Suchergebnisse

Перевод послесловия к работе «Легальность и легитимность» (1932), написанного Карлом Шмиттом в 1958 г. для издания в составе сборника «Конституционно-правовые сочинения 1924-1954 гг.». В послесловии Шмитт еще раз обращается к ситуации в Германии в начале 30-х гг. и к полемике против влиятельных немецких юристов, которые отвергли его трактовку Веймарской конституции. Он отвергает распространенное мнение о том, что именно он желал введения чрезвычайного положения, и настаивает на том, что эта книга последняя попытка спасти президентскую республику Веймарской Германии. Шмитт доказывает слабость тогдашнего юридического позитивизма и специально останавливается на нескольких ключевых пунктах своей аргументации. Во-первых, по Шмитту, позитивисты не знали, что легальность первоначально была существенной частью западного рационализма и формой проявления, но отнюдь не абсолютной противоположностью легитимности. Во-вторых, необходимо различать закон и меры, потому что они имеют разный правовой статус. Это важно, поскольку государство законодательства постепенно становится государством администрации, в котором действия управленческих институтов фактически более весомы, чем парламентские законы, а решения парламента о наделении исполнительных органов соответствующими полномочиями могут быть затруднены, когда в парламенте нет дееспособного большинства. В-третьих, Шмитт исследует вопрос о так называемых «премиях за легальное обладание властью». Послесловие завершается кратким обзором ситуации в конце января 1933 г. Публикацию предваряет предисловие переводчика, в котором дается обзор основных положений книги Шмитта «Легальность и легитимность». ; This is a translation of the afterword of Legality and Legitimacy (1932), rewritten by Carl Schmitt in 1958 for his collection Verfassungsrechtliche Aufsätze aus den Jahren 1924-1954. In the afterword, Schmitt once again describes the situation in Germany in the early 1930's, and argues against the influential German lawyers who rejected his interpretation of the Weimar Constitution. He rejects the wide-spread opinion that he wanted a state of emergency in Germany to be introduced, and insists that this book was his final attempt to rescue the presidential republic of Weimar Germany. Schmitt then demonstrates the weakness of legal positivism and specifically stops at the several key points in his argument. First, according to Schmitt, the positivists did not know that legality, an unopposed form of the manifestation of legitimacy, had originally been an essential part of Western rationalism. Second, it is necessary to distinguish between the law and the sanctions because of their different legal statuses. This distinguishing is important because the legislative state was gradually becoming the administrative state. As a result, the governing institutions are more powerful than the parliamentary laws. Any parliamentary decision providing executive bodies relevant authority cannot be executed without an effective parliamentary majority. Thirdly, Schmitt explores the question of the so-called "premiums" for the legal possession of power. The afterword concludes with a brief overview of the situation at the end of the January 1933. The Publication includes the translator's preface providing an overview of the main provisions of Schmitt's book, Legality and Legitimacy.

Раскрываются отдельные положения, характеризующие роль процессуальной формы в установлении судебной истины в гражданском судопроизводстве. На основании исследований различных точек зрений ученых-процессуалистов делается вывод о том, что судебная истина – это опосредованное знание суда об обстоятельствах, имеющих значение для дела (юридических фактах), составляющих фактическую основу возникшего конфликта. Эволюция гражданской процессуальной формы, применительно к установлению судебной истины, раскрывается путем исследования деятельности законодателя по совершенствованию процессуальной формы получения доказательств. По мнению автора, несоблюдение процессуальных правил, определенных законодателем для оформления доказательств, должно влечь недопустимость судом доказательств для их исследования и оценки. Сложность процессуальной формы получения заключения эксперта состоит в подробном процессуальном регламентировании законодателем этой деятельности. Существует ряд проблем, относящихся к получению специальных знаний в гражданском судопроизводстве. Одна из них состоит в том, что на практике исследование с целью получения специальных знаний проводится не только по определению суда. Указанная проблема порождает другую – проблему приоритета достоверности заключения эксперта, полученного на основании определения суда о назначении экспертизы с актами экспертного исследования, полученными на основании обращений заинтересованных лиц в государственные и негосударственные судебно-экспертные учреждения. Имеет место проблема процессуальной формы исследования заключений эксперта, полученных не на основании определений суда о назначении экспертизы. Проблемой является также определение законодателем правового положения специалиста. ; Certain provisions characterizing the role of the procedural form in the establishment of judicial truth in civil proceedings are disclosed. On the basis of studies of different points of views of scientists, it is concluded that the judicial truth is mediated knowledge of the court about the circumstances relevant for business (legal facts) composing the factual basis of the conflict. The evolution of the civil procedural form, in relation to the establishment of a judicial truth, is revealed by examination of the activities of the legislator on the improvement of the procedural form of obtaining evidence. According to the author the failure to comply with the procedural rules set out by the legislator to process evidence must entail the inadmissibility in court of evidence for their investigation and evaluation. Complexity of procedural form receipt of expert opinion is in a detailed procedural regulation of this activity by the legislator. There are a number of problems relating to the production expertise in civil proceedings. One of them consists in the fact that, in practice, a study in order to obtain special knowledge is carried out not only to identify the court. This problem creates another – a priority problem of reliability of expert opinion obtained on the basis of the court to appoint an expert examination of the acts of the study, obtained on the basis of complaints of stakeholders in government and non-forensic institution. Is a problem of the form of action research expert opinions obtained not on the basis of court rulings ordering the examination, Another problem is the definition of the legal position of the legislator specialist.

Являясь элементом системы экономических отношений, рентные отношения связаны с использованием ресурсов, способных приносить дополнительный (рентный) доход. Однако присвоение рентных доходов не всегда несет в себе функцию источника социально-экономического развития и инновационной активности. Нередко рентные доходы продуцируют расширение масштабов и форм проявления рентоориентированного поведения субъектов, негативные эффекты которого деформируют систему социально-экономических отношений, блокируют нормальное развитие общества. Признаком «нездоровья» социально-экономической системы, сложившейся в пореформенной России, является тот факт, что закрепившиеся институты (власти, собственности, правопорядка и пр.) позволяют получать огромные индивидуальные доходы вне связи с вкладом субъекта в национальную систему воспроизводства. Такие доходы как раз и характеризуются как рентные. Принципиальная возможность получения незаработанных (незаслуженных, непродуктивных) доходов обусловливает соответствующие интересы и мотивы деятельности субъектов экономической системы (рентные интересы), которые, в свою очередь, детерминируют их рентоориентированное поведение и непродуктивную деятельность. По мнению автора, многие аспекты функционирования отечественной экономики на микрои макроуровне могут быть объяснены в рамках концепции рентоориентированного поведения агентов рыночных и внерыночных экономических отношений. Например, почему сформировавшаяся в России бизнес-элита так и не стала классом эффективных собственников? Почему политическая элита не ориентирована на модернизацию отечественной промышленности? Методы анализа рыночного поведения индивида универсальны и с успехом могут быть применены к любой из сфер, где человек должен сделать выбор. В статье выявлена и проанализирована связь масштабного характера рентоориентированного поведения в пореформенной России с особенностями властной системы, сложившейся в стране. ; Rents are additional yields which can be gained from exploitation of various resources. However, their acquisition is rarely associated with social and economic development and innovative activity. Rather it leads to expansion of rent-seeking behavior among other economic agents thus causing deformation of social and economic relations and impeding normal development of society. The sign of "sickness" of the social economic system, which emerged in Russia, is the fact that newly established institutions (of power, property, rule of law, etc.) allow for extraction of huge additional incomes, which are weakly correlated to the agents' contribution into the national product. Such incomes can be characterized as rents. The mere possibility of gaining unearned (unproductive, undeserved) incomes gives rise to corresponding interests and motives of economic agents (rent interests), which, in turn, determine the spread of rent-seeking behaviour and unproductive activity. According to the author, many aspects of national economy at microand macro-levels can be explained by adopting the concept of rent-seeking behavior for both market and beyond-market relations. For instance, why has Russia's business-elite failed to become a class of efficient proprietors? Why is political elite not oriented towards modernization of national industries? The methods of analyzing market behavior of individuals are universal and can successfully be applied to any sphere, where they face the problem of choice. The article attempts to employ these methods to a large-scale phenomenon of rent-seeking behavior in post-reform Russia and particularities of its current system of power.

Рассматривается история освоения и хозяйственного развития Сибири в дореволюционный период на основе анализа различных социальных групп. В качестве примера взяты казачество, крестьянство, дворянство, чиновничество, купечество и разночинцы. Дана характеристика основных черт менталитета этих сословий и их влияния на формирование официального православия. Делается вывод о различии их социально-психологического склада и недостаточной общности интересов, что привело в конечном итоге к социальной катастрофе. ; The paper presents the major sub-cultures developing in Siberia for centuries: the Cossack Democratic libertines, the traditional peasant way of life, entrepreneurial subculture, aristocratic-bureaucratic world, radical commoners. The vast majority of the population of Siberia were peasants (90%), so the most common way of life in the region was the traditional peasant way of life. It is characterized by conservatism, a desire to preserve the traditional standards of life, and the collective (community) ideals. In practice, it was expressed in the inability of the peasant to imagine the life outside of the peasant community. The history of the Siberian merchants who were one of the main participants in the bourgeois relations shows that most entrepreneurs had extraordinary volitional and intellectual personal qualities. The basis of their activities, the main motive and purpose of their lives was the desire to become richer. In the merchants' opinion these tendency were rather natural and justifiable, which distinguished them from other classes. One of the main characteristics of the noble estates subculture was the tendency to laziness and idleness, to the type of behaviour when the sensual pleasure and gambling were in the foreground. There was a felicitous remark of P.A. Slovzov about such a way of life in Siberia that the land ownership of the local official fits in the flowerpot, whereas craving for the pleasures of life was boundless. Bureaucrats' interest in the service was limited to formal fulfillment of their duties, obtaining Siberian salary addition and brevet. Additional revenues were not considered crimes, especially income from the guilty farmers and local merchants, the main thing was not to be noticed at the time of receiving bribes. In view of education and their active life position intelligent people, not noble by origin and of various ranks, were able to influence widely the public through both their professional activities (teaching, journalism, advocacy, etc.) and in a private way, in conversations, through their work in the social and political institutions. Thus, by the analysis of subcultures formed on the bases of everyday consciousness, it is possible to make some conclusions about the varied and eventful life in the Siberian region of the 19th -early 20th centuries. The period of traditional subcultures (the Cossacks, the peasants and the nobles) was partially replaced under the influence of time by the new subcultures (businessmen and people of various ranks), which had a perspective. However, their implementation was not fully worked out due to the diversity of social and psychological orientations, because of the abandonment of the Orthodox faith by intellectuals and other classes, which was the foundation in uniting people.

W artykule zaprezentowano znaczenie i konsekwencje wynikające z zaangażowania parlamentów narodowych w unijne procesy decyzyjne po wejściu w życie Traktatu z Lizbony. W swoich rozważaniach Autor zwraca szczególną uwagę na tzw. "mechanizm wczesnego ostrzegania" ("Early Warning System"), jako procedurę skutecznie zmierzającą do wzmocnienia szeroko rozumianej zasady pomocniczości, leżącej u podstaw "unijnej Konstytucji", której towarzyszy "dialog polityczny" prowadzony przez Komisję Europejską z parlamentami narodowymi. Środek ten ma służyć również przyśpieszeniu procesu tzw. "europeizacji" parlamentów narodowych.Tłumaczenie: C. Bronowski ; Il contributo propone alcune riflessioni sul significato e sugli effetti derivanti dal coinvolgimento dei Parlamenti nazionali nei processi decisionali dell'Unione europea, dopo il trattato di Lisbona. Rileva che i Parlamenti nazionali sono una famiglia molto numerosa e differenziata al suo interno, composta da istituzioni politiche, ognuna in genere con una sua lunga storia e con tradizioni risalenti. Il trattato di Lisbona attribuisce loro nuove funzioni, che possono essere esercitate per fini diversi e con formazioni variegate. Una specifica attenzione viene prestata al meccanismo di "allerta precoce" ("early warning mechanism"): è un potere debole, ma disegnato per rendere effettivo il principio di sussidiarietà, un nodo cruciale della Costituzione "composita" dell'Unione europea, il quale è stato fin qui – correttamente, si sostiene – interpretato in modo estensivo, anche in connessione con il "dialogo politico" avviato dalla Commissione europea. Finora, i suoi effetti sono consistiti soprattutto nell'accelerazione data al processo di "europeizzazione" dei parlamenti nazionali e nel offrire un piccolo contributo nella direzione fondamentale di riallineare la "politics" (che è ancora prevalentemente nazionale) e le "policies" (per larga parte determinate a livello di Unione europea). ; This contribution offers some reflections on the meaning and the effects of the involvement of national parliaments in EU decision-making processes, after the Treaty of Lisbon. It argues that national parliaments are a numerous and very differentiated family, composed of political institutions, each often with its own long history and traditions. The Treaty of Lisbon now confers new powers upon them, which can be exercised for different aims and according to various formations. Specific attention is paid here to the early warning mechanism, based both upon the provisions of the Treaty, and upon the first indications coming from institutional practice: it is a soft power, but it is designed to effect the principle of subsidiarity, a crucial hub of the EU ≪composite Constitution≫, which has been – correctly, it is argued – interpreted broadly, also in connection with the "political dialogue" put in place by the Commission. Till now, its effects consist most of all in accelerating the process of the Europeanisation of the national parliaments and in giving a small contribution in the fundamental direction of re-aligning politics (which is still mainly national) and policies (which are, for the most part, determined at EU level).

500 years ago both a doctrine and institution of sovereignty were created; both were changed frequently in order to meet contemporaneous political demands. After World War I a system of sovereign nation-states was formed, which has become extremely conservative and suspicious towards any change in the status quo. If history has taught us anything, it is to doubt any theory or ideology that claims to have knowledge of the end of sovereignty. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. This work contains history of sovereignty, history of the globalization processes, the limits of sovereignty of nation-states and challenges of the globalization. Work consists of 8 parts: English and Lithuanian summary, Preface, History of sovereignty, Survey of globalization and its processes, Limits of suvereignty, Conclusion, Literature

Se definen los criterios e indicadores de sostenibilidad de los recursos pesqueros, en las dimensiones: social, económica, ambiental y político-institucional, de la región del Golfo de Nicoya y de dos comunidades de la parte interna de la zona: Costa de Pájaros y Manzanillo. Los indicadores de fuerzas impulsoras de la presión sobre la pesca se establecen primordialmente en la demanda, la pobreza, la necesidad de ingresos exclusivos de la pesca y a la política de subsidio o precio preferencia del combustible a pescadores/as. Entre los criterios de no sostenibilidad de los recursos marinos costeros, se determina un mal manejo, que impulsa la deficiente gobernabilidad, en la que se destaca el enorme problema de planificación y ejecución de las instituciones. Se señala la necesidad de integrar en los criterios e indicadores de sostenibilidad, y para un buen manejo, la generación de nuevas oportunidades de empleo y producción, así como de formación y capacitación. ; Se definen los criterios e indicadores de sostenibilidad de los recursos pesqueros, en las dimensiones: social, económica, ambiental y político-institucional, de la región del Golfo de Nicoya y de dos comunidades de la parte interna de la zona: Costa de Pájaros y Manzanillo. Los indicadores de fuerzas impulsoras de la presión sobre la pesca se establecen primordialmente en la demanda, la pobreza, la necesidad de ingresos exclusivos de la pesca y a la política de subsidio o precio preferencia del combustible a pescadores/as. Entre los criterios de no sostenibilidad de los recursos marinos costeros, se determina un mal manejo, que impulsa la deficiente gobernabilidad, en la que se destaca el enorme problema de planificación y ejecución de las instituciones. Se señala la necesidad de integrar en los criterios e indicadores de sostenibilidad, y para un buen manejo, la generación de nuevas oportunidades de empleo y producción, así como de formación y capacitación. ; Defined criteria and indicators of sustainability of fishery resources, in the dimensions: social, economic, environmental and political and institutional, at a general level in the region of the Gulf of Nicoya and two communities of the inner part of the Gulf of Nicoya, Costa of birds and Manzanillo. Indicators of driving forces of pressure on fisheries are primarily established in demand, poverty, the need for exclusive income of fishing and the policy of subsidy or price preference of the fuel to fishermen. It is determined between the criteria of non-sustainability of coastal marine resources, poor governance, which encourages a poor governance, which emphasizes the enormous problem of planning and execution of the institutions. Is determined the need to integrate criteria and indicators of sustainability and good governance, the generation of new employment opportunities and production, as well as training.

The implementation of the Lisbon Treaty assessed new prerogatives to the European Parliament (EP) on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and on the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This has increased the role of the EP thus changing the balance of power with other EU institutions, as the Council of Ministers, the European Council and also the new High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR). This new situation conveys more powers and responsibilities to the EP and to its main actors, i.e. the political parties. Even if also national parties have their own opinions on CFSP and CSDP issues, it is obvious that their supranational and EU level organisations, the so-called Europarties, devote to the foreign policy of EU much more attention. Aim of this paper is to analyse whether Europarties share the same attitude towards the existence of a EU common foreign and defence policy, and what are the main conceptual frames adopted by each Europarty on some of the main EU foreign and defence issues. Europarties' positions are analysed through a discourse analysis approach in order to understand their ideas towards three fundamental institutional frameworks of the EU foreign policy: the Lisbon Treaty, the existence of the CFSP and the existence of the CSDP (and the European Defence Agency). Moreover, a content analysis is conducted on Europarties' electoral manifestos and on the main EU strategic documents in order to understand which are the main conceptual frames used by parties and by EU on the foreign and defence issues. In particular four categories concerning different aspects of the CFSP and of the CSDP are identified: nature of threats, foreign and defence policy tools, geographical areas of interest, multilateral organizations. Results show that not only the non-mainstream Europarties, whose critical views towards the EU or some aspects of the EU were already known, but also amongst the EPP, the PES and ELDR there are some differences in their attitude towards the CFSP and the CSDP. While the EPP and the ELDR seem to be clearly enthusiastic of the new CFSP and CSDP - as designed by the Lisbon Treaty - Socialists, even if they agree and underline the importance of the reformed CFSP, are more critical towards the CSDP. With respect to the four categories (nature of threats, foreign and defence policy tools, geographical areas of interest, multilateral organizations) the Europarties offer different attitudes and priorities to those expressed in the official documents of the EU. In particular, Europarties seem to have a completely different perception of which threats have to be considered the most dangerous. It is worth noting that every Europarty considers the climate change as the threat which deserves more space and attention while for the official documents the environmental issue represents only one of the menaces posed to the EU.

500 years ago both a doctrine and institution of sovereignty were created; both were changed frequently in order to meet contemporaneous political demands. After World War I a system of sovereign nation-states was formed, which has become extremely conservative and suspicious towards any change in the status quo. If history has taught us anything, it is to doubt any theory or ideology that claims to have knowledge of the end of sovereignty. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world's tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of sovereignty are becoming more and more visible in contemporary politics. This work contains history of sovereignty, history of the globalization processes, the limits of sovereignty of nation-states and challenges of the globalization. Work consists of 8 parts: English and Lithuanian summary, Preface, History of sovereignty, Survey of globalization and its processes, Limits of suvereignty, Conclusion, Literature

The changes mark the course of the 21st century, leading to determine the quality as a bellwether for global positioning, regional and local echoing this, education systems consider evidence that diagnostic census half the quality of education, but also provide a comparative resource best education systems, educational institutions, public and private sectors, urban and rural contexts. What determines the quality of the best education systems? , The first factor is the cultural foundation of the family and teacher training as a determining factor. A consolidated teacher training to conduct research from the field of performance the classroom. In correspondence with the above stated, the article initially refers to the best education systems according to the PISA results, what are the selection criterion to the teaching profession, at once considered the UNESCO document (2012 ) "Background and criterion for the development educational politics in Latin America and the Caribbean" to show some features of teacher education and critical aspects in the national context continues taking as the source document MEN (2012 ) "Politics and Colombian system of training and professional development." A second part presents the research as one of the pathways in the formation and quality of teachers, closes the article with some experiences in teacher education programs offered by the School of Education at the Universidad Industrial de Santander. ; Los cambios que marcan el transcurso del siglo XXI, conllevan la determinación de la calidad como un referente de posicionamiento global, regional y local; haciendo eco a este paradigma, los sistemas educativos consideran las pruebas censales un medio que diagnóstica la calidad de la educación, pero también constituyen un recurso comparativo entre mejores sistemas educativos, instituciones educativas, sector público y privado, contextos urbanos y rurales ¿De qué depende la calidad de los mejores sistemas educativos?, un primer factor, es la base cultural de la familia y la formación docente, como factor determinante. Una formación docente consolidada en la investigación a realizar desde el ámbito de desempeño, el aula de clase. En correspondencia con lo anteriormente planteado, el artículo inicialmente remite a los mejores sistemas educativos según los resultados de PISA, cuáles son los criterios de selección a la carrera docente; enseguida considera el documento de la UNESCO (2012) Antecedentes y criterios para la elaboración de políticas docentes en América Latina y el Caribe para mostrar algunas características de la formación docente y aspectos críticos; continua en el contexto nacional tomando como fuente el documento del MEN (2012) Políticas y sistema colombiano de formación y desarrollo profesional docente. Una segunda parte, plantea la investigación como una de las vías en la formación y calidad de los docentes; cierra el artículo con algunas experiencias en los programas de formación docente ofertados por la Escuela de Educación de la Universidad Industrial de Santander.

The changes mark the course of the 21st century, leading to determine the quality as a bellwether for global positioning, regional and local echoing this, education systems consider evidence that diagnostic census half the quality of education, but also provide a comparative resource best education systems, educational institutions, public and private sectors, urban and rural contexts. What determines the quality of the best education systems? , The first factor is the cultural foundation of the family and teacher training as a determining factor. A consolidated teacher training to conduct research from the field of performance the classroom. In correspondence with the above stated, the article initially refers to the best education systems according to the PISA results, what are the selection criterion to the teaching profession, at once considered the UNESCO document (2012 ) "Background and criterion for the development educational politics in Latin America and the Caribbean" to show some features of teacher education and critical aspects in the national context continues taking as the source document MEN (2012 ) "Politics and Colombian system of training and professional development." A second part presents the research as one of the pathways in the formation and quality of teachers, closes the article with some experiences in teacher education programs offered by the School of Education at the Universidad Industrial de Santander. ; Los cambios que marcan el transcurso del siglo XXI, conllevan la determinación de la calidad como un referente de posicionamiento global, regional y local; haciendo eco a este paradigma, los sistemas educativos consideran las pruebas censales un medio que diagnóstica la calidad de la educación, pero también constituyen un recurso comparativo entre mejores sistemas educativos, instituciones educativas, sector público y privado, contextos urbanos y rurales ¿De qué depende la calidad de los mejores sistemas educativos?, un primer factor, es la base cultural de la familia y la formación docente, como factor determinante. Una formación docente consolidada en la investigación a realizar desde el ámbito de desempeño, el aula de clase. En correspondencia con lo anteriormente planteado, el artículo inicialmente remite a los mejores sistemas educativos según los resultados de PISA, cuáles son los criterios de selección a la carrera docente; enseguida considera el documento de la UNESCO (2012) Antecedentes y criterios para la elaboración de políticas docentes en América Latina y el Caribe para mostrar algunas características de la formación docente y aspectos críticos; continua en el contexto nacional tomando como fuente el documento del MEN (2012) Políticas y sistema colombiano de formación y desarrollo profesional docente. Una segunda parte, plantea la investigación como una de las vías en la formación y calidad de los docentes; cierra el artículo con algunas experiencias en los programas de formación docente ofertados por la Escuela de Educación de la Universidad Industrial de Santander.

This article seeks to develop a thesis which has been worked on in the research project: "Popular education. Confluences theoretical and political trips" which in turn formed part of the macro-project 'Paradigms and concepts of education in Colombia.' It thus firstly outlines the problem: popular education, beyond questions of validity or the appropriateness of its proponents, was part of a historical change in the way in which we are governed which is bringing us to educational self-management. Following this, the article identifies four distinct dynamics of the emergency area of socalled liberal governmentality: 1. The development of a new world, 2. Official discourses, 3. Alternative discourses, 4. Religious discourse. As a result of these movements, the idea of self-management has become legitimate and it is here described as part of what we call post-revolutionary effects, which materialize in the human rights movement and the culturalist perspective and in the so-called cognitive capitalism. The conclusion reached in this article is that school and formal education are today subject to pressure to make their structures more flexible and to broaden their traditional boundaries, creating a maladjustment which affects young people, teachers and traditional protagonists within educational institutions. To this end, we seek to problematize our present and leave open questions about the origin of pedagogical truths, which today seem so obvious. ; El artículo pretende desarrollar una tesis que ha sido trabajada en el proyecto de investigación: "Educación popular. Trayectos políticos y confluencias teóricas. Colombia 1970-2008" que a su vez hizo parte del macro proyecto "Paradigmas y conceptos de la educación en Colombia". Para ello se esboza en primer lugar el problema: la educación popular, más allá de la vigencia o la pertinencia de sus postulados, hizo parte de un cambio histórico en el modo de gobernarnos que nos está llevando a la autogestión educativa. En seguida se identifica como superficie de emergencia de la llamada gubernamentalidad liberal, cuatro dinámicas distintas: 1. la irrupción de un mundo nuevo, 2. los discursos oficiales, 3. los discursos alternadivos, 4. el discurso religioso. Como resultado de estos movimientos se legitimó la idea de la autogestión educativa y así se describe en lo que llamamos los efectos pos-revolucionarios, que se materializan en el movimiento de los derechos humanos y la perspectiva culturalista, y en el llamado capitalismo cognitivo. La conclusión que se deriva de este trabajo es que la escuela y la educación formal están siendo hoy presionadas para que se flexibilicen sus estructuras y se amplíen sus fronteras tradicionales, generando una desadaptación que afecta a los jóvenes, a los maestros y a los protagonistas tradicionales de la institución educativa. Con ello queremos problematizar nuestro presente y dejar abiertas preguntas sobre la procedencia de las verdades pedagógicas que hoy parecen tan obvias.

Este artículo nace de una investigación más amplia en torno a los menores migrantes no acompañados que fueron tutelados por el Servicio de Protección de Menores del Gobierno de Aragón entre los años 2000 y 2010. Se ha accedido a los casi trescientos expedientes de tutela administrativa del periodo, que se han analizado estadísticamente. Los resultados muestran un colectivo de adolescentes magrebíes (78'5%) y subsaharianos (17'4%), del que apenas un 4'4 son niñas. Y para el que se han establecido varios periodos en el flujo migratorio, así como posibles pautas de su comportamiento frente a la acogida institucional, en relación con el sexo, el origen y la edad. Entre 2007 y 2012, las entrevistas a menores tutelados y extutelados, a técnicos de entidades públicas y privadas, así como la observación participante durante nuestra práctica profesional en proyectos educativos para jóvenes migrantes, han conformado el trabajo de campo en las tres provincias aragonesas. Entre otros análisis, concluimos que el itinerario de inserción social que los Servicios de Protección plantean a estos jóvenes a través de la tutela administrativa es sólo uno más de los múltiples itinerarios que, en paralelo, los menores recorren acompañados por actores a menudo ocultos a la Administración como los familiares en España y Europa y las redes de iguales; o en escenarios donde los Servicios Sociales tienen dificultades para actuar, como la infracción jurídica, la prostitución y las redes de explotación. Entender esta heterogeneidad de itinerarios creemos que evitará algunas situaciones graves de desprotección. ; This article stems from a larger research on unaccompanied migrant children who were protected by the Child Protection Service of the Government of Aragon between 2000 and 2010. The researcher obtained access to the almost three hundred cases under administrative supervision during that period. These cases were analyzed statistically. The results showed a group composed of young North Africans (78.5%) and subSaharan youngters (17.4%), of which barely a 4.4% are girls. Several periods in the migration flow and possible patterns of their behaviours in the host institution, in relation to sex, origin and age were established. Between 2007 and 2012, interviews with protected and former protected children and with technicians from public and private entities, as well as the participant observation during our professional practice in educational projects for young migrants defined the fieldwork in the three Aragonese provinces. Among other analyses, we concluded that the social integration schedule that Protection Services offers to these young people through administrative protection is just one of the many itineraries that these children go through in parallel: accompanied by actors often unknown to the Administration, such as relatives in Spain and Europe and peer networks; or in scenarios where Social Services find it difficult to intervene such as legal infringement, prostitution and exploitation networks. Understanding this heterogeneity of itineraries will avoid, we think, some serious situations of lack of protection.

Civil society generally defines a sphere where groups of people can act without being forced by any source of power. The citizen is one of the most important dynamics of the civil society in that they form a source of power against the state by demanding their rights in the public realm. Citizenship, which is the verbalism of political belonging to the state, is not limited to a legal status in which the individual has a series of specific rights and duties. It is also an expression of the individual's articulation to society and the relationship that they build in the political-social sphere. The media, which should be a democratic institution by essence, is closely related to the civil society. In this day and age most of the political struggle takes place on media. Therefore, the political power always uses the media as an ideological tool. Referendums, on the other hand, are an important constituent in pluralistic democracy. Referendums reflect the political preferences of social groups equally, although in a relative sense. Thus, all different groups can influence the government mechanisms in line with their demands and needs. The role that the media undertakes during the time of referendum, a democratic right for all citizens, is very significant because it is via the media that the information related to the laws or amendments which are put to vote. That is why the analysis and interpretation of media texts that undertake a crucial role in times of referendum is very important. In this context, making a comparative analysis of the selected Turkish media (Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, Tercüman/Bugün) coverage of 1982 constitutional referendum rallies and 2012 constitutional amendment package referendum rallies, and interpreting them within the framework of civil society discussions makes up the problem of this study. Determining the attitude of Turkish press and whether they had a political bias in 1982 constitutional referendum rallies and 2012 constitutional amendment package referendum rallies forms the purpose of the study. In the study content analysis method has been used. Quantitative distribution and rates of the newspapers' front-page news content and photographs relating with 1982 constitutional referendum and 2012 constitutional amendment package referendum rallies have been determined and compared/contrasted. Besides, the data gathered from the aforementioned newspapers' attitude towards the referendum rallies and thematic analyses of discourses in news texts have been compared/contrasted. One month before 7th October 1982 constitutional referendum and 12th September 2010 constitutional amendment package referendum marks the time limit of the study. Another limitation is regarding the newspapers chosen to represent the Turkish press. Based on their ideological attitudes; Cumhuriyet is chosen to represent national left (Kemalist, statist, secular), Hürriyet to represent liberal and Tercüman/Bugün to represent nationalistic conservative ideology. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n9p780

Obvious examples include inequities in our criminal justice system and in school funding. Much has been written on those and other topics. This article focuses on another example, specifically on how a sweeping change to an obscure banking rule regulating the check collection process has negatively affected consumers in general, and minority groups in particular. U.S. check collections require a complex system comprised of a variety of institutions including commercial banks, savings and loans, savings banks, and credit unions, as well as the customers who rely upon them to collect payments from far and near. Traditionally, the check collection process, including the timing rules under U.C.C. Article Four, was inherently cumbersome and slow to honor the payee's right to receive immediate payment of funds from the paying bank. Frustration among payees, which grew due to not having their funds available fast enough because of delays that were inherent within the system, led lawmakers and others to reform the check collection timing rules. It has now been more than twenty years since Congress passed the Expedited Funds Availability Act (EFAA), which empowered the Federal Reserve Board of Governors to regulate the speed with which commercial banks are required to make funds available to depositors after their checks were deposited for collection. There is evidence, however, that these reforms have had an negative impact on checking account customers as a whole, but in particular, a disproportionate impact on minority communities. Specifically, by reducing the maximum amount of waiting time between the date of deposit and the date when funds are available to deposit customers, the reforms also reduced the time that the funds were available to the check-issuing consumer. Thus, in every checking transaction, checking account customers lost the benefit of the float that was built into every transaction under the traditional U.C.C. rules. It is my thesis, therefore, that recent reforms in the timing rules that regulate the speed of the check collection process have indeed reduced the wait time for funds to be available, but have also resulted in increases in the appetite for various risky cash management alternatives by consumers to obtain the money that under old timing rules would stay in their deposit accounts for a longer period. Put another way, consumers who issued checks liked float, too! To address this problem, I will propose two recommendations that can provide a remedy for consumers, at their option. First, that the definition of "check" should be changed under both state and federal commercial law to remove the limitation that all checks are due on demand. Second, I propose that the federal check collection timing rules should be amended to require banks to honor checks that are payable on a definite due date just as they honor those that are payable on demand.