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Using an empirically based methodology, the scientific approaches to define the concepts of "innovation" and "innovation policy" are summarized. It is substantiated that the goal of implementing innovative entrepreneurship is the transition to an innovative model of development, which requires the implementation of the following priority tasks: integration of all stages of innovative entrepreneurship in the region; formation of competitive regional innovative products; increasing the level of quality of institutional infrastructure; improvement of information provision of innovative processes; stimulation of regional business entities to ensure innovative activity; creation of communications in the "science-production" system; ensuring quality training of specialists in the field of innovative entrepreneurship; development of knowledge-intensive industries; effective use of innovative potential and intellectual capital of the region. Modeling of the innovative entrepreneurship profile of the regions led to the conclusion that the main task, for each of the regions, is to develop measures to increase the level of formation of its innovative entrepreneurship space, which will have the effect of optimizing the economic results of the operation and increase its competitiveness in domestic and international markets.

The report is part of a series of learning products with limited objectives geared towards synthesizing existing knowledge as well as learning and gaining new insights into the factors that influence design, policy implementation, and performance of development policy loans. It aims to provide fresh insights and build on previous evaluations of Bank investment projects and research and analytical work (for example, recent independent evaluation group (IEG) work on development policy operations (DPOs) includes the evaluation of poverty reduction support credits (PRSCs), first and second financial crisis evaluations (which examined crisis DPOs), recent operations policy and country services (OPCS) DPO retrospectives, and new research presented in this report on aspects of DPOs using a combination of approaches). The quality of macro frameworks in DPOs alone has not been subject of in-depth study. This report aims to contribute to filling that gap with a: (i) preliminary analysis of the quality of macro-fiscal frameworks in DPOs, and (ii) a comprehensive database of project level DPOs and related country and economic policy and statistical information, which is a byproduct of the study.

An enduring puzzle for scholars of Latin American policy reform asks how policy makers push through reforms with short term costs but long term benefits in mass democracies. Many answers have been given, including international pressures, cultural and ideational factors, the nature of political institutions, deceptive policy switches, and the power of concentrated interests. These explanations and others disregard the question of how policy elites attempt to build mass legitimacy for reforms through political communication strategies such as framing and agenda setting. In the case of Brazil, I argue, policy elites and media messages framed arguments about reform policies in terms of the consumer interest in competitive economic markets. I present an analysis of newspaper coverage of consumer issues in Brazil to show that attention to the critical competition frame increased during the first reform attempts under President Fernando Collor de Melo and, more clearly, during the main period of reforms under Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

Internationale Kooperation zur Vermeidung von gefährlichem anthropogenen Klimawandel erweist sich als sehr komplex. Viele Schwierigkeiten, ein verbindliches internationales Abkommen mit ausreichenden Reduktionszielen zu erreichen, sind augenscheinlich und werden in bestehender ökonomischer Literatur ausführlich diskutiert. Es entstehen allerdings stetig neue Ansätze und Ideen um Klimakooperation zu fördern. Diese Arbeit untersucht neue Wege der internationalen Klimakooperation und erweitert den Horizont der spieltheoretischen Forschung zu internationalen Umweltabkommen um Ansätze aus der Global Governance, politischen Ökonomie und Außenhandelspolitik. Zudem wird die Übertragbarkeit spieltheoretischer Erkenntnisse aus der Forschung zum Klimaschutz für die transnationale Klimaanpassung diskutiert. Die Arbeit fundiert in großen Teilen auf analytisch-spieltheoretischer Modellierung. In der zu Grunde liegenden Spielstruktur entscheiden Länder anfangs, ob sie einer internationalen Koalition beitreten oder nicht. Anschließend wählen die Koalitionsmitglieder ihr Emissionsniveau in einem Spiel zwischen der Koalition und den Nichmitgliedern. In diesem Analyserahmen wird die Option mehrerer gleichzeitig parallel existierender Klimaklubs auf ihr Potenzial zur Verbesserung der Zusammenarbeit und Emissionsminderung untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird der Einfluss von politischen Interessengruppen (Lobbys), die die Interessen von Industrie und Umweltverbänden vertreten, auf die Stabilität internationaler Umweltabkommen analysiert. Dies geschieht durch eine politökonomische Ergänzung des Grundmodells. Die Eignung von Handelssanktionen als Mittel zur Förderung der internationalen Kooperation für den Klimaschutz wird ebenfalls in einem analytischen Model untersucht und die Auswirkungen dieser Maßnahmen anschließend in einem angewandten allgemeinen Gleichgewichtsmodell quantifiziert. ; International cooperation to avoid dangerous anthropogenic climate change has proven to be very hard to achieve. The difficulties to reach a binding international agreement with sufficient reduction targets are evident and extensively discussed in the economic literature. Nevertheless, new ideas towards cooperation are evolving. This thesis offers an exploration of new avenues to international climate cooperation, widening the scope of game theoretic research on international environmental agreements towards global governance literature, political economy and trade. It also extends the potential applicability of the findings from the game theoretic literature on international environmental agreements for climate change mitigation as it discusses potential insights for cases of transnational climate adaptation. The analysis is based on analytical theoretical modelling, using a game theoretical model in which countries first choose between joining and not joining an international coalition. Then the coalition members choose their level of emissions cooperatively in a game between the coalition and the outsiders. It includes the possibility of multiple parallel climate clubs, focusing on their potential to enhance cooperation and emissions abatement. Further, the influence of political pressure groups (lobbies) that represent the interests of the industry and environmentalists on the stability of international environmental agreements is examined. This is done by augmenting the basic model of international environmental agreements with a politico-economic model of political contributions. The potential of trade sanctions to induce international cooperation for climate protection is assessed in an analytical model and the effects of these trade measures are then quantified in a static multi-region, multi-sector computable general equilibrium model of globaltrade and energy.

For centuries, one of the perceptible points of contact between China and the Caucasus was the Great Silk Road. However this contact related primarily to trade and economic and cultural relations and the Caucasus has never previously been an element of China's geopolitical interests. Nor would it be entirely true to say that the Caucasus has become a priority vector of Chinese geopolitics today either. For example, neither the president nor the prime minister of China has ever made an official visit to the region. Even Chinese ministers rarely visit the region. The Chinese delegations that have come to some of the Caucasian countries on official visits are usually headed by deputy ministers. Nevertheless, in the near future relations between China and the Caucasian countries could undergo a new boost, since, due to its geographical location, the Caucasus is destined to court China's involvement in its geopolitics. The PRC has elaborated its own specific geopolitical style, which can be quite clearly seen both in the Caucasus and in the nearby regions. This style is based on what can be described as a cluster approach, the gist of which lies in the fact that, by developing cooperation with one of the countries of the region, Beijing inescapably establishes relations with the countries contiguous to it, which often act as its rivals and competitors. China's comparatively low level of historical experience in terms of geopolitical contact with the Caucasian countries is very conducive to this approach, since it makes it possible to sidestep the political, historical, psychological, and other types of antagonism that exist between the countries and nationalities of the region with relative ease. China's activity in the Caucasus at present is primarily oriented toward strengthening economic relations with the region and improving the socioeconomic situation in the regional countries, thus decreasing the influence of such ideologies as Islamic fundamentalism and pan-Turkism that China finds undesirable. Moreover, both Russia and regional countries such as Iran find Beijing's stronger position in the region to their advantage. For Moscow, a stronger China in the Southern Caucasus and its closer relations with the Northern Caucasus are beneficial both in terms of their joint geopolitical resistance to Turkey and the West and in the context of improving the socioeconomic situation in the North Caucasian republics, which is having a positive influence on the fight against extremism. While for Tehran, Beijing is a natural ally in the geopolitical standoff with Turkey and the West.

There is a broad consensus across European states and the EU that social and economic inequality is a problem that needs to be addressed. Yet inequality policy is notoriously complex and contested. This book approaches the issue through extensive analysis of territorial politics and policy.

AbstractWe analyse the role of culture in economic freedom reform and dispersion in an unbalanced panel of up to 80 countries, and in dyadic models with up to 3,003 unique country pairs. We find that a sense of individualism strengthens the effectiveness of democracy in promoting economic freedom within countries over 1950–2015, and that institutional distance between countries increases in their cultural distance, suggesting an important role of culture in determining long-run institutional equilibria. Our results are robust to a large variety of socio-economic controls, measures of institutions and measures of bilateral geographic, economic and demographic distances.