une telle écriture n'avait pas donné lieu à quelque performance sonore particulière qui aurait supposé la mise en musique de certains de ces fragments au sein de la narration récitée en octaves. Après un petit état de l'art concernant son auteur et la figure du duc de Medinaceli, on situe le poème au sein de la production d'Ovando y Santarén avant de décrire la matérialité des exemplaires connus, d'en analyser la structure, de voir son inscription dans une certaine imitation du style de Luis de Góngora et de délimiter la présence de la musique dans ce texte.