Suchergebnisse

"Das Arbeitspapier stammt aus dem Projektbereich D des Sonderforschungsbereichs 186, welcher sich mit prekären Übergängen zwischen Erwerbssystem und sozialer Sicherung im individuellen Lebensverlauf befasst. Der Sozialhilfe kommt als 'Ausfallbürge' und Kontrollinstanz für einen immer größeren Teil der Bevölkerung dabei eine besondere Bedeutung zu. Das Teilprojekt D3 'Sozialhilfekarrieren' führt die Zeitperspektive in die Armutsforschung ein. Armut bzw. Sozialhilfebedürftigkeit werden nicht länger als Merkmale von Personen oder Personengruppen verstanden, sondern als biographisches Ereignis von mehr oder weniger weit reichender Bedeutung aufgefasst. Das vorliegende Arbeitspapier begründet die Fruchtbarkeit eines solchen dynamischen Ansatzes in systematischer Auseinandersetzung mit der US-amerikanischen und deutschen Armutsforschung."

The aim of the article is to analyze the theoretical provisions, world experience and the situation in Ukraine regarding the social sphere, its indicators, achievements and shortcomings, providing and justifying proposals for ways of development, outlining issues of further research in this area. The methodological basis of the study is the use of methods of theoretical generalization, systematic approach, analysis, synthesis, general and special methods of economic orientation. As a result, the possibility of resolving the contradictions between economic efficiency and social justice is shown, using various forms, methods and tools. The tools of the state social policy are offered. A historical excursion on the program solution of social problems in the countries of the world is given. The method of cloning and forecasting of organizational and economic form of regulation is characterized, examples of social development programs are given, including strategies, long-term programs, and also documents of regional character. The provision of subsidies to the population by regions in 2019 is analyzed, which takes into account the priorities of activity, territorial location, efforts of the authorities of the territories. The importance of innovative tools of social policy of the state in the conditions of budget deficit and at the same time high level of poverty of the population is emphasized. Components of social protection such as social assistance, social services, social insurance and social security are highlighted. The special importance of social assistance is emphasized, which means a system of measures aimed at improving the material condition of certain groups of the population through programs and activities of social institutions. It is proved that it is necessary to implement the principles of standardization of public life, the basis of which is the motivation of people to increase efficiency. The main problems of financing the social sphere and ways to solve them are indicated. The interaction of fiscal and social policy is clarified, when fiscal policy should stimulate business activity, and its use only to increase budget revenues leads to tension in society. It is emphasized that the main areas of social insurance are the protection of individuals in the event of loss of job, health, livelihood, ability to work and more. Much attention is given tothe importance of improving the work of the state employment service to enhance the effect of its activities, namely the professional orientation of job seekers, ensuring the availability of social services, the acquisition of additional qualifications for career growth by working individuals. There are substantiated proposals on the prospects of developing innovative tools of social policy of our state in a budget deficit and at the same time poverty of the main part of the population to ensure its protection, increase economic growth, when we get high social standards, and innovative changes in developing social programs which can be used in management structures at all levels, in enterprises and institutions of the social sphere. The severity of the problem of social security of all inhabitants of the country, exacerbated by economic and political instability for many years and the Сovid 19 pandemic at this stage, as well as insufficient scientific and methodological study of this problem necessitate consistent study, development and application of this component of development in terms of complexity, consistency, implementation of the best components of world and domestic experience. ; Метою статті є аналіз теоретичних положень, світового досвіду та ситуації в Україні щодо соціальної сфери, її показників, досягнень та недоліків, надання і обґрунтування пропозицій відносно шляхів розвитку, окреслення питань подальших наукових досліджень у даному спрямуванні. Методологічною основою дослідження є використання методів теоретичного узагальнення, системного підходу, аналізу, синтезу, загальнонаукових та спеціальних методів економічного спрямування. В результаті показано можливість вирішення протиріч між ефективністю економіки і соціальною справедливістю, використовуючи різні форми, методи та інструменти. Запропоновано інструментарій державної соціальної політики. Надано певний історичний екскурс щодо програмного вирішення соціальних проблем у країнах світу. Охарактеризовано метод планування і прогнозування організаційно-економічної форми регулювання, наведено приклади програм соціального розвитку, включаючи стратегії, довгострокові програми, а також документи регіонального характеру. Проаналізовано надання населенню субсидій за регіонами у 2019 році, де враховуються пріоритети діяльності, територіальне розташування, зусиль владних верхівок територій. Підкреслено важливість інноваційного інструментарію соціальної політики держави в умовах бюджетного дефіциту і водночас високого рівня бідності населення. Виділено такі складові соціального захисту як соціальна допомога, соціальні послуги, соціальне страхування та соціальне забезпечення. Наголошено на особливій важливості соціальної допомоги, під якою розуміється системи заходів, спрямованих на поліпшення матеріального стану певних груп населення через програми та діяльність соціальних закладів. Доведено, що необхідно впроваджувати принципи стандартизації суспільного життя, основою яких є мотивація людей до підвищення ефективності діяльності. Вказується на основні проблеми фінансування соціальної сфери та способи їх вирішення. З'ясовано взаємодію фіскальної та соціальної політики, коли фіскальна політика має стимулювати ділову активність, а її використання тільки на збільшення надходжень до бюджету призводить до напруження у суспільстві. Підкреслюється, що головними напрямками соціального страхування є захист фізичних осіб під час втрати роботи, здоров'я, засобів існування, працездатності та інше. Зазначається важливість вдосконалення роботи державної служби зайнятості для посилення ефекту від її діяльності, а саме професійної орієнтації пошукачів роботи, забезпечення доступності соціальних послуг, набуття працюючими індивідами додаткової кваліфікації для кар'єрного зростання. Наведені та достатньо аргументовані пропозиції щодо перспектив розробки інноваційного інструментарію соціальної політики нашої держави в умовах бюджетного дефіциту і водночас бідності основної частки населення для максимального забезпечення його захисту, підвищення темпів економічного зростання, коли отримаємо дотримання високих соціальних стандартів, а також інноваційних змін революційного характеру при розробленні соціальних програм, які можуть бути використані в управлінських структурах на всіх рівнях, на підприємствах і в установах соціальної сфери. Гострота проблеми соціального забезпечення всіх жителів країни, підсилена економічною і політичною нестабільністю протягом багатьох років і пандемією Covid 19 на даному етапі, а також недостатнє наукове і методологічне опрацювання даної проблеми провокують до послідовного вивчення, розробки та застосування у практичних діях зазначеної складової розвитку країни, особливо в частині комплексності, послідовності, реалізації кращих складових світового і багато в чому повчального вітчизняного досвіду.

The idea of progressive tax scale in Russia received a fundamentally new development in 2020. The leading position of the personal income tax in most countries is due to a number of circumstances. First, it is a personal tax, the object of which is the income actually received by the payer, and not the estimated average income that could be received in specific economic conditions. Second, income tax allows to maximize the implementation of the basic principles of taxation – universality and uniformity. In recent decades, national regimes of personal income taxation regimes have been actively developed both in foreign countries and in Russia. Purpose of the study. The article considers the elements of progressive taxation of personal income in the context of the principle of direct and inverse relations. Dealing with selected provisions of the national legislation of European countries and Russia the article shows that elements of progressive taxation can be applied only in particular aspects. The proposals of taxation of rich taxpayers are also brought into light. Methodology. The research was carried out with the application of the formally legal interpretation of legal acts as well as the comparative analysis of Russian and European legal literature. Structural and systemic methods are also the basis of the research, The main results. The establishment of a classical progressive system in the Russian Federation will encourage a change in the model of behavior of both persons who have the opportunity to increase their income, but do not intend to do so due to a decrease in the nominal increase in wages, and persons who previously declared income in full, but if the tax model changes, they will apply personal income tax evasion schemes. In addition, the results of a comparative analysis of the experience of the EU Member States show the ineffectiveness of the progressive income tax scale as a tool to combat social inequality. The comparison provided in the research also examines the problems of proportional and progressive taxation in the context of the principle of equity. In the context of the practice of applying progressive taxation, the experience of foreign countries is studied. Based on foreign experience, it can be concluded that the introduction of family taxation would require a fundamental change in the basis of income taxation in the Russian Federation, as well as would entail discrimination of taxpayers in terms of registered and civil marriage and abuse in order to extract tax benefits. The authors conclude that a more appropriate option for taking into account family circumstances is the widespread use of tax deductions. Since Russian legislation does not establish poverty criteria, personal income tax is levied even on income in the amount of the subsistence minimum. This also does not correspond to the principle of social justice, because in the absence of such criteria, poverty cannot be considered a basis for tax exemption. Thus, the establishment of a classical progressive system in the Russian Federation will encourage a change in the model of behavior of both persons who have the opportunity to increase their income, but do not intend to do so due to a decrease in the nominal increase in wages, and persons who previously declared income in full, but if the tax model changes, they will apply personal income tax evasion schemes. We believe that in the context of the principle of equity, the essence of progressive taxation is not the establishment of several tax rates and is not determined by the number of tax deductions that can be granted only to a small number of persons, including wealthy taxpayers, but that it reflects the ability of a person to pay tax. In our opinion, this ability should be guaranteed by the exemption from taxation of the minimum amount of income (minimum wage). Сonclusions. According to the results of the study, it is concluded that the establishment of a classical progressive system in the Russian Federation will encourage a change in the behavior model of both persons who have the opportunity to increase their income, but do not intend to do so due to a decrease in the nominal increase in wages, and persons who previously declared income in full, but if the tax model changes, they will use personal income tax evasion schemes. In addition, the results of a comparative analysis of the experience of the EU member States show the ineffectiveness of the progressive income tax scale as a tool to combat social inequality. It is proposed to apply only elements of progressive taxation when reforming the Russian tax regime for individuals, namely, to establish a nontaxable minimum in the amount of the minimum wage, which will ensure tax fairness for taxpayers with lower-average incomes. ; В статье рассматриваются элементы прогрессивного налогообложения доходов физических лиц в контексте принципа прямых и обратных связей. В 2020 г. принципиально новое развитие получила идея введения в России прогрессивной шкалы налогообложения. Также в сравнении рассматриваются проблемы пропорционального и прогрессивного налогообложения в контексте принципа прямых и обратных связей. В контексте исследования практики применения прогрессивного налогообложения исследован опыт зарубежных стран. Авторы приходят к выводу о том, что установление классической прогрессивной системы в Российской Федерации будет побуждать к изменению модели поведения как лиц, которые имеют возможность увеличения своего дохода, но не намерены этого делать вследствие снижения номинального прироста оплаты труда, так и лиц, которые ранее декларировали доходы в полном объеме, но при изменении модели налогообложения будут применять схемы уклонения от уплаты НДФЛ. По итогам исследования сделан вывод о том, что установление классической прогрессивной системы в Российской Федерации будет побуждать к изменению модели поведения как лиц, которые имеют возможность увеличения своего дохода, но не намерены этого делать вследствие снижения номинального прироста оплаты труда, так и лиц, которые ранее декларировали доходы в полном объеме, но при изменении модели налогообложения будут применять схемы уклонения от уплаты НДФЛ. Кроме того, результаты сравнительного анализа опыта государств – членов ЕС показывают неэффективность прогрессивной шкалы подоходного налогообложения как инструмента борьбы с социальным неравенством. Предлагается при реформировании российского режима налогообложения физических лиц применять лишь элементы прогрессивного налогообложения, а именно установить необлагаемый минимум в размере МРОТ, который обеспечит справедливость налогообложения для налогоплательщиков с уровнем доходов ниже среднего.

The topic of this report is a collaborative governance arrangement between the Norwegian government and organisations of economically and social disadvantaged persons. The arrangement has been operative since the spring of 2008 and involves the following elements: • A Contact Committee of representatives of the government and organisations of economically and social disadvantaged persons, convening two–three times per year to discuss measures for combating poverty and social exclusion in Norway • A Collaborative Forum established to enable spokespersons of ten to twelve organisations to strengthen their competence, clarify and prioritise joint demands and policy proposals to be presented to Ministers at the next Contact Committee meeting. • The Battery, a centre for supporting self-organisation and self-help efforts (under the Church Street Mission), in the role as secretariat, facilitator and intermediary in relation to the Ministries • Provision of financial support; the government has granted funds for the operation of to the Battery for its work vis-ö -vis the Contact Committee and the Collaborative Forum and for establishing new local Batteries across Norway, and for basic grants and project support for organisations of economically and social disadvantaged persons. Even if new and still under development, this model of collaborative governance and open and inclusive policy making has attracted attention internationally, for instance from the European Commission and the OECD. The international interest has centred on the model's emphasis on facilitating capacity building and joint policy articulation among underrepresented groups, providing new resources these groups and the role of the Battery as facilitator and intermediary. Arguably the combination of these traits makes the Norwegian unique in a comparative context. This report takes stock of the experiences and achievements of almost three years of operation. On the basis of documentary analysis and a series of long semi-structured interview with key informants the study examines to what extent the model is on the right track to meet the stated objectives and the stakeholders' expectations. The main findings of the study are: • The involved parties – the Battery and the organisations – have to considerable extent succeeded in making the Collaborative Forum an arena for capacity building and joint policy articulation, but the organisations' heterogeneity in terms of profile, focus, organisational philosophy and approach has been a major challenge in their efforts to agree on truly joint proposals and clear priorities for demands vis-ö -vis the Ministers. Especially some organisations have tended to compete against each other about getting "their" cause and demands to be at the fore of the discussions. As a pragmatic solution to this competition, the Collaborative Forum has tended to propose a number of diverse issues to be included in the agenda of each Contact Committee meeting and allow some issues to be taken up at several successive meetings. Consequently, there has been relatively low renewal of issues over time and issues like for instance child poverty and the education of survivors of child protection have been given relatively scant attention. • Similarly, the Collaborative Forum and Battery had made some progress in promoting capacity building among the organisations of economically and socially disadvantaged persons but there was clearly a scope for further development, for instance in clarifying the target group for different capacity building events and in using the heterogeneity of the organisations as a potential source for competence transfer and mutual learning between the organisations. • While the availability of new funds for joint initiatives, actions and projects had stimulated more collaboration between the organisations involved in the model, the full potential for such joint ventures had not been exhausted. Factors contributing to the underuse of this opportunity were again the heterogeneity of the organisations, and the participating organisations' uneven access to resources for basic organisational activities. • Overall the spokespersons of the organisations clearly stated that it had been important and valuable for them to be involved in the model, especially to be included among the representatives attending the Contact Committee meetings. In particular the spokespersons emphasised the improved possibilities for voice (or 'representation' in the sense spelled out by Nancy Fraser 2008) in relation to the experiences, needs and demands of people at the margin of Norwegian society. Next the spokespersons appreciated the increased visibility and acknowledgement of the organisations' objectives, activities, competence and abilities (or 'recognition' in Fraser's sense). The organisations were, however, more reserved or critical about the amount of tangible results of the participation, in the meaning of genuinely new and better public politics and provision (or achievements of 'redistribution' in Fraser's sense). Although most of the spokespersons referred to some improvements in public policy, they regarded these more as adjustments and amendments than reforms indicating a new direction of public policy. Spokespersons also criticised the Ministers and Civil Servants for giving delayed and limited feedback on the issues and proposals that the organisations had raised in the Contact Committee meetings. The report discusses several factors that may account for this dissatisfaction on the part of the organisations and present a number of suggestions and recommendations for how the Ministers and Civil Servants could become more accountable, as perceived by the spokespersons of the organisations. ; Rapporten analyserer et uvanlig middel for å bekjempe fattigdom i Norge: Siden våren 2008 har representanter for regjeringen og om lag ti organisasjoner av økonomisk og sosialt utsatte diskutert tiltak mot fattigdom i et Kontaktutvalg. Organisasjonenes representanter har møtt jevnlig i et Samarbeidsforum for å styrke sin kompetanse og diskutere seg fram til felles forslag og prioriteringer overfor politikerne. Selvhjelpssenteret Batteriet (under Kirkens Bymisjon) har vært sekretariat. Denne modellen for sivil dialog har vakt internasjonal oppmerksomhet, men er ikke godt kjent i Norge. Rapporten gjør rede for erfaringene med modellen så langt, bygd på intervjuer og foreliggende dokumenter, og presenterer en rekke forslag for å gi modellen større gjennomslagskraft.

Background: Providing access to safe drinking water is one of the most effective measures to promote health and reduce poverty in low and middle income counties (LMIC). There is a great need for public health interventions (PHIs) addressing the need for safe drinking water. In evidence-based PHIs the focus usually is centred around the positive outcome of an intervention. An intervention may be both well planned and initially have good intention, however the reality is that PHIs may lead to unintended harms (UHs). This has received limited or nearly no attention in evidence based public health. Rationale: Formative research conducted as part of Project SHINE (Sanitation and Hygiene INnovation in Education), a youth and community based intervention to develop sustainable water, sanitation and hygiene strategies among Maasai pastoralists in rural and remote Tanzania indicated that water scarcity and water quality were substantial public health concerns among community members. Therefore, a pilot study was conducted to assess the potential of the Biosand filter (BSF) as a low-cost, low-tech water treatment option. In order to avoid potential UHs as a result of the implementation of the BSF, meaningful dialogue with the Maasai community both to identify potential harms but also to simultaneously develop mitigation strategies to tackle potentially UHs was conducted. Objectives: This study seeks to develop an understanding of community perceptions related to water scarcity and water quality, and how this effects the Maasai pastoralists as a foundation for understanding the context in which the BSF study is being implemented in. In addition, the study aims to engage and identify community perspectives concerning potential UHs and mitigation strategies, related to the implementation of the BSF. An UH typology by Allen Scott et al. (2014) will be used as a guiding framework. Methods: A descriptive qualitative case study design was used in order to investigate the research questions posed by this thesis. Carefully selected interviews included the following: one in-depth/semi structured interviews, one group discussion and three think tanks. Content analysis was applied as a strategy to analyse the data. Results: Water scarcity is reported as a concern especially considering seasonal availability of water. Water quality is perceived as poor due to shared water sources with the livestock and wild animals. The results demonstrated that UHs associated with the BSF may occur in all five of Allen-Scott ́s et al. (2014) typology: physical, psychosocial, economic, cultural and environmental context. In addition, two external themes emerged; political harm and harm by omission. The potential harms were: inequality, poor leadership and education, poverty, lack of resources and the size of the BSF. Important mitigation strategies were: engaging with policy level, developing grassroot leadership within the Maasai community and adequate education regarding the BFS technology. Conclusion: The BSF filter may be a viable solution to improve the water quality within the NCA context, however the BSF filter will not address concerns related to water scarcity, for instance the heavy workload associated with collecting water, such as long distance walks and heavy lifting. The need for extensive education and training, respected and qualified leadership within the community and engagement with policy leaders is fundamental in order to avoid unintended harm identified with the BSF implementation. ; Bakgrunn: Å fremskaffe rent drikkevann er et av de mest effektive virkemidler for å fremme helse og redusere fattigdom i lav- og middelsinntektsland. Det er et stort behov for at folkehelsetiltak fokuserer på behovet for rent drikkevann. I forskningsbasert folkehelse er fokuset normalt konsentrert om positivt resultat av intervensjoner. En intervensjon kan være både godt planlagt og ha hatt gode intensjoner. Likevel kan folkehelsetiltak føre til uønskede konsekvenser (UK). Dette har imidlertid fått svært lite til ingen oppmerksomhet i forskningsbasert folkehelse. Rasjonale: Tidligere forskning i forbindelse med Project SHINE (Sanitation and Hygiene INovation in Education), en ungdoms- og lokalsammfunnsbasert intervensjon for å utvikle bærekraftig vann-, sanitær- og hygienestrategier blant pastorale Maasaier i landlige og fjerntliggende strøk av Tanzania, indikerte at vannmangel og -kvalitet var vesentlige folkehelsebekymringer blant lokalbefolkningen. En pilotstudie ble derfor gjennomført for å vurdere potensialet for Biosandfilter (BSF) som lavkostnads og lavteknologisk vannrensning. For å unngå mulige UK som resultat av implementering av BSF ble det gjennomført målrettet dialog med Maasai-folket både for å identifisere mulig skadevirkning og også samtidig utvikle skadebegrensningsstrategier. Oppgavens formål: Denne studien søker å utvikle en forståelse av lokalsamfunnsperspektiv knyttet til vannmangel og -kvalitet, og hvordan dette virker inn på Maasai-folket som et grunnlag for forståelse av konteksten BSF-studien var satt i. I tillegg sikter studien mot å involvere og identifisere lokalsamfunnsperspektiv rundt potensielle UK og skadebegrensningsstrategier knyttet til implementering av BSF. En typologi utviklet av Allen- Scott et al (2014) vil bli brukt som et ledende rammeverk. Metoder: En case-basert deskriptiv kvalitativ studie ble brukt for å undersøke forskningsspørsmål fremmet i denne avhandlingen. Nøye utvalgte intervju inkluderte følgende: Et dybde-/semistrukturert intervju, en gruppediskusjon, og tre tenketanker. Innholdsanalyse ble brukt som verktøy for å analysere data. Resultater: Vannmangel er rapportert som en bekymring særlig i forhold til varierende tilgang gjennom årstidene. Vannkvalitet blir ansett som dårlig fordi vannressurser deles med kyr og ville dyr. Resultatene viser at UK knyttet til BSF kan forekomme i alle fem kategorier av Allen-Scotts et al. (2014) typologier: fysisk, psykososialt, økonomisk, kulturelt og miljømessig. I tillegg oppstod to utenforliggende tema: politisk skade og skade ved unnlatelse. De potensielle konsekvensene var: ulikhet, dårlig ledelse og utdanning, fattigdom, manglende ressurser og størrelsen av BSF. Viktige skadebegrensningsstrategier var: å involvere på et politisk nivå, utvikle fungerende lederstruktur innen Maasai-befolkningen og adekvat utdanning i forhold til BSF-teknologien. Konklusjon: BSF kan være en levedyktig løsning for å forbedre vannkvalitet innen NCA konteksten, imidlertid vil BSF ikke kunne adressere bekymringer relatert til vannmangel, som for eksempel arbeidsmengden forbundet med innhenting av vann, som lang gangavstand eller tunge løft. Behovet for omfattende undervisning og trening, respektert og kvalifisert lederskap i lokalsamfunnet, og involvering av politisk ledelse, er avgjørende for å unngå UK knyttet til implementeringen av BSF. ; M-FOL

SUMMARY Living in a time of materialism, when the ethical component of business is almost completely ignored, is the main challenge for all activists of different thinking, to offer ideas that can lead to new and important changes. Social entrepreneurship is an idea that has awakened much interest in recent decades, because it is based on different approaches of classical economic understanding. This concept in the cold logic of modern business brings warmth, a note of humanity and altruism, and contributes to the promotion of moral and ethical practices and standards. Initiatives of social entrepreneurship are always associated with humane ideas, aiming at the general social well-being, as opposed to traditional entrepreneurship, in which the profit is the primary goal and the main measure of success. Social entrepreneurship, as a model, in its ideological and practical function, aims to create a stable structure based on full utilization of human resources, offering new ways of resolving the numerous social and economic problems. A significant number of the population in Bosnia and Herzegovina is strongly affected by social exclusion. Among the most vulnerable are persons with disabilities, Roma and youth, while women in all groups are particulary vulnerable. The European Union practice shows that social entrepreneurship is a good instrument for eliminating poverty, social exclusion and unemployment. Compared to the European Union model, the potential for the development of social entrepreneurship is not being utilized enough in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bearing in mind these findings, the main objectives of this work is to explore and present theoretical approaches and concepts of social entrepreneurship and possible ways of overcoming social exclusion through social entrepreneurship, based on primary and secondary research. The strongest arguments for commitment to the development of social entrepreneurship in Bosnia and Herzegovina show facts: • Citizens of the Bosnia and Herzegovina recognize that entrepreneurship can contribute to the reduction of social problems, especially social exclusion. • The development of small and medium enterprises significantly influences the increase of social inclusion. The practical part included exploration of the needs for solving social exclusion, poverty and unemployment problems, and the possible ways of overcoming these problems through social entrepreneurship. Research of the situation and possibilities of development of social entrepreneurship included: 1. Survey with target groups, based on prepared questionnaire, which covered 400 unemployed persons from marginalized groups: women, youth, persons with disabilities and Roma, throughout Republic of Srpska (40 municipalities), in cooperation with non-governmental organizations and Employment Service of the Republic of Srpska. 2. Findings of survey with institutions, non-governmental organizations and small and medium enterprises Based on theoretical part of doctoral dissertation we confirm the sub-hypotheses: • H1.1: Human capital is the most important resource for achieving sustainable development goals ; • H1.2: Gender is a significant predictor of socio-economic status of citizens, and • H1.5: By introducing special measures and support programs, it is possible to significantly improve the development of social entrepreneurship. Based on empirical research we partially confirm the sub-hypotheses: • H1.3: Citizens perceive entrepreneurship as a mechanism for overcoming social exclusion and • H1.4: Development of small and medium enterprises significantly influences the increase of social inclusion. In final, we partially confirm our main hypothesis H.1: Sustainable Community Development, viewed through the paradigm of social inclusion, is significantly associated with the development of social entrepreneurship. ; Živeti v času materializma, ko je etična komponenta skoraj v popolnosti zanemarjena, je izziv za vse aktiviste drugačnih razmišljanj, da ponudijo ideje, ki lahko pripeljejo do novih in pomembnih sprememb. Socialno podjetništvo je ideja, ki je vzbudila veliko pozornosti v zadnjih desetletjih, zato ker temelji na pristopih, drugačnih od klasičnega ekonomskega razumevanja. V hladno logiko modernega poslovanja vnaša toplino, človeško noto in altruizem ter prispeva k uveljavljanju moralnih in etičnih praks in standardov.Iniciative socialnega podjetništva so zmeraj povezane s humano idejo, imajo za cilj izboljšanje splošnega družbenega počutja, za razliko od tradicionalnega podjetništva, v katerem je profit primarni cilj delovanja in glavno merilo uspeha. Socialno podjetništvo, kot model, v svoji ideološki in praktični funkciji, teži k ustvarjanju stabilne strukture, zasnovane na polni uporabi vseh človeških resursov, ki ponujajo nove načine reševanja nakopičenih družbenih in ekonomskih problemov. Pomembno število prebivalcev Bosne in Hercegovine je zelo prizadeto zaradi socialne izključenosti. Najbolj so prizadete invalidne osebe, Romi in mladina, v vseh skupinah pa še posebej ženske. Socialno podjetništvo se je kot večplasten koncept dokazalo kot primeren način za reševanje teh problemov. Praksa Evropske skupnosti kaže, da je socialno podjetništvo dober inštrument za eliminiranje revščine, socialne izključenosti in brezposelnosti. V primerjavi z modelom Evropske skupnosti potencial za razvoj socialnega podjetništva v Bosni in Hercegovini ni dovolj izkoriščen.Z upoštevanjem teh spoznanj je glavni cilj tega dela raziskati in predstaviti teoretične pristope in koncepte socialnega podjetništva in možne načine preseganja socialne izključenosti s pomočjo socialnega podjetništva, na podlagi primarnega in sekundarnega raziskovanja. Najmočnejše argumente za zavzemanje za razvoj socialnega podjetništva v Bosni in Hercegovini potrjujejo dejstva: • Občani Bosne in Hercegovine prepoznavajo, da podjetništvo lahko doprinese k zmanjšanju socialnih problemov, zlasti socialne izključenosti ; • Razvoj malih in srednjih podjetjih značilno vpliva na povečanje socialne vključenosti. Praktični del disertacije vključuje raziskovanje potreb za reševanje problemov socialne izključenosti, revščine in brezposelnosti ter možnih načinov reševanja teh problemov s pomočjo socialnega podjetništva. Raziskovanje stanja in možnosti razvoja socialnega podjetništva je obsegalo: 1. Anketiranje ciljnih skupin, na podlagi pripravljenega vprašalnika, je obsegalo 400 brezposelnih oseb iz marginaliziranih skupin: ženske, mlade, invalidne osebe in Rome po vsej Republiki Srbski (40 občin), v sodelovanju z nevladnimi organizacijami in Zavodom za zaposlovanje Republike Srbske. 2. Ugotovitve raziskovanja inštitucij, nevladnih organizacij ter malih in srednjih podjetjih.Na podlagi teoretičnega dela doktorske disertacije potrjujemo naslednje pomožne hipoteze: H1.1. Človeški kapital je najpomembnejši resurs za doseganje ciljev trajnostnega razvoja. H1.2. Spol je pomemben dejavnik socio-ekonomskega statusa občanov. H1.5. Z uvajanjem posebnih ukrepov in programov podpore je možno znatno pospešiti razvoj socialnega podjetništva. Na podlagi empiričnega raziskovanja delno potrjujemo naslednji pomožni hipotezi: H1.3. Občani zaznavajo podjetništvo kot mehanizem za premagovanje socialne izključenosti. H1.4. Razvoj malih in srednjih podjetij značilno vpliva na povečevanje socialne vključenosti. Na koncu delno potrjujemo našo glavno hipotezo H1: H1. Razvoj trajnostne skupnosti, opazovan skozi paradigmo socialne vključenosti, je značilno povezan z razvojem socialnega podjetništva.

Los conflictos por el control de los recursos naturales han sido una constante en la historia de América Latina. A inicios del siglo XXI, sin embargo, un conjunto de nuevos procesos de transformación de los territorios rurales que involucran nuevos y viejos actores están teniendo lugar en el continente. Esto genera conflictos y también alianzas, cuyas implicaciones para el diseño e implementación de las políticas agroalimentarias y de superación de la pobreza es necesario analizar. En otras palabras, la cuestión agraria del siglo XXI está actualmente vinculada a dos principales procesos de acaparamiento de tierras y recursos naturales que se deben esclarecer: por una parte, los acaparamientos vinculados a los agro negocios para la producción de cultivos con múltiples usos (e.g., soya, caña de azúcar, palma aceitera, maíz, etc.); y, por otra parte, los vinculados a empresas extractivas (e.g., petroleras, mineras, de bioenergía, madereras, etc.). Estosprocesos, sin embargo, están asociados a otros de más larga data y que continúan ocurriendo paralelamente o que crecientemente tienden a estar subordinados: los vinculados a los agricultores familiares parcialmente vinculados a los mercados; los vinculados a productores rurales diversificados; y, por último, los vinculados a poblaciones «campesinas» y/o grupos étnicos total o parcialmente excluidos de los mercados. El documento tiene como principal objetivo identificar las características que asume cada proceso en los países de la región,y desde una perspectiva normativa, sugerir cómo deberían ser diseñadas e implementadas las políticas para la superación de la pobreza rural, la seguridad y soberanía alimentarias, así como un crecimiento económico respetuoso de los procesos ecológicos naturales en este nuevo contexto. ; Conflicts over control of natural resources have been a constant in Latin America´s history. At thebeginning of the twenty-first century a new set of rural transformation processes involving new and oldactors are taking place in the continent. This generates conflicts and alliances with implications for thedesign and implementation of agri-food policies and poverty reduction. The agrarian questions of the 21stcentury are currently linked to two main land and territorial grabbing processes: on the one hand, thoselinked to agribusinesses for the production of multiple use crops (e.g. soy, sugar cane, oil palm, corn, etc.);and, on the other hand, those linked to extractive firms (e.g. oil, mines, bio-energy, wood, etc.). The twoprocesses are connected, however, to others with a longer time span, which continue taking place in parallel: those linked to family farms partially related to; those related to diversified rural producers; and,finally, those related to «peasant» populations and/or ethnic groups totally or partially excluded from themarkets. The main goal of this paper is to identify the characteristics assumed by each process in thecountries of the region; and, from a normative perspective, to outline what policies should be designed andimplemented for overcoming rural poverty, food security and food sovereignty, and an economic growthrespectful of natural ecological processes in this new context. ; Les conflits pour le contrôle des ressources naturelles ont été une constante dans l'histoire de l'AmériqueLatine. Au début du XXIème siècle, un nouvel ensemble de processus de transformation des zones ruralesimpliquant anciens et nouveaux acteurs se déroulent dans le continent. Ceci génère des conflits et desalliances, dont les implications, il est nécessaire d'analyser pour la conception et la mise en oeuvre despolitiques agroalimentaires et de réduction de la pauvreté. Autrement dit, la question agraire du XXI siècleest désormais en rapport avec deux principaux processus liés à l'accaparement des terres et des ressourcesnaturelles : d'une part ceux attachés aux grandes industries agroalimentaires (le soja, la canne à sucre, lepalmier à huile, le maïs, etc.); et, d'autre part ceux unis aux industries extractives (les hydrocarburants,l'exploitation minière, la bioénergie, le bois, etc.). Ces processus, cependant, sont associés à d'autres delongue date ou qui, survenant en parallèle, ont tendance à être de plus en plus subordonnés: ceux liées auxagriculteurs familiaux partiellement couplées aux marchés, ceux liées aux agriculteurs diversifiés; et, enfin,ceux rattachées aux populations « paysannes » et/ou aux groups ethniques entièrement ou partiellementexclus du marché. L'objectif de cet article est d'identifier les caractéristiques que chaque processus présentedans les différents pays de la région; et, d'un point de vue normatif, d'accorder la façon dont les politiquesdevraient être conçues et mises en oeuvre pour la réduction de la pauvreté rurale, la sécurité et souverainetéalimentaire tout en faisant partie d'un processus de croissance économique respectueux de l'environnementdans ce nouveau contexte. ; O conflito sobre os recursos naturais têm sido uma constante na história da América Latina. No início doséculo XXI, no entanto, um conjunto de novos processos de transformação de áreas rurais envolvendonovos e antigos atores estão ocorrendo no continente. O que gera conflitos e alianças, as implicações paraa concepção e implementação de políticas agroalimentares e redução da pobreza deve ser analisada. Emoutras palavras, a questão agrária do século XXI está agora ligada a dois principais processos de grilagem deterras e recursos naturais, que são necessárias para esclarecer: em primeiro lugar, aqueles relacionados aoagronegócio para produzir culturas com usos múltiplos (p ganhar. por exemplo, soja, cana de açúcar, óleode palma, milho, etc.); e, além disso, ligada a empresas extractivas (por exemplo, petróleo, mineração,bioenergia, madeira, etc.). Estes processos, no entanto, estão associados com outros mais longa e continuama ocorrer em paralelo ou cada vez mais tendem a ser subordinado: aqueles relacionados aos agricultoresfamiliares parcialmente ligados aos mercados; ligada aos agricultores diversificados; e, finalmente, ligada àspopulações camponesas» e / ou grupos de mercados étnicos integral ou parcialmente excluídos. O principalobjetivo do trabalho é identificar as características que cada processo nos países da região e de uma perspectivapolítica, sugerem como eles devem ser desenhado e implementado políticas de superação da pobreza rural,segurança e soberania alimentar, e crescimento econômico amigável dos processos ecológicos naturaisneste novo contexto. ; 61-78 ; lllambi@ivic.ve ; Semestral

At the heart of Australia's aid program is the objective 'to assist developing countries to reduce poverty and achieve sustainable development in line with Australia's national interest. A key aspect of this has been working towards attainment of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The Global Economic Crisis {GEC) has had a severe impact on progress towards these goals and threatens to further sidetrack progress through an increase in protectionist pressures globally that, if succumbed to, could potentially stifle trade and economic activity globally. Over the past three decades global trade flows have increased dramatically, and have maintained a strong growth rate averaging a 5.5% over the period of 2000-07, outstripping the growth in world output over the same period of 3%. This trend is especially evident in the Asian region, where trade-led growth policies have resulted in the 'Asian miracle' that saw millions pulled out of poverty. There are three factors that characterise the trade flows of the developing Asian-Pacific economies. First, the developing nations of the Asia-Pacific region have collectively become increasingly .dependent on trade with the average trade to Gross Domestic Product ratio of the region increasing by over 23 percentage points between 1997 and 2007 to 98.7% Second, this increased dependence on trade has been accompanied by an increase in intraregional trade, which now represents half of all trade flows in the region. However, the region remains heavily connected to the developed markets of the European Union {EU), the United States of America {US) and Japan who together account for approximately 45% of the region's export markets. Finally, the composition of the region's exports has also changed, though this varies markedly between the sub-regions. As a general split, the Asian economies (bar South Asia) are becoming more reliant on Industry, particularly electronics and components, while the economies of the Pacific on the other hand tend to be heavily dependent on tourism and primary resource exports. South Asia has become increasingly dependent on its service exports, including tourism. The combination of these three factors has dictated how severely the GEC has thus far affected the region. Generally speaking the crisis represents the most severe economic slowdown since the Second World War, with all major economies to drop into recession with a predicted overall drop in global output of 1.3% Led by the region's increased dependence on trade and the associated reliance on the developed economies, the GEC has severely impacted the developing Asia-Pacific where an overall growth rate of 3.4% is predicted for 2009, the most sluggish growth in the region since the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-88 . The impact has not been uniform across the regions,however, those regions more dependent on trade and most susceptible to a drop in demand from the developed economies are feeling the most acute effects. The composition of exports also played a part with the nations that are most dependent on electronics (the East and South East Asian economies) affected most by the collapse in demand resulting from the GEC. Commodity exports were the next hardest hit (South and South-East Asia and the Pacific), followed by exports of capital equipment (mostly the more developed nations of the region) and then garment exports. Economies where tourism represents a large share of GDP were also hit hard. These figures present the double-edged nature of using trade flows as an engine for growth - put simply, the more reliant on trade a region is the greater the impacts of the GEC. On the surface this may seem an argument against using trade as the primary engine of national growth. It is important, however, to recognise these effects in light of the benefits that have been gained by these nations to date as a result of their openness to trade. Nevertheless, the GEC has led to a rise in pressure from domestic workers and industry on governments for protection from external shocks. Protectionism offers a means by which governments can respond to such pressure. Protectionism is the policy of protecting the markets, industries or jobs of one's own country, usually by restricting the entry of products or services from other countries. It offers a means by which governments can assist such industries by inflating the demand for their products by reducing the foreign competition that faces the firm. In doing so, local employment levels can be maintained, appeasing domestic political pressures from these groups. However, there are three negative impacts for the implementing economy associated with protectionist policies. First, consumers will be forced to pay a higher price for goods, lowering their purchasing power and raising the cost of inputs for local producers. Second, such policies will prevent efficient restructure and reform occurring in the economy, which will raise unemployment and lead to an inefficient use of resources. Third, protectionist policies are likely to lead to retaliatory policies from other trading partners, meaning that other, perhaps more efficient sectors of the economy are hurt by efforts to protect another. Despite this there has been a notable rise in protectionist pressures globally, accompanied by a rise . in actual policies. By and large, though, governments are resisting calls for protection in light of the damaging effects it has on both the domestic and also global economy. Various studies forecast these effects, generally presenting similar findings that there is no economic incentive to pursue protectionist policies but, in some cases, significant political incentive. The impacts of the GEC will have potentially severe effects on progress towards the MDGs, which will only be intensified by a shift to protectionist pressures. Any shift to protectionism will have important implications for Australia's aid program. To address this threat AusAID can help on two levels. First, by helping developing nations resist protectionist policies and maximise the benefits of trade through a range of aid-for-trade policies. Second, the aid program can work to alleviate the potential impact of a shift to protectionism on three main levels: (1) generating employment and growth; (2) assisting developing governments in the provision of essential services; and (3) protecting the most vulnerable of these nations.

Evidently, both direct and indirect costs of children which are significant in many low income families put much financial burden on parents. Consequently, lower income families are prone to child poverty urging the government to offer assistance to make the cost of raising children more affordable. One of the schemes available is the Family Tax Benefits part A and B (FTB-A and FTB-B). Although both the FTB-A and FTB-B share the same goal to help families with dependent children, they differ considerably in terms of eligibility criteria . The FTB-A is understood to be delivering its objectives considerably well without affecting much the time allocation decisions of households.2 However, the FTB-B effects on work disincentives of secondary earners who are usually primary carers of children are debatable. 3 This report uses Effective Marginal Tax Rate (EMTR) in the scenario analysis to assess the relative gain and loss of income of females as a result of means testing and income tax increases . The objective is to provide a simple illustration of withdrawal effects that come with an increase in females' income. It is found that the FTB-B withdrawal effects take place much earlier than that of the FTB-A in the hypothetical low and middle income families . On the other hand, lower income groups may be less influenced by income tax as they benefit from the Low Income Tax Offset. However, many assumptions such as the exclusion of other policies, inequality in wage rates by genders, and the subjectiveness of the FTB payments may limit the accuracy of the observations. Welfare payments are important for lower income families because the majority relies on government assistance as Principal Source of Income (PSI). 4 Therefore, the loss of FTB-B benefits as females start working may put restrictions and financial distress on them. These factors would lead to poverty traps because only a small amount of an additional dollar of income can be retained. This explains why it may be more economically viable for low income females to care for children at home. For females in middle income families, the overlap of means tests 5 affects their time allocation decisions. However, one needs to recognise that the extents of work disincentives on individual females may vary according to other factors which are discussed in the report. The work disincentives from means tests have direct negative implications on the economy because the labour participation of Australian households indicates the level of economic growth • The shift in time allocations of mothers from full-time to part-time jobs would result in a loss of skill retention from female labour and widening income gaps between genders. Hence, the growth of the economy will therefore be affected from the work disincentives resulting from the FTB means tests. The importance of mothers' contribution to the economic production leads to various reform proposals to ease the income test thresholds. This is to allow mothers to work more without affecting the amount of payments received. Nevertheless, apart from budget constraints as a result of the reform, there are limitations to the labour productivity working mothers can contribute to the economy. This is an important issue because labour productivity contributed by mothers would ease future capacity constraints from aging population and low population growth and lead to a long-term sustainable economic growth. economic growth • The shift in time allocations of mothers from full-time to part-time jobs would result in a loss of skill retention from female labour and widening income gaps between genders. Hence, the growth of the economy will therefore be affected from the work disincentives resulting from the FTB means tests. The importance of mothers' contribution to the economic production leads to various reform proposals to ease the income test thresholds. This is to allow mothers to work more without affecting the amount of payments received. Nevertheless, apart from budget constraints as a result of the reform, there are limitations to the labour productivity working mothers can contribute to the economy. This is an important issue because labour productivity contributed by mothers would ease future capacity constraints from aging population and low population growth and lead to a long-term sustainable economic growth. The limitations to the labour productivity of working mothers include, but not limited to, factors such as individual preferences and income inequality that reduce mothers' incentives to thrive in their career paths. Also, the encouragement to working mothers to increase time allocation of employment related activities may lead to a resource misallocation in the economy. This is because availability of part-time jobs which provides flexibility for working mothers is usually only available in low - pay industries. There is a compromise between the contribution of working mothers to the economic production and efficiency in female labours. Easing of the income tests of FTB to allow for improved participation rate of working mothers may increase economic productions but, at the same time, requires much budget and may result in the erosion of female labour productivity and unsolved future capacity constraints The limitations to the labour productivity of working mothers include, but not limited to, factors such as individual preferences and income inequality that reduce mothers' incentives to thrive in their career paths. Also, the encouragement to working mothers to increase time allocation of employment related activities may lead to a resource misallocation in the economy. This is because availability of part-time jobs which provides flexibility for working mothers is usually only available in low - pay industries . There is a compromise between the contribution of working mothers to the economic production and efficiency in female labours. Easing of the income tests of FTB to allow for improved participation rate of working mothers may increase economic productions but, at the same time, requires much budget and may result in the erosion of female labour productivity and unsolved future capacity constraints

South Asia comes across as amongst the most vulnerable regions to climate change in the Inter-government Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)'s Fifth Assessment Report released a year ago, and in other similar reports. Climate change in the region is manifested by depleting glaciers, increasing coastal erosion, frequent heat waves, rising sea level, frequent floods and droughts and varying rainfall patterns. It is now evident that South Asia's climate is already changing and the impacts are already being felt. As a largely agrarian economy, this vulnerability is compounded by the fact that more than 700 million people's livelihoods depend on agriculture directly influenced by changes in climate. Although South Asia has seen robust economic growth, with the GDP averaging about 6 percent over the past 20 years, the region is still home to 1/4th of the world's hungry and 40% of the world's malnourished children and women. As populations continue to rise and the demand for food grows, the question is: how will this increase in demand be met and where will all this food be grown? With stiff competition for land from the non-farm sector, expanding farmlands is not an option. Climate change will further exacerbate the existing pressures on land and water resources. If the second Sustainable Development Goal of ending poverty, achieving food security and promoting sustainable agriculture is to be realised, climate change adaptation and mitigation technologies, practices, services and policies will need to be implemented in earnest. Many recent studies show a probability of 10-40 percent loss in crop production by 2070-2100 on account of rising temperatures and decrease in irrigation water, unless steps are initiated now to increase our adaptive capacity. For example, even with the benefits of carbon fertilization (which could anyway be negatively affected by increase in surface ozone concentration) India stands to lose nearly 4-5 tonnes of wheat with every rise in temperature of 1 degree Celsius. This estimate could be even higher when decrease in irrigation is factored in. Wheat losses could be significant even in the short term, while losses for other crops are uncertain and estimated to be relatively smaller, particularly so for monsoon crops. Similarly, there are studies to show that livestock and fish productivity could also decline. Climate change does offer some opportunities as well. One adaptive measure is to identify regions that would become conducive for certain crops in the changed climate. For example, farmers in the upper regions of Himachal Pradesh in India have taken to growing apples because temperatures in the lower regions became too warm for its growth. The shift in cultivation brought new opportunities and high incomes for these farmers while their counterparts in the south switched to cultivating vegetables. It is clear that per hectare cultivation of food needs to drastically increase to meet growing food demands. While this is a challenge, the existing large crop yield gaps in the region suggest there is potential to increase crop production per hectare even in the face of increasing climatic risks. For this to happen, investments in land and water management, infrastructure, and research accompanied by enabling policies, sustained regional cooperation and robust institutions is crucial. Increased production variability could perhaps be the most significant impact of global impact change in Asian countries. Short-term changes in weather extremes, which are still not very predictable in most countries of the region, pose huge challenges. Some recent examples are the drought in 2014, the floods in Pakistan in 2010, floods in India, Nepal and Bangladesh in 2007 and the heat-stress experiences in India in 2004 which resulted in fluctuating yields, food price volatility and threatened food security and incomes. Such volatility is despite the vast irrigation network in the region, especially in the Indo-Gangetic plains. During last few decades, excessive groundwater extraction has resulted in widespread decline in water table and water quality degradation. To ensure future food security in climate change scenarios, investment in managing and stabilizing the existing irrigated potential while exploring options to expand this potential is the need of the hour. Several technological, institutional and policy interventions have been proposed that can help us adapt to climate change as well as to current and future weather variability. These include simple adaptation practices such as changes in planting dates and crop varieties. Additional strategies that have been proposed include: the deployment of adverse climate tolerant genotypes and diversified land use systems, the use of solar irrigation, assisting farmers in coping with current climatic risks through providing weather linked value-added advisory services and crop/weather insurance, and improved land and water use management and policies. Agriculture in South Asia contributes between 15-20 percent to total greenhouse gas emissions. These are primarily from enteric fermentation in ruminant animals, rice paddy cultivation, and nitrous oxide from manures and fertilizers application to soils. What is interesting to note is that most of the proposed adaptation options, if implemented scientifically, come with large mitigation co-benefits. CCAFS is scaling out the Climate-Smart Villages (CSVs) model in several countries, including in South Asia, to promote climate-smart agriculture (CSA). Climate Smart Villages are sites where a portfolio of the most appropriate technological and institutional interventions, determined by the local community, are implemented to increase food production, enhance adaptive capacity and reduce emissions. Interventions are bespoke to each village but the concept lends itself to be applied in any region under the right circumstances. Initial results suggest a large potential to maximise synergies among different interventions in order to scale out CSA. Much work needs to be done to expand the evidence base of CSVs with regard to targeting the approach in different agro-climates, the costs: benefit analysis in terms of investment and returns, and the institutional and policy changes that are needed to promote CSA. In the South Asia region, problems of widespread poverty, poor governance, weak institutions, and human capital limit agricultural growth today. These problems can also reduce the potential of adaptation strategies. It is critical to simultaneously address these political and socio-economic constraints if the full potential of CSA is to be realised for farmers and the region as a whole.

If ever there were any doubt that Long Island, New York, is home to some of the most fragmented, segregated and unequal school districts in the United States, the January 2009 Long Island Index Report, provides ample evidence that this is indeed the case. The quantifiable inequities across the 125 school districts on Long Island in terms of funding, demographics, and student outcomes highlighted in that report portray how important district boundary lines are, even within relatively small geographic spaces. Building on the Index's presentation of quantitative data, this report offers a more in‐depth examination of district‐level disparities and what they mean in the lives of students, educators and parents across these boundary lines. Although the spatial separation of students across district boundaries has not been the central ‐‐ or even peripheral –focusof education policymakers for the last three decades, we argue that the social science evidence on the consequences of such separation warrants a renewed consideration of these issues. Indeed, in the current era of education reform, with its strong emphasis on standards, accountabilityandmarket‐based policies, little attention has been paid to the relationship between place and opportunity or the way in which "place" is circumscribed by race/ethnicity and poverty to profoundly affect students' educational experiences. Furthermore, even as the policy gaze has drifted away from these issues, research evidence is mounting that separate can never be equal in public education because of the tight connection between public schools and their larger contexts. This is particularly the case when those larger contexts are restricted by boundaries that demarcate different property values, tax rates, public revenues, private resources, working conditions, family income and wealth, parental educational levels and political clout. All of these factors, which are both internal and external to the schools themselves, profoundly affect the day‐to‐day experiences of children. As a result, we cannot lose sight of why we care about issues of segregation by race/ethnicity or socio‐economic status, particularly as the school‐age population in this country becomes increasingly diverse and as more African American, Latino and immigrant families migrate from cities to the suburbs. Arguments for turning our backs on the problems of segregation and the inequality it perpetuates and focusing instead on how to educate children to high standards "where they are" – be that in all‐black and Latino schools with high levels of poverty or in predominantly white and/or Asian schools with high concentrations of wealth – resonate with current conceptions of what is "wrong" with public education and how we can fix it. This report attempts to build a bridge between the plethora of data documenting the high degree of segregation and inequality in places like Long Island and our nation's collective understanding of the "problems" facing public education today. We do this by bringing the voices of more than 75 Long Islanders into the discussion and dialogue about public education and what it looks and feels like across school district dividing lines of race, ethnicity, and class. What we hear in these voices – whether they are privileged, affluent white students in a low‐needs district or educators struggling to provide an "adequate" education for the poorest students of color in a high‐needs district – is how the separateness defines them and their educational opportunities. We have learned that school district boundaries in places like Long Island matter a great deal to the students and educators who toil within them each day and to the parents and other property owners who purchase homes in a housing market that is partly defined by their existence. The strong relationship between the disparate educational experiences of children whose schools and opportunities are divided by these boundaries and the unequal values of the property their parents purchase is perhaps the single most important challenge to the so‐called American Dream that we can document. The fact that these disparities are so starkly defined by race/ethnicity and social class should give us pause in a country that likes to think of itself as "post‐racial" and "colorblind." This report documents the multiple ways in which place and race/ethnicity matter in terms of students' educational opportunities, and how the two combined and intertwined as they are today in districts, schools and classrooms, define students' and educators' sense of possibility and self‐worth in a manner unlikely to ever be undone. These deep‐seated messages become ingrained in the students' identities and in the reputations of their schools, districts and communities – allowing a self‐fulfilling prophecy to play itself out as students matriculate through the educational system with starkly different opportunities, outcomes and connections to higher education. These ingrained differences in identities and reputations, then, become part of the everyday common sense that legitimizes the current fragmented and segregated system. In a vicious cycle, the resulting inequality becomes, for those on the more affluent and privileged side of the divide, the ammunition for their resistance to change the boundaries or even to allow students to cross them. These complex issues are only understood through the kind of qualitative data that this research brings to bear on the subject of school district fragmentation and segregation. Through the eyes of Long Islanders in five disparate school districts we can see these connections and relationships. This analysis, therefore, helps us understand why ‐‐ despite survey data from Long Island showing members of all racial/ethnic groups state that something should be done to break down the barriers across district boundaries ‐‐ those with the most power and privilege preserve the boundaries around their school districts and thus around other districts as well (The Long Island Index, 2009). This form of double consciousness ‐‐ bemoaning inequality while perpetuating the insidious system that maintains it – represents the 21st Century's version of the American Dilemma (see DuBois, 2003; Myrdal, 1946).

Diese Studie befasst sich mit Aspekten der Raumplanung und der städtischer Landwirtschaft in Dar es Salaam, Tansania, einer der rasant anwachsenden Regionen Afrikas südlich der Sahara. Die Studie zeigt anhand der Untersuchungsregionen Goba, Chango'mbe 'A' und Ubungo Darajani, in welcher Weise städtische Landwirtschaft mit dem Ziel die städtische Raumplanung zu verbessern in diese integriert werden kann. Lage und periurbane Typologie der Gebiete bilden die theoretischen Grundlagen der Studie, was die Politik und praktische Voraussetzungen besser verstehen lässt, welche die Integration der von städtischer Landwirtschaft abhängigen Existenzen in städtische Raumplanungs- und Landentwicklungsprozesse hemmt. Angewandte methodologische Aspekte sind Literaturrecharge, Interviews, Kartenanalyse, Beobachtungen und die Analyse historischer Entwicklungstrends. Kontext, empirische Forschungsgrundlage und institutionale Vernetzungen wurden als analytischer Rahmen herangezogen. Die Arbeit zeigt, dass Urbanisierungsprozesse, städtische Armut, Nahrungsunsicherheit und unzureichende Beteiligung der Gemeinden an der Raumplanung verstärkende und katalysierende Faktoren von Landnutzungsproblemen, Landumnutzung, Immigration und der Zunahme von städtischer Landwirtschaft sind. Dies lässt annehmen, dass die mangelnde Verwaltung staedtischen Landes nicht als einziger Verursacher der Probleme gesehen werden darf, sondern ebenso die Versäumnisse seitens Planungseinrichtungen, Veränderungen rechtzeitig zu erkennen und die Planung an diese neuen Herausforderungen, die die städtische Landwirtschaft in den Prozessen der städtischen Raumplanung darstellt, anzupassen. Dementsprechend zeigt die steigende Zahl der mit städtischer Landwirtschaft genutzten Flächen Unstimmigkeiten mit den Planungsrichtlinien. Ein Standard würde äußerliche Landnutzungsplanungsprozesse und Strukturen der städtischen Entwicklung bestärken. Diese beinhalten Zonenbildung, Lage, Änderungen in der Landnutzung, Dichteverteilung, Zugang zu Ressourcen, Pachtverhältnisse und gerechte Verteilung grundlegender Leistungen um eine nachhaltige Nutzung von städtischem Land zu gewährleisten. Die Studie weist ebenso auf die bestehende städtische Landentwicklungspolitik und Landesgesetzgebung für städtische Landwirtschaft hin, die jedoch in der Praxis mit gesundheitlichen, sanitären und ökonomischen Rückläufen konfrontiert sind. Diese Probleme machen sich in der wachsenden städtischen Landwirtschaft mit negativen Vorstellungen der Kunden, mangelnder Akzeptanz räumlicher Landnutzungsplanungsprozesse und seiner Durchführung bemerkbar. Der Sektor macht produktiven Nutzen von unerschlossenem Land, Grüngürtel der Stadt sichern Einkommen, Ernährung und stellen oft Sicherheitsnetzfunktionen für die Ärmsten der Gesellschaft dar. Beispielsweise ist städtische Landwirtschaft ein wichtiger Ansatz zur Minderung städtischer Armut, Mobilisierung des Sozialkapitals und nachhaltigen Landnutzung. Die Studie führt auf, dass in Zukunft das Wachsen des städtischen Landwirtschaftsektors vorrausichtlich eine unerlässliche Realität in der städtische Raumnutzung der schnell wachsenden Städten südlich der Sahara bleibt. Eine Aufnahme der von städtischer Landwirtschaft abhängiger Existenzen in die Landnutzungsprozesse und Entscheidungsstrukturen durch Bereitstellung, Anwendung und Überwachung wird für die Verbesserung des Lebensumfeldes der armen, städtischen Kleinbauern als notwendig betrachtet. Dies kann durch die Aufnahme betreffender Ziele städtischer Planung, Aufwertung der Siedlungen, institutionale Zusammenarbeit und der Dezentralisierung der Rollen auf ein lokales Level erreicht werden. Diese Möglichkeiten können dann effektiv sein, wenn sich die Regierung bemühen würde, Politik und Gesetzgebung an Ort und Stelle durchzuführen und alles zu überprüfen, indem unterschiedliche Akeure im den Entscheidungsprozess miteinbezogen werden und dadurch das Bewusstsein von Informationen und Kommunikation verbessert wird. Teilweise wird die Nutzung von Abwassertechnologie in die Landwirtschaft miteinbezogen, welche auf lange Zeit betrachtet Sicherheit und Zugang garantiert und flexible Planungsstandards vorgibt. Die Studie schließt mit dem Aufzeigen der geringen Wahlmöglichkeit der Stadtplaner und Entscheidungsträger, die zukünftige Form der städtischen Landwirtschaft auf anderem Wege als in Form der Landnutzungspraxis in einem angeleiteten Planungsrahmen zu gestalten und zu verfestigen. Wenn die städtischen Landwirtschaftsformen nicht angeleitet werden, untergraben die negativen Langzeiteffekte die Existenzen der armen Stadtbevölkerung und die Umweltqualität. Es besteht die dringende Notwendigkeit, die Prozesse zu leiten und die institutionalen Strukturen und Verbindungen der Raumplanungspraktiken zu stärken, die lokalen Gemeinden als primäres Arbeitsfeld zu betrachten, um die Verwaltung staedtischen Landes in Tansania zu verbessern. ; This study examines spatial land use planning and urban agriculture practises in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, one of the rapidly urbanising cities in Sub-Saharan Africa. It demonstrates how urban agriculture livelihood can be integrated in spatial land use planning and improve urban land governance by taking Goba, Chango'mbe 'A' and Ubungo Darajani as case study settlements. Location and periurban typology are theoretical premises used in this study. These help in understanding the policy and practical premises that constrain urban agriculture livelihood integration in urban land use planning processes and land management principles. Methodological aspects deployed are documentary search, interviews, mapping, observations, and historical trends analysis. In addition, context, evidence based and institutional links are analytical frameworks used. The study shows that the urbanisation processes, urban poverty, food insecurity and inadequate community involvement in land use planning are the factors underpinning and catalysing changes in land use, land transactions, immigration and overall urban agriculture proliferation in the city. The implications generated by these factors suggest that poor urban land governance is not only the cause, but it is caused by the weakness of planning institutions to realise and adapt to the new challenges that urban agriculture presents to urban land development process. Correspondingly, the rise of urban agricultural land use by and large, indicates a disparity between the widely cherished planning norms and standards underpinning formal land use planning processes and structures in urban development. These include land use zoning, location, land use change conditions, density distribution, accessibility to resources, land tenure modalities, and equitable provision of basic services in ensuring sustainable use of urban land. Equally, the study indicates the existence of supportive city land development policies and country legislature for urban agriculture, which are in practise faced with health, sanitation and economic return constraints. These constraints increase urban agriculture's negative perceptions to consumers and decrease acceptance in spatial land use planning processes and output implementation. However, urban agriculture has been observed to make productive use of undeveloped land, green the city, provide income and nutrition, and is often a safety-net function for the poorest sectors of society. As such, it is an important vehicle for poverty alleviation, capital mobilisation, and sustainable use of land. The study argues that for an unforeseeable future, the growth of the urban agriculture sector is likely to remain an indispensable reality depicting urban land development in rapidly urbanising cities in Sub-Saharan Africa. Inclusion of urban agriculture based livelihoods in spatial land use planning processes and structures, including decision making, preparation, implementation and monitoring are observed rationale for improving the livelihoods of the urban poor-smallholder farmers and space use. This can be achieved through, but not limited to, adopting participatory urban planning approaches, settlement upgrading, institutional collaborations, decentralising roles to the local level and strengthening smallholder organization through institutionalisation and giving them a voice platform in the political dialogue. These options can be effective if the government is able to enforce and review policy and legislatures in place and if different actors are involved in the decision making processes, and if information and communication awareness is established. Other improvement include the use of treated wastewater technology for farming, granting long term tenure security, improving accessibility to resources, and adopting flexible planning standards. The study concludes that urban planners and policy makers have little choice but to ensconce and consolidate emerging forms of urban agriculture based livelihoods within land use planning practises and within a guided planning framework. If urban agriculture forms are not guided, then the negative effects, in the long run can undermine the livelihood of the urban poor and degrade the environment. Thus, there is an urgent need to guide the processes, strengthen institutional structures and linkages in land use planning practises, and consider local communities priorities when working to improve urban land governance in Tanzania.

Aus der Einleitung: Am 11. September 2001 schien Hitlers wahnsinniger Alptraum wahr zu werden, als Terroristen mit zwei entführten Passagierflugzeugen die Twin Towers in New York City zerstörten und dabei 3000 Menschen ermordeten. Aber es waren keine Nazis, die den schlimmsten Terroranschlag in der Geschichte der USA ausgeführt hatten, sondern islamistische Fundamentalisten aus der arabischen Welt. Und doch: In den Tagen, Wochen und Monaten nach den Massakern von New York und Washington überschlugen sich Rechtsextremisten und (Neo-) Nazis in den USA und in Europa in Applaus für die Selbstmordattentäter und Lobgesängen auf deren Anführer Osama bin Laden. In den USA ließ zum Beispiel Tom Metzgers White Aryan Resistance (WAR) verlautbaren, "That was a great sacrifice of great warriors and of their families. Whoever they were and whoever their surviving families may be, our deepest condolences and appreciation." Und William Pierce, der kürzlich verstorbene Anführer der National Alliance (NA), nannte die Attentäter bewundernd "people with a sense of pride". Sie hatten die apokalyptischen Szenen verwirklicht, die sich Pierce 1978 in seinem Roman "The Turner Diaries" lustvoll ausgemalt hatte. Dort lässt er einen rechtsextremen Terroristen mit einem Flugzeug in das Pentagon hinunter- und New York City samt seiner Wolkenkratzer zusammenstürzen. Auch in Deutschland lösten die Terroranschläge gegen die USA innerhalb der rechten Szene in Deutschland unterschiedliche Reaktionen aus und reichten von entschiedener Verurteilung bis hin zu uneingeschränkter Zustimmung. In den Reihen der "Republikaner" (REP) und Deutschen Volksunion (DVU) wurden die Anschläge als "barbarische Akte" verurteilt und mit fremdenfeindlichen Forderungen verknüpft. Da einige der mutmaßlichen Attentäter in Deutschland gelebt hatten, trügen die etablierten Politiker die Verantwortung dafür, dass deutsche Städte "durch den ungezügelten Ausländerzustrom (...) zu 'Terrornestern' und zu 'Stützpunkten ausländischer Fanatiker' geworden" seien. Den Parteien der "klassischen" radikalen Rechten in Deutschland erschienen die Anschläge also in erster Linie als Bestätigung ihres Rassismus'. Es sind diese Positionen, die in den folgenden Wochen und Monaten nach dem 11. September 2001 zu Aufrufen der liberalen Öffentlichkeit für Toleranz und gegen Islamophobie führten. Ignoriert wurde dabei zum einen die Zielrichtung mancher "Zusätze" wie zum Beispiel von Rolf Schlierer von den "Republikanern", der behauptete, sich für die "Interessen der arabischen Völker" einzusetzen, und zum anderen die Reaktionen aus dem rechtsextremen Lager, in denen die Anschläge sogar begrüßt wurden. Auf den ersten Blick stellt sich hier die Frage, warum Rechtsextremisten, die normalerweise Jagd auf Menschen mit dunkler Hautfarbe machen, sich solidarisch mit islamistischen Terroristen erklären. Die Antwort: Beide haben das gleiche Feindbild, die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, die sie als von Juden kontrolliert halluzinieren. Aus diesem Grund sieht der Hamburger Verfassungsschutz "die Möglichkeit einer Solidarisierung von Neonazis mit militanten Islamisten im Kampf gegen die USA." Obwohl man gegen die in Deutschland lebenden Muslime hetzt, würden "sich viele Rechtsextremisten grundsätzlich mit den militanten islamistischen Gruppen und ihrem weltweiten Kampf gegen den gemeinsamen Feind USA und das 'Weltjudentum' verbunden fühlen". Im Zentrum dieser Arbeit soll nun die Frage stehen, ob das Fazit der Verfassungsschützer zutrifft, dass "über diese Solidarisierung hinaus (...) aus grundsätzlichen Erwägungen heraus (nationalistische, teilweise rassistische Vorbehalte) keinerlei Zusammenarbeit zwischen diesen beiden Gruppen in Deutschland zu erwarten" sei. Die Angst vor einem Bündnis ist da. So warnte Paul Spiegel, Präsident des Zentralrates der Juden in Deutschland, vor der möglichen Gefahr einer derartigen Zusammenarbeit. "Ich befürchte eine solche Kooperation", sagte er. Wenn dies geschehe, "dann haben wir ein ganz großes Problem und Anlass zur Sorge." Derweil beobachten Rechtsextremismusforscher wie Anton Maegerle und NGO's wie die Anti-Defamation League und das Southern Poverty Law Center intensive Bemühungen von Rechtsextremisten auf beiden Seiten des Atlantiks miteinander zu arbeiten, aber auch in verstärktem Maße Islamisten als Bündnispartner aufzusuchen. Gang der Untersuchung: Wenn wir es mit einer sich formierenden globalen Koalition der Antisemiten zu tun haben sollten, dann funktioniert ihr Antisemitismus nach gemeinsamen ideologischen Mustern und greift auf Stereotypen und Projektionen zurück, deren Botschaften auf der ganzen Welt von Menschen mit unterschiedlichem kulturellen Hintergrund verstanden werden können, das heisst von Rechtsextremisten wie islamistischen Fundamentalisten. Im ersten Kapitel werde ich daher auf die ideologischen Grundlagen des gemeinsamen Antisemtismus und den antisemitischen Charakter der Anschläge vom 11. September 2001 eingehen. (2. Antisemitismus global – eine theoretische Einführung) In dieser Definition betone ich die Aspekte, die weniger mit nationalen oder regionalen Besonderheiten zu tun haben, sondern mit übergeordneten Zusammenhängen. Zu diesem Zweck wende ich die Ergebnisse der Antisemitismusforschung der Kritischen Theorie auf das Thema an. Dabei wird deutlich, dass die sozialpsychologischen Bedingungen der antisemitischen Ideologie eine internationale Kooperation der Antisemiten begünstigen können. Im darauf folgenden Kapitel soll die praktische Umsetzung der Theorie schrittweise nachgezeichnet werden. Da sich diese Arbeit dem laufenden Verbotsverfahren gegen die NPD verpflichtet fühlt, soll in diesem Kapitel der Frage nachgegangen werden, in wie weit in der Ideologie der NPD ein Antisemitismus vertreten wird, der sie zu Bündnissen befähigen würde. (3. Die NPD sowie 4. Horst Mahlers Wahn) Im darauf anschließenden Abschnitt soll anhand der Reaktionen von Horst Mahler und Reinhold Oberlercher auf die Anschläge vom 11.9. bestätigt werden, dass die NPD die politische Zielsetzung der Massaker, deren anti-amerikanische und besonders antisemitische Bedeutung, erfasst hat und befürwortet. (5. Die Reaktionen auf den 11.9.) Über diese Begeisterung hinaus setzen die beiden "Chefideologen" der NPD offenbar ganz bestimmte Hoffnungen auf ein Bündnis mit arabischen Antisemiten. Doch was beinhalten und begründen diese Hoffnungen? Dieser Frage, in welchem Verhältnis der Antisemitismus der westlichen mit dem der arabischen Welt steht, wie Rechtsextremisten und (Neo-) Nationalsozialisten dort Anschlußmöglichkeiten finden, bzw. auf welche Art und Weise dies schon geschehen ist, wird nachzugehen sein. Um eine Antwort auf diese Fragen zu finden, wird in den folgenden Kapiteln die Arbeit derjenigen Akteure beleuchtet, die bereits eben diese Zusammenarbeit vorantreiben. (6. Die Vermittler) Im Zentrum dieser Ausführungen stehen drei ausgewählte Vermittler zwischen westlichem Rechtsextremismus und islamistischem Fundamentalismus, bzw. Terrorismus. Diese Kontaktpersonen führen vor allem Holocaustleugner, aber auch Neonazis aus aller Welt zusammen und sind dabei selber recht reiselustig: der Justizflüchtling Jürgen Graf (6.1), der schwedische Muslime Ahmed Rami (6.2) sowie der Konvertit Ahmed Huber. (6.3) Besondere Aufmerksamkeit widme ich dabei letzterem. Vom Simon Wiesenthal Center und Southern Poverty Law Center sowie der Washington Post und der Financial Times wird Huber als einer der wichtigsten Drahtzieher im sich verdichtenden Netzwerk militanter Rechtsextremisten und Islamisten genannt. Nach ihren Informationen hat der US-Geheimdienst Huber und seine Al Taqwa Bankgesellschaft "im Visier", da sie im Verdacht stehen, das Terrornetzwerk Al Kaida finanziell zu unterstützen. Da in diesem Abschnitt zu Ahmed Huber die historischen Verbindungen zwischen Nationalsozialisten und arabischen Antisemiten schon anklingen, soll im folgenden Kapitel auf dieses Zusammenwirken und seine Ergebnisse heute näher eingegangen werden. (7. Arabischer Antisemitismus) Nach den allgemeinen aktuellen Einschätzungen der wichtigsten NGO's, die sich mit dem Thema beschäftigen und einer Einführung in die historischen Verbindungen (7.1 und 7.2), werde ich anschließend auf die beiden Kernelemente des Antisemitismus in der arabischen Welt, die halluzinierte jüdische Weltverschwörung (7.3) und die Leugnung des Holocaust (7.4), eingehen, um nach den personellen Kontakten den direkten Bezug zum Nationalsozialismus und die Auswirkungen heute aufzuzeigen. Dies geschieht anhand der Verbreitung und Verarbeitung, bzw. Rezeption der sog. "Protokolle der Weisen von Zion" sowie anhand des Umgangs mit heute aktiven Holocaustleugnern wie zum Beispiel Roger Garaudy aus Frankreich. (7.5) Die von mir gewählten Texte und Beispiele aus arabischen Medien sind in diesem Zusammenhang nur besonders prägnante aus einer größeren ständig aktualisierten Sammlung repräsentativer Dokumente und Nachrichten des Middel East Media Research Instituts (MEMRI), das diese übersetzt, kommentiert und online veröffentlicht. Da die gemeinsamen Feindbilder der westlichen Rechtsextremisten wie arabischen Islamisten "jüdisch kontrolliertes" USA und Israel heissen, da in den USA die Menschen leben, die Horst Mahler und Osama bin Laden auffordern, die eigene Regierung zu stürzen, soll im letzten Kapitel auf ausgewählte Akteure der US-amerikanischen Rechtsextremisten eingegangen werden. (8. Die Internationalisten) Neonazis in den USA teilen nicht nur den antisemitischen Wahn, sondern stellen die fanatische Gegnerschaft zu ihrer – wie sie sie nennen – Zionist Occupied Government (ZOG) heute in den Mittelpunkt ihrer Ideologie, die sie aufgrund der verfassungsmäßigen Garantie der "Free Speech" auch offen propagieren. Sehr wichtige Impulse der Internationalisierung des Rechtsextremismus und Antisemitismus kommen aus den USA selber. Damit schließt sich dann sozusagen das Dreieck, denn mit den Kontakten US-amerikanischer Rechtsextremisten wie Gary Lauck, David Duke und vor allem William Pierce (8.4) nach Deutschland kommen wir zurück zur NPD, deren intensiver Kontakt zur National Alliance hier näher beleuchtet werden soll, da diese Kooperation viel über die tatsächliche Programmatik der NPD aussagt. (8.4.2) In der Zusammenfassung soll daher – vor dem Hintergrund des laufenden Verbotsverfahrens – auch die Position der NPD in der von mir nachgezeichneten Internationale der Antisemiten reflektiert werden, um die erste Einschätzung des Hamburger Verfassungsschutzes beurteilen. Inhaltsverzeichnis: 1.Einleitung4 1.1Zur Vorgehensweise7 2.Antisemitismus global – eine theoretische Einführung9 2.1Antisemitismus jenseits nationaler Besonderheiten10 2.2Im Hass vereint12 2.3Die Symbole des 11. September 200113 3.Die NPD14 3.1Der Antisemitismus der NPD15 3.2Befreiungsnationalismus und Antisemitismus19 4.Horst Mahlers Wahn19 4.1Mahlers "Anstand"21 5.Reaktionen auf den 11. September 200124 5.1Freudige Erwartung25 5.2Die eigene Rolle im weltweiten Befreiungskrieg27 5.3Für das Bündnis mit Islamisten28 5.4Mahlers totaler Krieg31 6.Die Vermittler32 6.1Jürgen Graf34 6.2Ahmed Rami35 6.2.1Ramis Reisen37 6.3Ahmed Huber39 6.3.1Der Brückenbauer41 6.3.2Überzeugungsarbeit42 6.3.3Der Konvertit45 6.3.4Francois Genoud – "Ein Leben zwischen Hitler und Carlos"45 6.3.5Spekulationen46 6.3.6Hubers Way of Life48 7.Arabischer Antisemitismus51 7.1Der Kontakt mit dem Nationalsozialismus53 7.2Nazis im Nahen Osten55 7.3Die Verbreitung der "Protokolle der Weisen von Zion"57 7.4Holocaustleugnung59 7.5Westliche Holocaustleugner61 7.5.1Der Fall Garaudy62 8.Die Internationalisten aus den USA64 8.1Gary Rex "Gerhard" Lauck67 8.2Das Institute for Historical Review (IHR)69 8.3David Duke71 8.3.1David Duke und der politische Anspruch der NPD76 8.4William Pierce77 8.4.1Die internationalen Verbindungen79 8.4.2National Alliance und NPD81 8.4.2.1Gemeinsamkeiten81 9.Ende84 9.1Fazit92 9.2Schlusswort95 Literatur/Quellen96

Many developing countries are still grappling with the consequences of the pandemic and the associated high debt burdens while facing huge financing needs, inter alia related to climate change. In response, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) issued $650 billion in Special Drawing Rights (SDRs). The G7 and G20 have committed to re-channelling SDR 100 billion of their allocation to developing countries (on-lending, recycling and re-channelling are used interchangeably in this policy brief). The question now is how to implement these commitments in a way that promotes the global transformation and at the same time supports debt sustainability. It is important to note that there are certain restrictions on the re-channelling of SDRs. Most importantly, the re-channelling must be consistent with the SDR's status as an international reserve asset. There are different interpretations of these requirements. The IMF has encouraged the use of the Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust (PRGT) and the Resilience and Sustainability Trust (RST) for re-channelling. It has also signalled general support for re-channelling SDRs to the multilateral development banks (MDBs). The European Central Bank (ECB) has taken a more restrictive stance. Does the re-channelling of SDRs through the above-mentioned IMF trusts ("the current on-lending option") effectively support the global transformation? Measured against this objective, the current on-lending regime has two shortcomings. First, it does not sufficiently link foreign exchange support to deep structural transformation. Second, it does not allow funds to be leveraged in the private capital market. In this policy brief, we discuss a promising alternative: recycling SDRs for MDB hybrid capital ("the hybrid capital option"). This option can overcome the two drawbacks of the current system. At the same time, it has its own challenges. Moreover, both the current on-lending option and the hybrid capital option raise concerns about debt sustainability. If implemented in their current forms, they would risk exacerbating vulnerable countries' debt problems. It would therefore be desirable to modify these options to better integrate debt implications. This could be done by using the on-lent SDRs primarily for programmes that are not "expenditure-based", but rather help to improve the composition of expenditure and revenue in a socially equitable manner, for example the introduction of regulatory standards, feebates and carbon pricing, or the phasing out of fossil fuel subsidies. Such an approach could have the added benefit of making previously sceptical member states more receptive to the hybrid capital proposal. The mid-term review of the RST, scheduled for May 2024, as well as the full review in 2025 provide good opportunities to further explore some of the issues raised in this policy brief. In addition, the brief identifies three ways in which interested shareholders of the IMF and MDBs could advance the debate on the hybrid capital option.

"Juvenile justice is part of a broader human rights movement that is concerned with far more than society's response to juvenile lawbreaking. Indeed, as globalization, urbanization, industrialization, and communications quickly spread across the globe, the world's attention increasingly is directed to the plight of all children, regardless of circumstances. This concern is extremely late in coming. Approximately twenty-five percent of the world's population today is age 15 or younger, and the magnitude of the problems these youths face is staggering. Poverty, racism, sexism, ethnocentrism, and religious differences all influence how children are treated. The reality is that in many societies, children are considered to be economic hindrances and expendable. Local, municipal, state, provincial, territorial, and national governments often lump together the needy, the dependent and neglected, the status offender, those who are mentally ill or violent, and the victims of abuse. These children are discriminated against, victimized, persecuted, and sometimes executed by citizens, police, and paramilitary forces. The problems youths face go to the core of cultural thinking, far beyond the needs of societies simply to fine-tune agencies and the rules already in place for the handling of youths in need. English-speaking countries such as the United States provide many of the ideals that are behind current worldwide efforts to reform the world's approach to juvenile justice. Unfortunately, even world leaders often fall far short of their own ideals. In this regard, the United States is an excellent case study of what is and what could be in juvenile justice in the world today.Evidence-based research provides reason to be positive about the future of juvenile justice in the United States. All of the remaining chapters of this text discuss evidence- based practices in juvenile justice. "Gold standard" programs that have recently been developed to benefit youthful lawbreakers are Blueprints for Violence Prevention developed by Dr. Delbert Elliott, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention's Model Programs guide, and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration's National Registry of Evidence-Based Programs and Practices.3 In the midst of these hopeful program innovations in the juvenile justice system, there remains wide criticism of juvenile justice in the United States. Some of the criticism focuses on the juvenile court, as well as on the court's rehabilitative parens patriae ("the state as parent") philosophy. Indeed, one characteristic of juvenile justice today is the proposal, from both liberals and conservatives, to reduce the scope of the juvenile court's responsibilities. Conservatives want to refer more law-violating youths to adult court, while many liberals recommend divesting the juvenile court of its jurisdiction over status offenders ( juveniles who have engaged in behaviors for which adults would not be arrested). Some also believe that the adult court could do a much better job than the juvenile court with youthful offenders"--