Esta tesis analiza la práctica del skate en Gran La Plata (Ensenada, Berisso y La Plata), Argentina, a la vez que indaga en sus relaciones con el campo de la Educación Física. La investigación ha profundizado en modos, características, sentidos y significados que tiene el skate para quienes lo practican, así como para una parte del resto de la sociedad. Estas prácticas son realizadas por sujetos en su mayoría jóvenes, aunque también por niños y adultos. Para ello hemos utilizado un abanico de conceptos y estrategias metodológicas que pusieron en diálogo a la antropología, la sociología, las ciencias de la educación y la Educación Física. De modo más específico, los postulados de la Praxiología Motriz fueron empleados para analizar la lógica interna y la lógica externa. La relación de los sujetos con los espacios (plazas, skateparks, y en particular con el espacio público) se destacó como un importante eje analítico en la tesis. Asimismo, fueron estudiadas las relaciones con los materiales, con el tiempo y con los otros participantes. La metodología utilizada fue cualitativa y de corte interpretativo. Los instrumentos de construcción de datos fueron entrevistas, observación participante y fuentes secundarias (tales como documentos, páginas de internet, redes sociales y videos). Desde el surgimiento del skate como práctica recreativa y de tiempo libre, han existido formatos de competición que lo vincularon con el mundo del deporte; actualmente se observa que la organización de torneos ha fortalecido el avance del skate como práctica deportiva (vertiente que se ve potenciada por su inclusión en los próximos Juegos Olímpicos de Tokyo 2020). En este contexto se han generado intensos debates que retomamos y analizamos en los capítulos de la tesis. Comprender al skate como deporte permitió además ampliar la discusión en torno al propio concepto deporte y a sus alcances. Otro de los ejes analíticos lo constituyó el relevamiento de cómo se lleva adelante la enseñanza en el skate. Desde esos resultados, se introducen algunas sugerencias pedagógicas intentando contribuir a la enseñanza de esta práctica, a la vez que podría colaborar a reflexionar sobre la enseñanza de otras prácticas corporales en el campo de la Educación Física. El trabajo de investigación llega a conclusiones que nos permiten también visibilizar que los practicantes de skate en la región se manifiestan a través de acciones políticas en virtud de reclamos que consideran justos, y que se expresan y potencian por la grupalidad. El estudio pone también en evidencia la coexistencia de diferentes modos de práctica del skate, diversidad que se construye tanto en relación a los espacios utilizados (calle o street, y pista), así como en relación a la forma en que lo practican y lo entienden los propios skaters (sea de una manera más "libre" o más reglada y deportiva). En definitiva, se trata de una práctica corporal que exhibe diferentes facetas, mostrando un dinamismo que impide encorsetarla en rígidas conceptualizaciones. Sin lugar a dudas, el skateboarding se ha consolidado como un objeto de estudio reconocido internacionalmente, revelándose como una práctica que, al analizarla, nos permite una mejor comprensión de las sociedades urbanas actuales. ; This thesis analyses the practice of skate in Gran La Plata (Ensenada, Berisso y La Plata), Argentina, while it investigates its connections with the physical education field. The research deepens in ways, characteristics, senses and meanings for the people who practice skate and for a part of the rest of the society. These practices are realized mostly by young people, but also by children and adults. For this we have used a range of concepts and methodological strategies that combine the anthropology, the sociology, the educational sciences and the physical education. In a more specific way, the postulates of Motor Praxiology were used to analyse the internal logic and the external logic. The relations the subjects with the spaces (squares, skate parks and in particular with the public space) stood out as an important analytical axis in the thesis. As well, the relations with the materials were studied with time and other participants. The used methodology was qualitative and interpretive. The data construction instruments were interviews, participant observation and secondary sources (such as documents, websites, social networks and videos). Since the emergence of skateboarding as a recreational and free time practice, there have been competition formats that linked it to the world of sports; it is currently observed that the tournament organization has strengthened the progress of skateboarding as a sports practice (aspect that is enhanced by its inclusion in the next Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games). In this context, intense debates have been generated that we resume and analyze in the thesis chapters. Understanding skateboarding as a sport also allowed us to broaden the discussion about the concept of sport itself and its scope. Another of the analytical axes was the survey of how skate teaching is carried out. From these results, some pedagogical suggestions are introduced trying to contribute to the teaching of this practice, and at the same time it could help to reflect on the teaching of other bodily practices in the field of Physical Education. The research paper reaches conclusions that also allow us to make visible that skateboarders in the region manifest themselves through political actions by virtue of claims that they consider fair, and that they express and strengthen by the group. The study also highlights the coexistence of different modes of skate practice, diversity that is built both in relation to the spaces used (street and park), as well as in relation to the way they practice and understand it the skaters themselves (either in a more "free" or more regulated and sporty way). In short, it is a bodily practice that exhibits different facets, showing a dynamism that prevents being limited to rigid conceptualizations. Without a doubt, skateboarding has established itself as an internationally recognized object of study, revealing itself as a practice that, when analyzed, allows us a better understanding of today's urban societies. ; La présente thèse analyse la pratique du skate à Gran La Plata (Ensenada, Berisso et La Plata), Argentine, et en même temps, étudie ses liens avec le domaine de l'éducation physique. La recherche a mis l'accent sur les façons de faire, les caractéristiques, les sens et les significations du skate pour ceux qui le pratiquent, ainsi que pour une partie du reste de la société. La plupart de ces pratiques sont réalisées par des jeunes, mais aussi par des enfants et des adultes. Dans la cadre de notre recherche, nous avons mis en place un éventail de concepts et d'stratégies méthodologiques permettant de combiner l'anthropologie, la sociologie, les sciences de l'éducation et l'éducation physique. De façon plus spécifique, les postulats de la praxéologie motrice ont été employés dans l'analyse de la logique interne et de la logique externe. Le lien entre les sujets et les espaces (parcs, skateparks et particulièrement les espaces publics) a été soulevé comme un axe important de la thèse. Les rapports entre les sujets et les matériaux, le temps et les autres participants ont aussi été étudiés. La méthodologie employée a été qualitative, permettant une démarche interprétative. Les méthodes de collecte de données ont été des entretiens, l'observation participante, et des sources secondaires (tels que des documents, des pages Web, des réseaux sociaux et des vidéos). Depuis la naissance du skate en tant que pratique récréative et du loisir, différents formats de compétition, qui l'on rattaché au monde du sport, ont vu le jour. Actuellement, l'organisation de tournois a contribué au progrès du skate en tant que pratique sportive (volet qui s'est vu fortifié par l'inclusion du skate aux prochains Jeux olympiques de Tokyo 2020). Plusieurs débats intenses -que nous reprenons et analysons à travers les chapitres de cette thèse-, ont apparu dans ce contexte. Reconnaître le skate en tant que sport a permis d'élargir la discussion par rapport au concept de sport en soi et à son étendue. L étude en ce qui concerne la nature de l'enseignement du skate, a engendré un autre axe analytique. Les résultats obtenus constituent la base pour l'introduction de suggestions pédagogiques, dans le but de contribuer à l'enseignement de la pratique et elles pourraient pousser la réflexion sur la façon d'enseigner d'autres pratiques corporelles de l'éducation physique. Le travail de recherche aboutit à des conclusions qui nous permettent de visualiser que les pratiquants de skate de la région s'expriment à travers des actions politiques potentialisées par le phénomène de groupe, menant de réclamations qu'ils considèrent justes. L'étude souligne aussi la coexistence de modes variés dans la pratique du skate. Cette diversité est attribuée à la relation développée avec l'espace utilisé (rue ou street, ou piste), et à la façon dont le skate et pratiqué et conçu par les pratiquants (soit une façon plus « libre » ou plus sportive et réglementée.) Finalement, il s'agit d'une pratique corporelle qui expose différentes facettes, présentant un dynamisme qui empêche de la limiter à des conceptualisations rigides. Sans aucun doute, le skateboarding s'est consolidé en tant qu'objet d'étude de reconnaissance internationale, s'affirmant comme une pratique dont l'analyse nous permet une meilleure compréhension des sociétés urbaines actuelles. ; Fil: Saraví, Jorge Ricardo. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.
The purpose of this paper is to illuminate the ill effects of neoliberal ideology on labor and education in the United States since the defeat of Keynesian economics in the United by the 1980s (Aronwitz, 2001; Robertson, 2007; Winfield, 2012). That is, neoliberal policy bears significant responsibility in the decline of labor and public schooling in the United States. Concurrently, over the past few decades there has been a significant transfer of wealth from poor and middle-class Americans to the very top of the income distribution (Piketty, 2014). While the wealthiest Americans have benefited from much lower taxes on their wealth in the past few decades, there has been a concurrent hollowing of the middle class due largely to automation and less to offshoring (Autor, 2010). Moreover, Congress and state legislatures have reduced appropriations to K-12 and higher education considerably (Leachman & Mai, 2014; Giroux, 2014; Mitchell, Palacios, & Leachman, 2014). 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This guide accompanies the following article: Patrick Archer and Ryan Orr, 'Class Identification in Review: Past Perspectives and Future Directions', Sociology Compass 5/1 (2011): 104–115, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2010.00352.xAuthor's introductionHistorically, sociology has had a contentious relationship with the concept of class. At times, debates over the meaning and importance of class have defined the field. More recently, however, the notable absence or weakness of class identities in class‐oriented research has led many sociologists to abandon class as an organizing concept in society. The response of class loyalists to this class‐less re‐theorization of stratification and inequality has developed along two paths. The first path emphasizes the continued importance of class as an influential force in people's lives, but jettisons any assumptions of subjective class identification. The second path has repackaged class as being hierarchical and relational while downplaying the existence of collective class identification. One consequence of these new developments in class theory has been a movement away from classical class theory and the assumed centrality of collective class identification in this work. The purpose of this article is to reexamine the contributions of classical class theory – particularly that of Marx, Weber, Durkheim, and Veblen – to the debate on collective class identification. Two questions guided this analysis. First, to what extent did Marx, Weber, Durkheim, and Veblen associate class with collective identification? Second, in what ways are the contributions of these theorists relevant to the current debates on class and identification?Author recommendsBottero, Wendy. 2004. 'Class Identities and the Identity of Class.'Sociology 38(5): 985–1003.Wendy Bottero's article Class Identities and the Identity of Class is an excellent review of the current state of class theory, particularly as it concerns class identification. While our article focuses primarily on the contribution of classical theorists to the debate on class and identification, Bottero addresses key contemporary developments to class theory and what they represent for the future meaning of class.Bourdieu, P. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Pierre Bourdieu's Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste offers readers a complex look into class identification. Bourdieu examines class identification as cultural practices and preferences that emerge through taste. On the one hand, taste operates as a method of class identification by actively distinguishing the class position to which one belongs. On the other hand, taste operates as a method of class identification by actively distinguishing class positions to which one does not belong. Bourdieu also argues that the process of (dis)identification transpires primarily on unconscious levels.Durkheim, Émile. 1984 [1893]. The Division of Labor in Society. New York, NY: The Free Press.In The Division of Labor in Society, his first major work, Émile Durkheim examines how social order is possible as small, traditional societies become more advanced and industrialized. It is here that Durkheim develops the concepts of mechanical and organic solidarity and their relation to the division of labor in society. Of particular interest to this article is the Preface to the Second Edition in which Durkheim argued that professional groupings (i.e., occupations), as opposed to class locations, were emerging as important and essential organizers of social identification.Giddens, Anthony. 1971. Capitalism and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.This book is an excellent resource for students at the undergraduate and graduate level who are engaging with the original writings of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim for the first time. For the first two‐thirds of the book, Giddens analyzes separately each of the theoretical contributions of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim. The concluding chapters consider lines of comparison between the three authors, with particular emphasis on how Durkheim and Weber diverge from Marx. Of particular interest to this article is Giddens' examination of Weber's concepts of class and status (pp. 163–8).Grusky, David B. and Jesper B. Sørensen. 1998. 'Can Class Analysis Be Salvaged?'American Journal of Sociology 103(5): 1187–234.Using what they called a "quasi‐Durkheimian third road," Grusky and Sørensen advocate a disaggregate analysis of social stratification in the form of occupational groupings. Based on a number of premises, the authors argue that occupational groupings, contrary to aggregate class groupings, represent real cleavages among people in society. The result is an important addition to the debate over realist and nominalist approaches to class and identification.Marx, K. and F. Engels. 1964 [1848]. The Communist Manifesto. New York: Washington Square Press.Along with being one of Marx and Engels' most accessible writings for undergraduate students, The Communist Manifesto is the pair's most well‐known collaboration. In the writing, Marx and Engels conceptualize class membership evolving into two general groups. Marx and Engels organize class membership with respect to an individual's relationship to the modes of production. The bourgeoisie own the modes of production whereas the proletarians sell their labor to the owners. Marx and Engels also provide insight into cognitive and emotional aspects of class identification in their discussions of class awareness and conflict between classes.Marx, K. 1993 [1894]. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 3. New York: Penguin Classics.Marx offers readers a discussion of class in Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 3. The discussion is incomplete due to his death, but Marx conceptualizes class membership differently compared to the bourgeoisie/proletariat organization in The Communist Manifesto. Marx discusses 'three great classes' of wage‐laborers, capitalists, and landlords before introducing the idea of fragmentation of the classes into smaller groups. The unfinished conceptualization of smaller groups is where the manuscript stops. Subjective dimensions of class in Vol. 3 are not developed, but inferences of identification with class position may be traced to Marx's thoughts about class awareness and class identification.Swartz, D. 1997. Culture and Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press.As the book's title indicates, David Swartz concentrates on Pierre Bourdieu's examination of the link between culture and power. Focusing on this central theme of Bourdieu's sociology, Swartz gives readers a comprehensive overview of Bourdieu's theoretical framework, including his key concepts of habitus, fields, and capitals (economic, cultural, symbolic, and social). Although discussions of class identification are present throughout the text, chapter seven ('Social Classes and the Struggle for Power') most highlights the topic by focusing on class practices and class position indicators. Swartz's informative discussions represent an excellent starting‐point for learning about Bourdieu's conceptualizations of class and class identity.Veblen, T. 1994 [1899]. The Theory of the Leisure Class. New York: Dover Publications, Inc.Thorstein Veblen' s The Theory of the Leisure Class represents one of the first in‐depth analyses of class identification. Veblen provides a critique of both class identification and general cultural ways of the wealthy in late 19th century America. Although often overlooked, Veblen's focus on the acquisition of status signs as attempts to achieve social superiority captures a Darwinian train of thought. He argues that instinctual desires to dominate other individuals were shaped by industrial American life into largely symbolic battles of consumption. Veblen's attention to the use of consumption practices as status markers, minus the emphasis on instinctual desires, continues to influence contemporary consumer studies.Weber, Max. 1978 [1921/22]. Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology (2 vols.). Berkeley: University of California Press.Max Weber's Economy and Society is exceptionally significant, both in terms of volume and contribution to the field of sociology. Unfortunately, this work was incomplete at the time of Weber's death in 1920. Weber touches on many subjects in Economy and Society, including his view on sociology and the concept of social action, which anchors much of his work. For a firsthand account of Weber's contentious definitions of class and status see the sections "Status Groups and Classes" (1978 [1921/22], pp. 302–7) and "The Distribution of Power within the Political Community: Class, Status, and Party" (1978 [1921/22], pp. 926–39).Sample syllabusSection one: Exploring class identification: understandings, significance, and debatesBeck, U. and J. Willms. 2004. Conversations with Ulrich Beck. Cambridge: Polity Press.Pakulski, J. and M. Waters. 1996. The Death of Class. London: Sage.Reay, D. 1998. 'Rethinking Social Class: Qualitative Perspectives on Class and Gender.'Sociology 32(2): 259–75.Reay, D. 2005. 'Beyond Consciousness? The Psychic Landscape of Class.'Sociology 39(5): 911–28.Section two: Class identification and classical theoryGiddens, Anthony. 1971. Capitalism and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Marx, K. 1978 [1932]. 'The German Ideology: Part I.' Pp. 146–200 in The Marx‐Engels Reader, 2nd edn, edited by R. C. Tucker. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.Marx, K. 1993 [1894]. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 3. New York: Penguin Classics. (Chapter 52)Marx, K. and F. Engels 1964 [1848]. The Communist Manifesto. New York: Washington Square Press.Weber, M. 1978 [1921/1922]. Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology (2 vols.). Berkeley: University of California Press.Durkheim, E. 1984 [1893]. The Division of Labor in Society. New York: The Free Press.Veblen, T. 1994 [1899]. The Theory of the Leisure Class. New York: Dover Publications, Inc.Section three: Class identification and contemporary theoryLukács, G. 1971 [1922]. History of Class Consciousness: Studies in Marxist Dialectics. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Wright, E. O. 1997. Class Counts: Comparative Studies in Class Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Bourdieu, P. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. (Introduction, Chapters 1, 2, 5, and 6.)Swartz, D. 1997. Culture and Power: The Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. (Chapter 7)Baudrillard, J. 1981. For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign. St. Louis MO: Telos. (Chapters 1, 2, 6, 7, and 11)Grusky, David B. and Jesper B. Sørensen. 1998. 'Can Class Analysis Be Salvaged?'American Journal of Sociology 103(5): 1187–234.Section four: Class identification and future directionsBottero, Wendy. 2004. 'Class Identities and the Identity of Class.'Sociology 38(5): 985–1003.Skeggs, B. 1997. Formations of Class and Gender. London: Sage.Lockwood, D. 1996. 'Civic Integration and Class Formation.'British Journal of Sociology 47(3): 531–50.Savage, M., G. Bagnall and B. Longhurst. 2001. 'Ordinary, Ambivalent and Defensive: Class Identities in the Northwest of England.'Sociology 35(4): 875–92.Assignment ideas1. Class Identification: Themes and Debates Using Section One's readings, highlight three different debates with respect to contemporary views on the significance of class identification. For instance, do scholars believe social class has a strong influence on individual identity? In highlighting the debates, explain all positions and the points of disagreement. 2. Comparing and Contrasting Classical Theoretical Views Provide summaries of each classical theorist's conceptualization of class identification. Summaries must include discussions of the theorists' understandings of class identification (What is the theorist's understanding of class identification) and discussions of the theorists' explanations of their understandings (How does the theorist explain his understanding of class identification?) Provide four similarities among the theorists' conceptualizations. Provide four differences among the theorists' conceptualizations. 3. Continuations and New Developments of class identity Select three contemporary theorists. For the theorists, provide summaries of their conceptualizations of class identification. Discuss how each theorist continues tradition(s) of classical theoretical conceptualizations of class identification. Discuss how each theorist provides new understandings of class identifications. 4. Envisioning Future Directions and Revisiting Current Debates Using both your personal thoughts and previously examined ideas, revisit two debates on the contemporary significance of class identification. In addition, discuss three potential directions of class identification scholarship, and explain how the potential future directions relate to past viewpoints on class identification.
The relevance of the research topic. After the World War II the leaders and intellectuals of the world were forced to look for new principles and methods of management. New theories for analysis of complex systems appeared. The D. Meadows' group from the Club of Rome and other analysts discovered the fact of the deepening humanity in an irreversible and deadly crisis. Up to now, economists and politicians have not offered a way to guarantee rescue. However, there is a consensus that hopes can be linked to the development of education and science in the world. The phrase "internationalization of higher education (IHE)" is used more and more often, and the number of scientific works is growing rapidly. However, in our opinion, the phenomenon of IHE is perceived superficially because of inattention to the latest scientific achievements, which are not followed by humanities scholars. This caused our interest and stimulated the desire to prove that global process of IHE started in accordance with the laws of the evolution of industrial production.The purpose of our study is to apply the theory of analysis of very large systems to the phenomena of kinds and variants internationalization to obtain the most probable scenarios for human progress. The task of the study is seen in the critical analysis of the trend we noted in the process of training the PhD-level professional in space and time and transforming the figure of a young worker from a national to an international "product" of the systems of education and training. The methodology of the research was dictated by the chosen goal and tasks under the pressure of the grandiose object – a complex of educational systems in a globalized planet environment. This is due to the use of the means of many sciences, theories of systemic research and a multidisciplinary approach in the conditions of global evolutionism.The results of the study in their essence, are still based on historical methods, in conjunction with the achievements of young sciences – synergetics, theories of complex systems, and others. An original table was created to match the agrarian, industrial and informational societies – those within which the system of higher education had been developed. The direction of its characterization has proven that the autonomy of universities has been diminished at present, the size of the whole system and its orientation towards political and economic demands have increased. It is indicated at the time when the high school began to lose its national character and to acquire features of internationality. It is noted that this coincided with the growth of the volume and impact of globalization and its study mainly within the humanities.The widespread representation of the interaction in higher education with the influences of globalization and internationalization, the basic definitions and differentiation, etc. is presented. The newest data on internationalization within the universities and far beyond them in state and interstate institutions are presented.The conclusions and recommendations formulated and proved the main hypothesis of our study and its main result. It consists in the fact that the higher school in general began to reproduce the path of industry with its variant of internationalization – a combination of products of many countries. We argue that in higher education the division of time and space of educational programs, institutions, places of internship, etc. began. Instead of ensuring PhD competences within a single state, basic schooling is found to be more profitable in one place, the profile secondary is in the other, the baccalaureate or master's program in the country "A", postgraduate study somewhere in "B", the final professional development in the best world's centers of MBA or some other training in London or Harvard. From this follows the following conclusion: Ukraine's resources are already inadequate for the preparation of national personnel of the highest world quality. Such a "product" has already become international ; Актуальность и разработка проблемы. После II мировой войны руководители и ведущие ученые человечества были вынуждены искать новые принципы и методы управления. Появились новые теории анализа сложных систем. Группа Д. Медоуза в Римском клубе и другие аналитики обнаружили факт погружения человечества в необратимый и смертельный кризис. До сих пор экономисты и политики не предложили способ гарантировать спасение. Однако есть консенсус, что надежды могут быть связаны с развитием образования и науки в мире. Поэтому все чаще используется фраза «интернационализация высшего образования (ИВО)», Однако, в подобных материалах, по нашему мнению, явление интернационализации высшего образования осознается поверхностно, что обусловлено преимущественно невниманием к новейшим научным достижениям, за которыми не следят исследователи-гуманитарии. Это вызвало наш интерес и стимулировало желание доказать, что в мире начался процесс тотально глобальной интернационализации высшей школы согласно законам эволюции не образования, а промышленных производств.Цель нашего исследования – применение теории анализа очень больших систем к явлениям интернационализации всех видов и вариантов с получением максимально достоверных сценариев прогресса человечества.Задачи исследования мы видим в критическом анализе замеченного нами тренда фрагментации процесса подготовки кадров высших квалификаций в пространстве и времени и преобразования фигуры молодого работника из национального в международный «продукт» деятельности имеющихся классических и новых систем обучения и профессиональной подготовки.Методологию исследования диктовали цель и задачи под давлением грандиозности объема и сложности объекта исследования – комплекса систем образования в глобальной всепланетной среде. Этим обусловлено использование средств многих наук, теорий системных исследований и мультидисциплинарный подход в условиях глобального эволюционизма.Результаты исследования в своей основе все же опираются на исторические методы в сочетании с достижениями молодых наук – синергетики, теории сложных систем и др. Была создана оригинальная таблица для сопоставления аграрного, индустрального и информационного обществ – тех, в пределах которых развивалась система высшего образования. Наведение ее характеристик доказало, что с приближением к настоящему уменьшалась автономия университетов, рос размер всей системы и ее ориентированность на политико-экономические запросы. Указан тот период времени, когда высшая школа начала терять свой национальный характер и приобретать черты интернациональности. Отмечено, что это совпало с ростом объема и влияния глобализации и изучением ее преимущественно в пределах гуманитарных наук. Изложены распространенные представления о взаимодействии в высшем образовании воздействий глобализации и интернационализации, основные определения и дифференциации и тому подобное. Приведены новейшие данные об учете интернационализации в пределах университетов и далеко за их пределами в государственных и межгосударственных институциях. В выводах и рекомендациях сформулирована и доказана основная гипотеза всего нашего исследования и его главный результат. Он состоит в том, что высшая школа в целом стала воспроизводить путь промышленности с ее вариантом интернационализации – сочетанием в изделиях продукции многих государств.Главный вывод: мы утверждаем, что и в высшем образовании началось разделение во времени и пространстве учебных программ, заведений, мест стажировок и т.д. Вместо обеспечения получения PhD-компетентности в пределах одного государства выгоднее оказывается базовое школьное образование в одном месте, профильное среднее в другом, бакалаврская или магистерская программа в стране «А», аспирантура где-то в «В», окончательное профессиональное совершенствование в лучшем в мире центре МВА или какой-то другой подготовки в Лондоне или Гарварде. Из этого следует вывод: ресурсы Украины или другого государства уже оказываются недостаточными для подготовки национальных кадров наивысшего мирового качества. Подобный «продукт» уже стал интернациональным ; Актуальність і розробка проблеми. Після II світової війни керівники і провідні науковці людства були змушені шукати нові принципи і методи управління. З'явилися нові теорії аналізу складних систем. Група Д. Медоуза в Римському клубі та інші аналітики виявили факт занурення людства в незворотну і смертельну кризу. Досьогодні економісти і політики не запропонували спосіб гарантувати порятунок. Однак є консенсус, що надії можуть бути пов'язані з розвитком освіти та науки в світі. Тому все частіше використовується фраза «інтернаціоналізація вищої освіти (ІВО)», а кількість наукових праць стрімко зростає. Однак, на нашу думку, феномен ІВО сприймається поверхово через неуважність до останніх наукових досягнень, за якими не слідкують науковці-гуманітарії. Це викликало наш інтерес і стимулювало прагнення довести, що в світі процес ІВО розпочався відповідно до законів еволюції промислового виробництва.Метою нашого дослідження є застосування теорії аналізу дуже великих систем до явищ інтернаціоналізації всіх видів і варіантів для отримання найбільш ймовірних сценаріїв людського прогресу. Завдання дослідження ми вбачаємо в критичному аналізі поміченого нами тренду фрагментації процесу підготовки кадрів найвищих кваліфікацій у просторі й часі та перетворення фігури молодого працівника з національного в інтернаціональний "продукт" діяльності наявних класичних і нових систем навчання і професійної підготовки.Результати дослідження в своїй основі все ж спираються на історичні методи у поєднанні з досягненннями молодих наук – синергетики, теорій складних систпем та ін. Була створена оригінальна таблиця задля співставлення аграрного, індустрального та інформаційного суспільств – тих, у межах яких зростала система вищої освіти. Наведення її характеристк довело, що з наближенням до сьогодення зменшувалася автономія університетів, зростав розмір всієї системи та її орієнтованість на політично-економічні запити. Вказано період часу, коли вища школа розпочала втрачати свій національний характер і набувати рис інтернаціональності. Відзначено, що це співпало зі зростанням обсягу і впливу глобалізації та вивченням її переважно у межах гуманітарних наук.У статті викладено поширені уявлення про взаємодію у вищій освіті впливів глобалізації та інтернаціоналізації, основні визначення і диференціацію тощо. Наведені новітні дані про врахування інтернаціоналізації у межах університетів та далеко поза ними в державних та міждержавних інституціях. У висновках і рекомендаціях сформульована і доведена основна гіпотеза всього нашого дослідження та його головний результат. Він полягає у тому, що вища школа в цілому стала відтворювати шлях промисловості з її варіантом інтернаціоналізації – поєднанням у виробах продукції багатьох держав.Наш висновок: ми стверджуємо, що і у вищій освіті розпочався поділ у часі й просторі навчальних програм, закладів, місць стажування і т.д. Замість забезпечення отримання PhD-компетентності у межах однієї держави вигіднішим виявляється базове шкільне навчання в одному місці, профільне середнє – в іншому, бакалаврська чи магістерська програма у країні "А", аспірантура – десь у "В", остаточне професійне вдосконалення – у кращому в світі центрі з МВА чи якоїсь іншої підготовки в Лондоні чи Гарварді. З цього випливає що ресурси України чи навіть більшої держави вже виявляються недостатніми для підготовки національних кадрів найвищої можливої світової якості. Подібний "продукт" вже став інтернаціональним
"gender studies";"violence";"migration";"body" ''embodiement'';''gender technologies'';"life narratives";"Algeria";"France" ; My research stems from a strong interest for experiences and explorations able to blur the lines of division between genders. As an anthropologist, I endeavored to seize this trouble through an inquiry allowing to bring to light the modes of embodiment of gender assignments and the possibles created by those who, in a moment of their life, have rejected them. First of all, I have observed beside Algerian feminists established in Paris the wording of a specific enunciation. On the one side, it passed on the news about the feminist movement which in Algeria publicly denounced violences against women. On the other side, it revealed an attempt to condemn the violences to which women who took refuge in France have been subjected to while avoiding to play into the hands of Islamophobia. Then I looked to meet with women who ran away from home because of punches, insults, humiliations they endured within it. I went to see associations based in France and Algeria where previous encounters sent me. Finally I got away from these frameworks to follow women in their infinite movement to configure again their lives. Drawing upon their accounts, I showed how, in a context of migration, the logics of an embodiment of gender assignments are disrupted by the refusal of masculine authority and brutality. To comprehend this refusal in all its complexity, it is important to consider it as a process. For a long time, escape and refusal seemed to become mixed up in my understanding. It is only as our relationships were forged that they told me about the series of go back and forth that had preceded a non-reversible departure. For all that, to return has never meant to agree to. It has required unremitting measures being aimed at anticipating blows and insults. And for the escape to be performed they had to annihilate the anticipation regime specific to fear. What made them run away has, thus, exceeded the repetition of bullyings, insults and humiliations. If they put an end to an everyday life of which they accommodated themselves to until then, it is because some desires continued to motivate them - to live a blooming sexuality, to bear witness in order to encourage women from the next generations not to repeat what they have done (to remain at home thinking that the situation would get better).The escape has also required a place where to stay in order to foresee an another meaning to give to their lives. It is where collective and individual histories met. Each taking decision is only the completion of a succession of choices that falls within a given historical situation. In the 90s, Algerian militant women took over the state rhetoric of denunciation of violences committed by armed groups to propose another enunciation: every kind of violence and not only the armed one is intolerable. They also created the places where women could take refuge. Since then, women passing through these places could find there a shelter, a condition to make the refusal effective. Therefore the power contained in the initial refusal could have been released creating a new possible: to formulate a multitude of other refusals, which can only be understood in relation with the ordeals these women have been confronted to. Indeed, breaking away from a masculine figure of authority exposed them to the stigma of the rupture, they have forced to live another kind of isolation and exclusion. Caught by the institutions to whom they asked protection the meaning of their escape has been put into the pre-existent category of victims of a retrograde gendered order. These mechanisms of fixation invisibilized the political dimension contained in the refusal. Besides they have been relegated to the domestic sphere for survival. In other words, the reconfiguration of their lives found itself again trapped by the redeployment, in France like in Algeria, of gender assignments. To refuse to get married to obtain legal documents or to do housework to provide for ones needs, are as many refusals that thus have taken shape and meaning within the play of distance and becoming closer that women have established with the rest of the societies that marginalized them. And within the very conditions of survival, they have been obliged to modify the modalities of their displacements in the public space overcoming their fears. Within the distanciation with the gendered order has then occurred a displacement in the perception and qualification of themselves as subjects. Objects of masculine will of appropriation, they became subjects of desires and of projections in the future. Through the many twists and turns taken by lives irreparably transformed by the rejection of masculine authority and brutality, my research has then proposed an exploration of the memory of bodies that bear in themselves the residue of gender assignments. ; Ma thèse découle d'un vif intérêt pour les expériences et les explorations à même de brouiller les lignes de partage entre les sexes. Anthropologue, je me suis attachée à saisir ce trouble via une enquête permettant de mettre à jour les modalités de l'incorporation des assignations de l'ordre sexué et les possibles créés par celles qui, à un moment donné de leur vie, les ont rejetées. J'ai tout d'abord observé, aux côtés de féministes algériennes installées à Paris, la formulation d'une énonciation particulière. Tout en relayant l'actualité du mouvement féministe qui, en Algérie, dénonçait publiquement les violences faites aux femmes, elle dévoilait une tentative de dénoncer les violences subies par des femmes se réfugiant en France sans pour autant faire le jeu de l'islamophobie. J'ai ensuite cherché à rencontrer des femmes ayant fui leur domicile en raison des coups, des insultes et des humiliations qu'elles y subissaient. Je me suis alors rendue, en France et en Algérie, dans les associations vers lesquelles m'orientaient mes précédentes rencontres. Enfin, je me suis éloignée de ces cadres pour suivre des femmes dans leur mouvement infini pour reconfigurer leurs vies. Me saisissant de leurs témoignages, j'ai montré comment, dans un contexte de migration, les logiques de l'incorporation des assignations de l'ordre sexué sont troublées par le refus de la brutalité et de l'autorité masculines. Pour appréhender ce refus dans toute sa complexité, il importe de le considérer comme processus. Longtemps, fuite et refus ont semblé se superposer. Ce n'est qu'à mesure que nos relations se tissaient qu'elles m'ont livré la série d'allers-retours ayant précédé un départ irréversible. Revenir n'a pour autant jamais signifier consentir. Cela a nécessité des mesures incessantes visant à anticiper coups et injures. Et pour que la fuite opère, il leur a fallu anéantir ce régime d'anticipation propre à la peur. Ce qui les a poussées à fuir a ainsi excédé la répétition des brimades, des insultes et des humiliations. Si elles ont mis un terme à un quotidien dont elles s'étaient jusque-là accommodées, c'est que des désirs continuaient de les animer - vivre une sexualité épanouie, témoigner pour inciter les femmes des générations suivantes à ne pas reproduire ce qu'elles-mêmes avaient fait (rester en pensant que la situation allait s'arranger). La fuite a également nécessité un lieu où s'arrêter pour entrevoir un autre sens à donner à leur vie. C'est là qu'histoires individuelle et collective se sont croisées. Toute prise de décision n'est que l'aboutissement d'une série de choix qui s'inscrit dans une conjoncture historique donnée. Dans les années 1990, des militantes algériennes se sont réapproprié la rhétorique étatique de dénonciation des violences commises par des groupes armés pour proposer une autre énonciation : toute forme de violence, et non la seule armée, est intolérable. Elles ont également créé les lieux dans lesquels des femmes ont pu se réfugier. Depuis, des femmes transitant par ces lieux ont pu y trouver un abri, condition d'effectuation du refus. Dès lors, la puissance contenue dans ce refus initial a pu être libérée, créant un nouveau possible : énoncer une multitude d'autres refus, ce qui ne peut se comprendre qu'au regard des épreuves auxquelles ces femmes ont été confrontées. En effet, en se détachant d'une figure d'autorité masculine, elles ont été exposées au stigmate de la rupture, contraintes à vivre une autre forme d'isolement et d'exclusion. Capté par les institutions auxquelles elles demandaient protection, le sens de leur fuite a été inséré dans la catégorie préexistante des victimes d'un ordre sexué rétrograde. Ces mécanismes de captation ont invisibilisé la part du politique contenue dans le refus. De plus, elles ont été reléguées dans la sphère de la domesticité pour survivre. En d'autres termes, la reconfiguration de leurs vies s'est retrouvée piégée par le redéploiement, en France comme en Algérie, des assignations de l'ordre sexué. Refuser de se marier pour obtenir des papiers ou de faire des ménages pour subvenir à ses besoins sont autant de refus qui ont ainsi pris forme et sens dans ce jeu de distance et de rapprochement qu'elles ont instauré avec le reste des sociétés les marginalisant. Et dans les conditions même de la survie, elles ont dû modifier les modalités de leurs déplacements dans la sphère publique, en dépassant leurs peurs. Dans cette distanciation d'avec l'ordre sexué s'est alors opéré un déplacement dans la perception et la qualification d'elles-mêmes comme sujets. Objets de volontés masculines d'appropriation, elles sont devenues sujets de désirs et de projections dans l'avenir. À partir des multiples bifurcations empruntées par des vies irrémédiablement transformées par le rejet de l'autorité et de la brutalité masculines, ma thèse a ainsi proposé une exploration de la mémoire de corps qui portent en eux le résidu des assignations de l'ordre sexué.
In: Stanojoska, Angelina (2016) MIGRANT AND REFUGEE CRISIS IN EUROPE: WAS PANDORA'S BOX OPEN? Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, 1 (1). pp. 10-15. ISSN 1857-9760
Movement has been part of human history; it is and has been integrated inside every human, becoming active as a result of various factors which at a moment are more or less dominant in one's life. It is like a code written down in everyone's DNA, making humans unable or better said "hungry" to be free and always look for better. Starting in March 2010, the Arab Spring opened a door for the biggest migration flow in modern history. Such as conflicts were crossing borders from one state to another in the fight for democracy and freedom from regimes, as domino effect migration did the same. Numbers increased every day and during 2015, in time of Syrian crisis, we were witnessing a mayor migration flow to Europe since the European colonization and the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Mentioning the theory of push and pull factors as a starting point, although it has been used to explain the everyday movement of people, victims of human trafficking, towards rich countries which at the end become their countries of destination in the labyrinth of exploitation, lured by stories of well-paid jobs and good life, it can also be discussed in the context of migration movements during the 2015 and the beginning of 2016. Pushed by terror and war and pulled by the possibilities for a better life, a chance to stay alive, hundreds of thousands of people have fled their countries of origin and moving through the Balkan migration route are already inside or in front of the European Union's doors. Moving through Turkey, Greece, Macedonia, Serbia to Croatia, Slovenia, Austria or Germany; or to Hungary, Austria, Germany or Sweden (or other EU member country), some of them managed to get at the end of their destination, some of them were smuggled, some trafficked, unfortunately some ended their journeys among the waves of the Mediterranean Sea or some stayed into metal fences "hugs". During this global movement with so wide framework, several categories of people were put in the same basket, not even making an effort to draw a line between migrants and refugees. And it was the first important step for additional solutions. Instead of being practical, EU became an ignorant and selfish entity, lost in its quarrels between member states. Some started opening their borders wide, not thinking of tomorrow and others started building fences, locking up people and feeding them in a way even animals should not be fed. Was this the Union which arose from the ashes of the bloodiest war in human history? Or every atom of humanity was lost in the games of political intrigues and different interests? The protection of refugees has many aspects. It includes safety from being returned to the dangers they have fled; access to asylum procedures that are fair and efficient; and measures to ensure that their basic human rights are respected to allow them to live in dignity and safety while helping them to find a longer-term solution. States bear the primary responsibility for this protection. UNHCR therefore works closely with governments, advising and supporting them as needed to implement their responsibilities. (UNHCR, 2016) Migrants choose to move not because of a direct threat of persecution or death, but mainly to improve their lives by finding work, or in some cases for education, family reunion, or other reasons. Unlike refugees who cannot safely return home, migrants face no such impediment to return. If they choose to return home, they will continue to receive the protection of their government. For individual governments, this distinction is important. Countries deal with migrants under their own immigration laws and processes, but countries deal with refugees through norms of refugee protection and asylum that are defined in both national legislation and international law. (UNHCR, 2016) Starting with Lombroso's homo criminalis where immigrants were part of the analyzed possible criminals, through the Chicago School, whose conclusions were that foreigners have powerful criminal tendencies, immigration has always been connected to crime, trying to divide societies into "us' and "them", leave newcomers at the margins, exclude them and if possible, try to push them away. And today, the word immigrant, although being a bit wide (all foreigners with no importance of their ethnic, social, economic or professional background), always is narrowed into a direction in which it points out to those non - citizens who are not white, are poor, have no working skills, are coming from non - developed or developing countries, they will just steal our jobs or will be begging on the streets, and in worst cases will bring diseases etc. It is a picture of threatening asylum seekers, Muslim terrorists, Balkan "barbarians", criminal immigrants who will only destroy what we have worked for centuries. (Stanojoska, 2016) It is a modern fear wrapped in classical paper, that fear from strangers explained through sociological perspectives or as Garland (2001) says that all those others are endangering what we have and that our society should protect itself from their "vicious" attacks, rather than to think what to do afterwards in the need to rehabilitate everything they'll destroy. It starts with Durkheim's theory of anomie and his opinion of strengthening bonds and solidarity among individuals in the society and ends with Merton's strain theory. Namely, in his works, Emilie Durkheim speaks about punishment seen as an element or mechanism which helps into building and maintaining social solidarity and structure, so using it the community will try to push aside and suffocate all those foreign elements trying to threat local ones. Using such measures excludes immigrants who cannot "put their hands" onto cultural goals with their "instrumentum operandi", so being at the edge of survivor, their changing their "modus operandi" using different, in most cases unaccepted cultural means. (Stanojoska, 2016) Robin Cohen (1994:189) called this groups "third world immigrant" or "helots"; that is those immigrants who, in addition to being deprived of many rights enjoyed by citizens - principally, the right to vote and be elected - are in much worse situation than other foreigners in a given receiving country because they belong to an ethnic minority, are unskilled, and are poor. The difference between foreigners coming from poor and rich countries is also manifested in the enforcement of controls over borders: states do not distribute burden evenly. Foreigners coming from different parts of the globe are treated differently concerning formal and informal practices - visa requirements, restrictions on the right to entry and stay, enjoyment of civil rights, and judicial and extrajudicial treatment. (Aliverti, 2013) And at the end there is always a difference between "crimmigrants" or those seen as a danger, undocumented, maybe terrorists, people with criminal background) and "travelers (bona fide) or people who are privileged and can move without problems. (Franko Aas, 2011) The word "crimmigrant" is coinage and as a term originates from the words criminal and immigrant, and is used in purpose to describe the perception of immigrants and today, refugees coming from Arab countries, as potential criminals. (Stanojoska, 2016) The migration route is a path which moves on the same steps as the one of organized crime. A migration flow is like an open market for smugglers who can sell their products (in this case the possibility to get out of conflict zones and then get in the EU). Smuggling of migrants, but also trafficking in human beings is out there, on those paths, living among people's destinies, becoming their everyday life. As European Union member countries acted on the rivers of people, their path changed into the quest of salvation. In 2012, Greece finished its fence on the border land with Turkey, migrants and refugees started moving using Bulgaria (from Turkey). When, in 2014, Bulgaria finished its fence on the border with Turkey, people started using the Eastern Mediterranean Route to get to European land (from Izmir and Bodrum to Kos and Lesbos) and afterwards the Western Balkan Route to EU. After this path became alive, some member countries started building fences on their borders. At first Hungary built fence on its border with Serbia which moved migrants and refugees to Croatia (and then Hungary). Making such step was an alarm for Hungarian authorities who continued building fences, this time on the border with Croatia, which influenced another change of paths towards Slovenia. During the period of free movement towards EU countries, mostly Germany and Sweden, there were times of barriers on the borders between Croatia and Slovenia, which eventually culminated with barriers between Austria and Slovenia. Closing of the Western Balkan Route, without having another effective solution just opened another routes for such organized crime groups, which continued to use another path towards EU. Possible alternative routes are those from Greece towards Italy after crossing the Mediterranean Sea, or from Greece to Albania crossing the Adriatic Sea, or from Egypt towards Lampedusa in Italy or even from Turkey crossing the Black Sea towards Bulgaria or Romania. In other words, it would be something as the British ex-prime minister Mrs.Thatcher once bluntly put it, "we joined Europe to have free movement of goods…I did not join Europe to have free movement of terrorists, criminals, drugs, plant and animal diseases and rabies and illegal immigrants". (Eriksen, 2007) Criminal networks are typically composed of several key individuals. The organizer or leader of the network is usually located in a key migration hub and is responsible for the overall coordination within the network. Members of migrant smuggling networks typically work autonomously with a number of lower-level contacts who are part of their personal network. Low-level contacts are used as drivers, crew members, scouts, or recruiting agents. These contacts typically operate as part of a network only for a limited time and are exchanged regularly. Migrant smuggling networks are flexible and adapt to changing business demands by relying on auxiliary members as necessary. These auxiliary members act as money handlers, guarantors or forgers. These individuals provide services to the network, but do not form part of networks' core memberships. (Europol, 2015) March the 18th will be known as one of the days when EU once again has shown its two faced game in this migration flow to its territories. Although Germany was the loudest promoter of giving shelter to refugees inside EU, at the end this whole charade of one for all, 28 for themselves, ended with an EU - Turkey Agreement, which should end migratory movements to EU. The two most important points accented with this Agreement should help the Union to stop movement towards its territories. Namely, every irregular migrant crossing from Turkey to Greece or found on Greek territory will be returned back to Turkey and for every returned migrant with Syrian origin, EU will accept another Syrian who is in Turkey. Seen through prism of humanity, we do not get a solution, because the Agreement will just worsen things up, which is already happening with people living in tents in subhuman conditions on the Greek - Macedonian border and of course, with an increased number of asylum applications in Greece which stops the returning of irregular migrants. Is this the Europe we all dreamed off? Or is it just a dream, as it is for refugees and immigrants? Also, being in the prism of interest, but also happening, terrorism is a phenomenon directly connected to ISIS and Islamic State in Syria and Iraq. Penetrating in Turkey, through the shape of the Kurdish Workers' Party, terrorism has never been more alive and breathing at the doorstep of the European Union. Fear is associated with opinions declaring that using refugees many ISIS members will enter the Union, many sleeper cells among Europe will be awaken and will commit terrorist attacks in European metropolitan areas as revenge and part of the Holy War against infidels. Paris and Brussels will always be engraved in our memories as examples of how long can ISIS's hands be, and which consequences the so called "zombie" politics can suffer common European citizens.
The issue of minority rights protection has been actively implemented in international legal practice at the United Nations and the Council of Europe levels since the 1990s. The problem of political representation of minority interests began regulating at the level of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe with the establishment of the High Commissioner on National Minorities office. At the level of this institution with international experts participation were developed the next documents: the Lund Recommendations on the Effective Participation of National Minorities in Political Life (1999), the Warsaw Guidelines to Assist National Minority Participation in the Electoral Process (2001), the Bolzano/Bozen Recommendations on National Minorities in Inter-State Relations (2008), the Ljubljana Guidelines on Integration of Diverse Societies (2012), the Graz Recommendations on Access to Justice and National Minorities (2017), etc.The purpose of article is to highlight the international legal framework for ensuring the effective political representation of minority ethnic groups and the practice of their implementation in European countries. The author has analyzed three levels of political representation of minority ethnic groups: 1) central (nationwide); 2) regional and local (self-government); 3) advisory (consultative).During the XX – early XXI centuries the institution of ethnic party became established from the multi-ethnic areas of Western Europe to the countries of Central and Southeastern Europe. The electoral system should facilitate minority representation and influence. Where minorities are concentrated territorially, single-member districts may provide sufficient minority representation (Italy, Albania, etc.). Proportional representation systems, where a political party's share in the national vote is reflected in its share of the legislative seats, may assist in the representation of minorities (Finland, Slovakia, etc.). Some forms of preference voting, where voters rank candidates in order of choice, may facilitate minority representation and promote inter-communal cooperation (Bosnia and Herzegovina). Lower numerical thresholds for representation in the legislature may enhance the inclusion of national minorities in governance (Poland, Serbia, etc.). A number of European countries (Croatia, Slovenia, Romania, Hungary, etc.) use a reserved number of seats in one or both chambers of parliament or in parliamentary committees. Ethnic minority representation at the government level is realized through the establishment of specialized central executive bodies, which are usually represented in the structure of culture and education ministries. Representatives of ethnic minorities are involved in these government institutions. The Republic of Croatia has a positive experience of ethnic minority representation in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies.Effective ethnic minority participation is realized through the functional system of local self-governments, which are formed on territorial and non-territorial levels. A number of European ethnic communities have the territorial autonomies (Italy, Spain, France, Denmark, Finland, Moldova) owing to the processes of regionalization and decentralization. The corporative model of minority non-territorial autonomy is represented by so-called Sámi Parliaments in northern parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. The personal model of minority non-territorial autonomy is the most common in the world. It is provided through non-governmental organizations. Advisory (consultative) bodies functionate as a channel for dialogue between government and ethnic communities for protection of education, linguistic and cultural rights. They are formed at the Government (Austria) and President (Ukraine) levels as well.Given the European states experience, the following aspects of minority representation should be improved: 1) re-establishment Hungarian and Romanian single-member districts; 2) review of legislative norms regarding the principles of ethnic party institutionalization; 3) application of open-list proportional representation for minority parties in the regions of Ukraine with a multi-ethnic population. ; Починаючи з 1990-х років питання захисту прав етнічних, мовних і релігійних меншин активно впроваджується в міжнародно-правову практику на рівні ООН та Ради Європи. Однією з важливих постала проблема політичного представництва інтересів меншин, яка починає регулюватися на рівні ОБСЄ з запровадженням посади Верховного Комісара у справах національних меншин. На рівні цієї інституції за участі міжнародних експертів вироблені Лундські рекомендації про ефективну участь національних меншин у суспільно-політичному житті (1999), Варшавські рекомендації щодо сприяння участі національних меншин у виборчому процесі (2001), Больцанські/Боценські рекомендації щодо національних меншин у міждержавних відносинах (2008), Люблянські рекомендації щодо інтеграції різноманітних суспільств (2012), Грацькі рекомендації щодо доступу до правосуддя і національних меншин (2017) та ін.Метою статті є висвітлення міжнародно-правового формату забезпечення ефективного політичного представництва інтересів етнічних меншин та практики їх застосування в європейських країнах. Автор розглядає три рівні політичного представництва міноритарних етнічних груп: 1) центральний (загальнодержавний); 2) регіональний та локальний (самоврядування); 3) дорадчий (консультативний).У контексті аналізу політичного представництва етнічних меншин важливу роль займає інститут етнополітичної партії. Впродовж XX – початку XXI ст. він розширив свій ареал із поліетнічних регіонів Західної Європи до країн Центральної та Південо-Східної Європи. Справедливому представництву етнічних меншин у органах влади сприяє створення одномандатних округів (Італія, Албанія та ін.), пропорційна виборча система (Фінляндія, Словаччина та ін.), преференційне голосування (Австралія), зниження відсоткового бар'єру для проходження до парламенту етнополітичних партій (Польща, Сербія та ін.). Ряд країн Європи (Боснія і Герцеговина, Косово, Хорватія, Словенія, Румунія, Угорщина) застосовують практику резервування місць у парламенті для організацій етнічних громад. Представництво меншин на рівні уряду реалізується шляхом створення спеціальних органів центральної виконавчої влади, які зазвичай представлені в структурі міністерств культури та освіти. До роботи в цих урядових інституціях залучаються представники етнічних груп. Позитивний досвід репрезентації етнічних меншин у судових і правоохоронних органах має Республіка Хорватія.Ефективна політична участь та представництво у владі етнічних меншин реалізується через функціональну систему місцевого самоврядування, яка створюється на екстериторіальній та територіальній основі. Корпоративна модель екстериторіальної автономії меншин представлена так званими саамськими парламентами на півночі Норвегії, Швеції, Фінляндії та Росії. Найбільш розповсюджна у світі персональна модель екстериторіальної автономії етнічних меншин забезпечується шляхом створення неурядових організацій. Завдяки процесам регіоналізації та децентралізації ряд етнічних громад Європи мають статус національно-територіальних автономій (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Данія, Фінляндія, Молдова). Дорадчі (консультативні) органи слугують каналами для діалогу між державною владою та етнічними громадами в питаннях використання земельних ресурсів, житла, захисту освітніх, мовних і культурних прав. Вони формуються як на рівні уряду (Австрія), так на рівні президентської влади (Україна).Враховуючи досвід цих держав, потребують вдосконалення наступні аспекти політичної репрезентації етнічних меншин: 1) відновлення адміністративних меж угорськомовного та румунськомовного виборчих одномандатних округів; 2) перегляд законодавчої норми щодо принципів інституціоналізації етнополітичних партій; 3) застосування на регіональному та локальному рівнях пропорційної системи відкритих списків із можливістю репрезентації партій меншин у регіонах України з поліетнічним складом населення. ; Починаючи з 1990-х років питання захисту прав етнічних, мовних і релігійних меншин активно впроваджується в міжнародно-правову практику на рівні ООН та Ради Європи. Однією з важливих постала проблема політичного представництва інтересів меншин, яка починає регулюватися на рівні ОБСЄ з запровадженням посади Верховного Комісара у справах національних меншин. На рівні цієї інституції за участі міжнародних експертів вироблені Лундські рекомендації про ефективну участь національних меншин у суспільно-політичному житті (1999), Варшавські рекомендації щодо сприяння участі національних меншин у виборчому процесі (2001), Больцанські/Боценські рекомендації щодо національних меншин у міждержавних відносинах (2008), Люблянські рекомендації щодо інтеграції різноманітних суспільств (2012), Грацькі рекомендації щодо доступу до правосуддя і національних меншин (2017) та ін.Метою статті є висвітлення міжнародно-правового формату забезпечення ефективного політичного представництва інтересів етнічних меншин та практики їх застосування в європейських країнах. Автор розглядає три рівні політичного представництва міноритарних етнічних груп: 1) центральний (загальнодержавний); 2) регіональний та локальний (самоврядування); 3) дорадчий (консультативний).У контексті аналізу політичного представництва етнічних меншин важливу роль займає інститут етнополітичної партії. Впродовж XX – початку XXI ст. він розширив свій ареал із поліетнічних регіонів Західної Європи до країн Центральної та Південо-Східної Європи. Справедливому представництву етнічних меншин у органах влади сприяє створення одномандатних округів (Італія, Албанія та ін.), пропорційна виборча система (Фінляндія, Словаччина та ін.), преференційне голосування (Австралія), зниження відсоткового бар'єру для проходження до парламенту етнополітичних партій (Польща, Сербія та ін.). Ряд країн Європи (Боснія і Герцеговина, Косово, Хорватія, Словенія, Румунія, Угорщина) застосовують практику резервування місць у парламенті для організацій етнічних громад. Представництво меншин на рівні уряду реалізується шляхом створення спеціальних органів центральної виконавчої влади, які зазвичай представлені в структурі міністерств культури та освіти. До роботи в цих урядових інституціях залучаються представники етнічних груп. Позитивний досвід репрезентації етнічних меншин у судових і правоохоронних органах має Республіка Хорватія.Ефективна політична участь та представництво у владі етнічних меншин реалізується через функціональну систему місцевого самоврядування, яка створюється на екстериторіальній та територіальній основі. Корпоративна модель екстериторіальної автономії меншин представлена так званими саамськими парламентами на півночі Норвегії, Швеції, Фінляндії та Росії. Найбільш розповсюджна у світі персональна модель екстериторіальної автономії етнічних меншин забезпечується шляхом створення неурядових організацій. Завдяки процесам регіоналізації та децентралізації ряд етнічних громад Європи мають статус національно-територіальних автономій (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Данія, Фінляндія, Молдова). Дорадчі (консультативні) органи слугують каналами для діалогу між державною владою та етнічними громадами в питаннях використання земельних ресурсів, житла, захисту освітніх, мовних і культурних прав. Вони формуються як на рівні уряду (Австрія), так на рівні президентської влади (Україна).Враховуючи досвід цих держав, потребують вдосконалення наступні аспекти політичної репрезентації етнічних меншин: 1) відновлення адміністративних меж угорськомовного та румунськомовного виборчих одномандатних округів; 2) перегляд законодавчої норми щодо принципів інституціоналізації етнополітичних партій; 3) застосування на регіональному та локальному рівнях пропорційної системи відкритих списків із можливістю репрезентації партій меншин у регіонах України з поліетнічним складом населення.
Author's introductionIndigenous peoples are racialized, but this is not the only defining element of their identity. The sociological study of indigenous peoples informs political sociology, as indigenous peoples are a type of non‐state actor with a distinct perspective on the state and international governing organizations. The colonial power structure forced indigenous peoples to the margins of their homes and territories, which then changed rapidly around them without consideration of their voices. Today, indigenous peoples are recapturing the space to speak and they are challenging the societies that nearly overtook them and their lifeways.Author recommendsS. James Anaya 1996. Indigenous Peoples in International Law. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.This book examines the historical and contemporary issues regarding indigenous peoples and international law. Key topics include human rights, self‐determination, and negotiations with states and international institutions. The appendix includes the text of selected international doctrine related to indigenous rights. Anaya now serves as the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples.Roxanne Dunbar‐Oritz 2006. 'The First Decade of Indigenous Peoples at the United Nations.'Peace and Change 31: 58–74. DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-0130.2006.00342.xThis explores the role of indigenous peoples at the United Nations from 1974 to 1984. During this decade, the United Nations commissioned a study of the status of the world's indigenous peoples, a Conference on Indigenous Peoples of the Americas was held in Geneva, and the drafting of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (approved by the General Assembly in 2007) began.Alexander Ewen 1994. Voice of Indigenous People. Santa Fe, NM: Clear Light Publishers.A publication including speeches by indigenous leaders to open the International Year of the World's Indigenous People at the United Nations on Human Rights Day in 1993. These speeches were given to a nearly empty General Assembly chambers.Ronald Niezen 2003. The Origins of Indigenism: Human Rights and the Politics of Identity. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Indigenous forms of resistance are distinguished from ethnic groups due to their political status. Niezen explores the emergence of the concept of indigenism, the international movement of indigenous peoples. The book examines the international response to indigenous peoples' assertions of sovereignty, diversity and commonalities across indigenous peoples, how assertions of self‐determination influence indigenous‐state and indigenous‐international governing organization relations, and the political implications of indigenous peoples' assertions of self‐determination. A brief concluding chapter names the key projects of indigenism: affirming local claims of difference, using the language and symbols of states in claims of self‐determination, and embracing the universal concept of human rights to protect and develop identity.Y. N. Kly and D. Kly 2001. In Pursuit of the Right to Self‐Determination: Collected Papers and Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Right to Self‐Determination and the United Nations. Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press.This book is a collection of conference papers from the First International Conference on the Right to Self‐Determination and the United Nations. It includes explorations of self‐determination in many political contexts: internal autonomy, secession, assimilation, restorative justice, nomadic, and international law. It also includes papers on interventions in a diverse array of cases. Conference resolutions and the titles and web addresses of pertinent documents are included.Franke Wilmer 1993. The Indigenous Voice in World Politics. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.Writing from a world‐systems theory perspective, Wilmer explores indigenous perspectives on development, colonization, and civilization. She contrasts this with the priorities of indigenous peoples, particularly self‐determination, and concludes with a consideration of indigenous voices in world politics. The book also includes many resources in its appendices, including a chronology of events related to indigenous activism, a list of international documents pertaining to indigenous peoples, and the organizations participating in the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations meetings.Online materialsUN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/ This is the official website of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. It includes links to all of the forums held, along with the extensive documentation produced by each series of meetings. News headlines are posted regarding indigenous issues within the UN system, and the organization's newsletter The Message Stick, is available here. Films and webcasts can be viewed, which document indigenous participation in the UNPFII.International World Group for Indigenous Affairs http://www.iwgia.org This organization publishes extensive reports on the status of indigenous peoples globally. There are annual reports and topical reports, as well, exploring political, social, and economic issues. The page also features a news blog which offers updates on indigenous issues, particularly political issues.The Indian Law Resource Center http://www.indianlaw.org The Indian Law Resource Center is a news blog about the latest legal issues on indigenous lands around the world. It features many resources available regarding key legal decisions and publications by the Resource Center on their work to gain justice for indigenous peoples, along with the annual report of their current work.International Indian Treaty Council http://www.treatycouncil.org One of the first organizations to work with the United Nations, the International Indian Treaty Council's website offers a host of documentation regarding indigenous peoples and the United Nations, including multiple drafts of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. It also includes documentation on the many cases examined and fought by the International Indian Treaty Council. This website is an extensive reference for global indigenous claims. It also offers content in Spanish.Sample syllabusStudies of indigenous peoples and politics might contribute to units on justice or the state. This segment might also fit in a course on racial or ethnic diversity. I explore self‐determination in greater detail as it is a key issue to many indigenous peoples and it encompasses everything from the right to territory to linguistic rights to rights to traditional medicine, and more. This segment might also fit into more advanced courses analyzing rights or inequality. I do not recommend readings for the Examining Self‐Determination section as the readings will vary depending on your focus (topic or geography).Topics for lecture or DiscussionWeek I: Introduction and OverviewDefinitions, Problems, and Issues: who are indigenous peoples? What is their role in national and international politics?Reading:Keri Iyall Smith, 'A Review of the study of the Political Status of Indigenous Peoples in the Global Context', Sociology Compass 1/7 (2007), pp. 756–774.Week II–IV: Examining Self‐DeterminationExplore case studies of self‐determination at the local and global level. Exemplars might include: Native Hawaiians (Kanaka Maoli), Zapatistas, Inuit of Canada and the formation of the Nunavut Territories, and the role of indigenous peoples in the United Nations.Films and videosHomeland: four portraits of native actionThis film looks at the protection of American Indian homelands as a human rights issue and explores four different movements in Native America to protect the environment and indigenous lands: Penobscot, Gwich'in, Northern Cheyenne, and the Dine/Navajo people. The Penobscots are struggling with the state of Maine to sanction a polluting paper mill, the Gwich'in fight drilling in ANWR, the Northern Cheyenne are seeking to stop methane gas wells, and the Dine/Navajo are fighting to stop uranium mining.Peyote roadThis film explores the use of peyote by the Native American Church and the American perspective on the use of peyote. It follows the case of the landmark decision, Employment Devision v. Smith, along with the legislative change that followed this decision. The film also offers a look into the Native American Church with depictions of the role of peyote in ceremonial life.In the light of reverenceThis film explores sacred sites and the conflicts that American Indians face when trying to gain access to these sites to practice their religious beliefs. The film explores four different cases, including the Wintu seeking to gain access to Mt. Shasta and fighting the New Age believers who desecrate ceremonial lands, the Hopi dispute with private land‐owners over a peak in the Four Corners region, and Lakota Sioux seeking to gain access to Mato Tipila/Devil's Tower.Adoption of the U.N. declaration on the rights of indigenous peoplesThis is a brief film that documents the occasion of the adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=azVhsiLNDZkFocus Questions
What are political challenges to indigenous peoples – locally and globally? What might be political opportunities for indigenous peoples – locally and globally? What strategies will allow indigenous peoples to attain their claims? Who are the indigenous peoples in your area? What are their claims? How has your community responded?
Project idea1. Socratic Dialogs. I use this technique to discuss complex problems from many perspectives. During the Socratic Dialog, the students do all of the talking, with minimal intervention on the part of the professor to referee the conversation as needed.During the term, we will often debate topics in Socratic Dialogs. In Socratic Dialogs, the class will respond to a well‐formulated question that requires personal responses from participants. The responses to the question will lead to a broader discussion, allowing the class to arrive at a consensus. You will be graded on your participation in Socratic Dialogs, both as Respondents and Questioners. Active participation will be rewarded! Respondents: Respondents will work in pairs to respond to a general question posed by the professor. They must also study the text closely and research the issue at hand in order to be prepared for follow up questions from the professor and classmates. Respondents will be assigned a question one week in advance to allow them to prepare. Each student will act as a Respondent twice during the semester. Questioners: When you are not a respondent, your role is to contribute to the conversation actively by asking questions, offering additional responses to questions, etc ... Use your own experiences to guide you in offering responses or asking questions.Some sample Socratic Dialog Questions include:Are tribal courts − in their contemporary or historical forms – an exercise of tribal sovereignty?Are Native Americans sovereign, even as domestic dependent nations?Is tradition a relevant source of legal doctrine for tribal law in contemporary times?How can sacred sites be preserved and sacred practices remain legal, given that American Indians exist within a foreign culture and state?Land has been called an engine of sovereignty. How can land – scarred by colonial history – also be an engine of justice for American Indians?2. Take Home Exam QuestionsIn my classes on indigenous issues I have used take‐home exams in the past. I find this to be a good way to keep the students thinking about issues as they are working, which is always my goal when writing examinations. These exams are designed to help students think creatively and critically about course readings, using them in a way that is different than what we did in class. These two questions focus on American Indian tribes and the American legal system, and the conflicts between these two political bodies. A. Why do we have a course that examines the clash between American Indian and American criminal justice systems? Provide at least three reasons. Use citations to support your claims and examples to illustrate your points. Be sure that you always explain why or how – do not assume that I know what you mean.B. As we learned at the beginning of class, legal structures are very important tools for communities, allowing them to express and protect their values. How does the clash of cultures continue to threaten sovereignty and simultaneously empower the authority of the American federal government? What can tribes do to escape the 'clash' with their sovereignty intact?
10The Students' Attitudes Toward the Instructor's Code Switching in EFL Classroom Yesi Sehiling S1 Sastra Inggris, Fakultas Bahasa dan Seni Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Indonesia yesisehiling@gmail.com Abstract English has a big influence in the world. It can be seen that almost all of the country around the world put English as one of the foreign language which is taught in any level of the institutions. In Indonesia, English is taught from kindergarten until university level which is called as English as Foreign language. It is because the awareness that almost information around the world is provided in English, which is the key to make the generation moves forward following modern era.Because English is a foreign language, it may be hard to be learned to Indonesian society. So, to make it interesting, English should be delivered as enjoyable as possible and in the right way so that the learner can get the English learning well. Teaching English in Indonesia is usually delivered in English. But, there are some instructors sometimes use Indonesian to switch the code from English when teaching in the classroom. This study focuses on the use of code switching by the instructor and the students' attitudes toward the teacher's code switching in EFL clasroom. In fact, the researcher would like to know whether the language choice in teaching EFL classroom may influences the students' attitudes toward the language or not. This study used qualitative approach. The instruments which are used are some notes, video recorder and the researcher itself. To collect the data, this study uses observation, interview and questionnaire. The Objects of the study are in EFL classrooms (senior high school, English department and Indonesian department). The subjects of the study are the English teacher and the students. The findings of the study show that the use of code switching may be as simply talks and within any reason and perpose. The further findings indicate that the students' attitudes toward code switching by the instructor are largely influenced by the students' English proficiency. The less proficient students preferred the instructor to use both language which English should be minimized and Indonesian more explored. The more proficient students preferred the instructor to minimize the use of code switching if it is not needed enough and more explore English. Keywords: code switching, attitude, language attitude, EFL. Introduction Language is the most important thing for human life. By using language, the people can express their thought and sense to others (Humaidah, 2009: 2). But the most main function of language (Whatmough, 1957 :12) is to communicate each other. Communication is a kind of interaction which uses code that must be dealt by the speaker and the listener. If between the deliverer and the interlocutor does not know their code each other, their communication means nothing. Even though what they deliver consist some information, they will not be able to get what information is. In global world, people are obligated to be bilingual or multilingual which international language is included. It aims to make the people are able to interact with all the people around the world. Besides, all the world information must be provided in International language. By being able to understand International language, the people can access the information. English is an international language. It has a big influence. Almost all the countries in the world learn English. Indonesia does too. English is an important subject of school in Indonesia. It is taught in any level of school started from kindergarten, elementary school, junior high school, senior high school and university. It is hoped that the availability of English language as the subject of their school can contribute to the students' English language competence, which is the key to access information in the world. Besides, learning English aims that they are able to communicate using international language and have relation in international world considering international relationship is very important for life. In Indonesia, English is most taught as foreign language in formal setting. They are put in the classroom where the learning takes place. In this situation, the classroom is called as EFL (English as Foreign Language) classroom considering that Indonesia is non-English speaking country. According to Yletyinen (2004: 4), in EFL classroom, the learner learns English in an environment where there is only a little natural use of the language. Furthermore, the foreign language is treated equally to the other subjects with its homework and test. In EFL classroom in Indonesia, the teacher teaches the students English in order to make the students understand English by listening, reading, doing written and oral activities. The language of teaching is usually English. However, there are teachers sometimes change from English to Indonesian and vice versa in delivering the subject. This phenomenon is called as code switching. Code switching is very common in bilingual and multilingual societies. Wardhaugh (2006: 101) says that code switching is changing of codes from one code to another code or to mix the code in the same conversation. In the other words, code switching is the use of two or more languages in the same conversation. The code switching usage (Uys, 2000: 2) by the teacher in the class may have any reason or purpose such as the teacher uses code switching as strategy (Yletyinen, 2004: 53; Uys, 2000: 11) to explain in order to make the students understand what she/he has told or may be because she/he has less competence (Yletyinen, 2004: 72) in speaking English so she/he uses much Indonesian. This problem is very interesting topic to be discussed in this study especially related to student's attitude toward this phenomenon. Attitude is something that is got by the people through interaction with an object or accident. Attitude is not brought since baby but it is created through learning process in environment. There are factors that can change someone's attitude that are feeling, knowledge, experience and motive. Language is also related to attitude. Attitude toward language is called as language attitude. Language attitude is someone's attitude in choosing and deciding which language to be used. Language attitude is quite influenced by background and something happen in the environment. The students of Senior High School are in the high level of learning in school world under university students. They are expected to have good English skill after they graduate. In this case, the way of teaching them must also different from the previous grade. The capacity of using English rather than Indonesian of the teacher must influence the student's ability of English especially in speaking. In simply, using code switching by the teacher whether it is favored or disfavored by the students is focused in this study. There are earlier studies related to this paper done by Yletyinen (2004) which is titled the function of code switching in EFL Classrom. Then, Arrifin and Husin (2011) which is titled Code Switching and Code Mixing of English and Bahasa Malaysia in Content-Based Classroom and Alenezi (2010) which is titled Students' Language attitude Towards Using Code Switching as a Medium of Instruction in the College of Health Sciences: An Exploratory Study. Both of the studies analyze the language attitude towards code switching as a medium of instruction. The present study focused on the situation of code switching which is used by the teacher in the classroom and the student's attitude toward code switching by the instructor too. Research Question This research is guided by the following questions: Under what situation does the teacher use code switching in the classroom? How do the students take attitudes toward the teacher's code switching in the classroom? Purpose of the Study Related to the background of the study and the research question, the purposes of the study are: Describe the situation of the instructor's code switching in the classroom. Describe the students' attitudes toward the instructor's code switching. Significance of The Study The result of the study is hoped that can give contribution to sociolinguistics especially in the term of code switching and the attitudes toward code switching. But the most contribution may be for the teacher who teach EFL classroom in guiding the class to optimize positive attitude of the students toward English to get the better result of students' competence. Moreover, this study can give description to the people who will have research as this present study. Method Research method is the most important part of a research because it shows how the study is organized. This study uses qualitative method. Qualitative method is research procedure that produces descriptive data in the form of written words from the people or attitude that can be researched. This chapter consists of research design, subject, object, and the location, sources of the data, data collection techniques, instruments and data analysis. Research Design This study uses descriptive qualitative and quantitative data. According to Bodgan and Taylor on Margana's Disertasi (2012), descriptive qualitative uses data in the form of word, phrase, or clause whether written or spoken which is used to give overview of a certain description of phenomena about code switching. The quantitative data (Litosseliti, 2010: 52) enabless the the researcher to compare relatively large numbers of the students' attitudes in EFL classroom of the research which is as the main focus of the present study. Objects, subjects and location The objects of the study were classrooms of Senior High School, Indonesian department and English department that Senior High School was the main object and the others were to compare the result of the data. However, not all classrooms of the departments were researched but only one class of each department which was chosen randomly by the instructor. The objects were taken to compare the result considering their different level. Why should those objects be compared? Firstly, Senior High School is the highest level of obligated education program by Indonesian government. After graduating from this level, they were not obligated to continue their education in university. So that's why, they have to be given good skill in order to be able to get good enough job. It is quite related with their English skill because people who have good English competence and performance will get good/higher position than low English competence one of a company. Secondly, Indonesian department are the higher level of Senior High School. The perception is that the students of Indonesian have higher competence than Senior High School. But they may favor Indonesian rather than English considering their choice to choose Indonesian department rather than English department. Thirdly, English department is the department which the society use most English in their communication in the context of learning. All the students may have good English ability considering their ability to interact each other using English in the class. This object was used to compare and to get more varied data considering the different level and the English competence. The subjects of the study were all the societies in each classroom including the English teacher and the students. In this case, the teachers followed to answer Question 1 and the students followed to answer Question 2. Talking about the location, all of them are in East Java. Senior High School took place in SMA 1 Wonoayu. It is located in Pagerngumbuk village, Wonoayu, Sidoarjo. And, Indonesian department and English department took place in Universitas Negeri Surabaya which is located in Lidah Wetan village, Lakarsantri, Surabaya. Most societies of the institutions are multilingual (Javanese, Indonesian, and English). But, the language which is most used in classroom is Indonesian considering Indonesian is the formal language in Indonesia. However, it is the exception of English subject which English is most used. Moreover, the location takes place around the researcher's environment that could help the researcher to get the data easier. Data and Sources of Data This present study classifies the data into two types. They are linguistics and information data. The linguistics data is the situation of code switching by the teacher and the students' attitudes toward the code switching. The information data is obtained when the researcher conducted interview of the instructors about the reason of the use of code switching in the classroom and the interview and questionnaire of the students about the acceptability of the code switching by the instructor. The questions of the interview of the teacher was not listed but developed by each situation in each classroom. In the other hand, the interview of the students were listed which can be seen in Appendix 4 and the questionnaire which is adopted from the Likert scale (Arrifin and Husin, 2011) which was drawn below. No. Statement Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree There were three kinds of source of data in the present study. They were people, place, and papers. The people were the instructors and the students of the institutions. The place was in the classroom. The papers were from the related theories which were gotten from the books, previous studies and internet. Research Instrument The instrument is used to facilitate and get the data. In this study, the data were collected by direct observation, questionnaire and interview. In doing the research, some tools were used to save the data by using some notes and video recorder. The gotten data is analyzed and related to the theories/previous studies. Question 1 : Under what situation does the instructor use code switching in the classroom? In order to answer question 1, direct observation and interview were used. Interview was used for the teacher to get more information about the reason of using code switching. In the interview activity, it was not made interview sheet because the interview was done directly based on the situation of code switching in each classroom. See Appendix 1,2 and 3 to get more details information. Question 2: How do the students take attitudes toward the teacher's code switching in the classroom? In order to answer question 2, questionnaire, interview and direct observation were used for the students. Questionnaire sheet was used to answer the Question. The interview and direct observation were also used to strengthen the data. The tools were video recorder. The data from the instrument was analyzed which also needed some theories relating to the study in analyzing the data. However, the researcher was the key instrument to answer those two questions. The researcher as the instrument means that the researcher became the determiner in collecting data. She paid attention, followed, took a note and analyzed the data. Data Collection Technique Data collection technique of this study was done by doing observation, interviewing, and giving questionnaire. Observation Direct observation was used to get the data. It was done to see the phenomenon of code switching by the instructor directly and how the students take attitudes toward the use of code switching by the instructor and to take a note the whole learning activity in the classroom. The direct observation was also video recorded. Interview This study uses spoken interview to collect the data. Both teacher and the students were interviewed. The tool was video recorder. Interview for the teacher (see Appendix 1,2,3) was done after the observation. In contrast, interview for the students (see Appendix 4) was done before the observation. The students who were interviewed was chosen randomly based on their English competence, higher competence and lower competence. The categorization of their English Competence was based on their score. Each instructor has their characteristic of giving score and categorizing the students whether they are less competence or more competence. The teacher of senior high school had requirement that the students who have score under 80, they are categorized as less competence and upper 80 as more competence. The lecturer of English department did say so. Whereas the lecturer of Indonesian department gave score under 70 for less competence and upper 70 for more competent students. Questionnaire Questionnaire was used for the students. There were 8 statements of the questionnaire. The questionnaire was given to all students in the classroom according to their presence when the research was done. Data Analysis In analyzing the data, there are some steps below: The data were classified according to the situation or specific time of the use of code switching by the instructor and the students' attitudes toward the use of code switching. However, the data collections of the interview were transcribed. The data were then analyzed based on the theories and previous studies. The data were interpreted and made conclusion about the result of the study and also provided some suggestion for the future study by the researcher. Results and Discussion The use of code switching The data reveal a clear pattern of instructor's language use in the classroom. All of the institutes above showed the use of code switching English-Indonesian or Indonesian-English by the instructor was common practice phenomenon. The characteristics of each institute also influence the frequent of the use code switching or the languages whether the more frequent was English or Indonesian. Senior high school institute used code switching balance whether English-Indonesian or Indonesian-English. It was different with Indonesian department that the institute used more frequent in Indonesian and unaware in using English. On the other side, the lecturer of English department used English more frequent in the classroom and Indonesian was just used in simply talks or just to give more explanation and example. Eventhough the institutes had their own characteristics, here the results of the code switching use in each institute were summerized into one. Those, code switching by the instructors in the classroom happened under situation below: Code switching happened in explaining the material which was used to make the explanation clearer to be understood by the students. According to Yletyinen (2004: 53), there are different strategies for explaining the material being taught by mentioning repetition, reformulation, clarification and exemplification. In the present data, code switching in explaining material is common which was happened in all the institutions whether in senior high school, Indonesian department and English department of university. This result supports Yletyinen's thesis (2004: 53) and Uys (2000: 44) which they found that the teacher has to clarify his/her message by code switching to the students' mother tongue and thus making the students more understand the material and do what the teacher asks to do. However, the code switching was most used in the senior high school. Code switching was used as the student's requirement. This reason of code switching is the same result with Youkhana (2010: 15) that the students tend to ask the teacher to change the code into mother tongue because they discomfort to the English used because it makes them confused to understand the instructor's speech. Code switching was used in joking. According to Weng, this function of code switching is called as poetic function that the speaker inserted some jokes, stories, some poetic quotation in the conversation. Joking (Uys, 2000: 44) in mother tongue is more understandable and felt rather that in foreign language because mother tongue has stronger role to catch the meaning. This finding is supported by Wardhaugh (2006: 112). He said that code switching can be used for humorous effect. In other words, code switching has purpose of joking. Code switching happened in simply talks which were with unawareness. This phenomenon is often happened. It was found in the three institutes in the research. The code switching was spoken accidentally, since it was not required. According to Yletyinen (2004: 95), this code switching is called lapse. Lapse was most frequent happened in Indonesian department which the instructor delivered her speech most in Indonesian and slipped English words sometimes. It is different with senior high school and English department which are commonly slipped Indonesian words. Code switching was used when the instructor was disappointed with the students. This code switching (Yletyinen: 2004: 89) is called as teacher admonition. She said that the mother tongue sometimes has more power in the foreign language classroom. This is also called as expressive function of code switching (Weng's article: 4) that the teacher uses code switching to express the emotion and mother tongue is often inserted to express the true feelings. This strategy by the instructor will make the students more alert, they response better to their mother tongue. Furthermore, they know that they do not have an excuse by appealing not to understand the teacher. In this case, code switching used when reprimanding students is the effective strategy. Code switching happened to get the students' attention. This is named directive function (Weng's article: 4). In the direct observation, the teacher asked "How many groups that have finished the assignment?" Almost of the students just kept silent. Then, the teacher asked again "berapa banyak group yang sudah menyelesaikan tugasnya?" The students answered the question by raising hands. Implicitly, The use of mother tongue had a purpose that was to get the students attention the teacher's speech. According to Yletyinen's thesis (2004: 70), code switching can be used in helping the less competent students to answer a question that the teacher asks. Yletyinen's statement supports the idea above that the teacher changed the code into Indonesian to help the students who most of them were less competent to understand the teacher's question and answer it. The use of Indonesian here was also aimed to help the students understand the question so that the students could answer the teacher's question. Not only that, code switching (Wardhaugh, 2006: 112) that is by choosing the preferred language of the students, the message will be easier to catch. The students' attitude This study shows that code switching of English and Indonesian is a common communicative behavior in the classrooms. However, this study is aimed to explore students' attitude towards the language of teaching in English class and the effects of the instructors' code switching to the students' English performance. The findings of this study indicate that the students' attitude toward code switching in the English class was largely influenced by the students' English language competence. Although in fact, The classrooms had each characteristics which senior high school class was the neutral one which was not in Indonesian department class or English department class. It is because the students commonly more favor the language they took as their majure than another one. The students of Indonesian department showed their favor to Indonesian much and the students of English department showed their favor to English. It was proved by their decision of taking those majure. So, eventhough they were in English subject classroom, they tended to consider their own majure. In the other hand, the students of senior high school take attitudes about code switching that were purely influenced by the students' English competence. The results show that the students with less proficiency prefer their teacher to use both English and Indonesian in the same capacity or larger use Indonesian. Alenezi (2010: 7) said that the students more desirable and believe that code switching of the teacher makes the course easy to understand. They would get difficulties to catch the meaning of the speech if the instructor used English a lot. Meanwhile the students with higher proficiency prefer their teacher to use more English. The findings are supported by the Arrifin's and Hussin's (2011: 237) study that the students with less English proficiency were more tolerant to the instructors' code switching compared to the more proficient group. The students with higher proficiency might believe that the use of English by the teacher could improve their language competence specifically in vocabulary. Weng's article also found that it can help the students to understand new vocabulary. The results are rather different in the English department which shows that the students were sometimes confused about the use of code switching by their lecturer that did not add their vocabulary. They believed that for adding vocabulary, it depends on their desire and their effort by reading English books, watching movie and listening the musics. They further argued that the use of code switching should be minimized. The argument was also founded in David's article (2008: 78) that it should be minimized because it is bad for the learner. It assumed that if the teacher often used that, it can make the bad behavior to the next generation and will be more difficult to avoid. However, all the students agreed that the use of code switching can increase their comprehension toward the lesson. Riegelhaupth (2000: 210) argued that bilinguals use the language that the people they speak to know best. In this case, the use of code switching has function to repeat the speech for better comprehension. The results also showed that code switching by the teacher had each effect to their psychology aspect. The lower proficient students were not confidence to speak English to the teacher who was using code switching. They tended to use Indonesian because they were afraid of making mistakes or troubles to their speaking if they use English. They thought that they had poor vocabulary and poor understanding of grammar. But if the teacher spoke in English, they would try speaking English too then use Indonesian to the words which they did not know the meaning. Different with the lower proficient students, the higher proficient students were still confidence to speak in English to the teacher who was using code switching even though in a simple sentence. However, sometimes, they tended to use Indonesian or code switching because they did not want to be seen showing off their English competence. Again and again, the students of English department had different results. The lecturer's code switching did not influence their confidence. Whatever language the lecturer used, they were still confident to speak English but sometimes they followed the language the lelcturer used just to respect him. It is supported by Spolsky (1998: 49) that one tends to respect people who are socially superior to one self. Conclusion and Suggestion Conclusion This chapter is summary of the findings in order to make the reader get a better understanding through reading the findings of this thesis. Actually, the main objective of this present study is to investigate the students' attitude toward the instructor's code switching behavior in EFL classroom. After doing the research, the results are: The first finding is the situation of code switching phenomena by the instructor which is about the reason or the purpose of using code switching in the classroom that is drawn commonly below: Code switching happened in explaining the material which was used to make the explanation clearer to be understood by the students' code switching was used as the student's requirement Code switching was used in joking Code switching happened in simply talks which were with unawareness. Code switching was used as admonition which is used when the instructor was disappointed with the students. Code switching happened to get the students' attention. There are also additional findings that the instructors' frequency of using English or the Indonesian is largely influenced by the characteristic of the classroom. Senior high school institute used code switching balance as a mean the same frequency whether English-Indonesian or Indonesian-English. It was different with Indonesian department that the institute used more frequent in Indonesian and unaware in using English. It is influenced by the students' favor toward Indonesian. On the other side, the lecturer of English department used English more frequent in the classroom and Indonesian was just used in simply talks or just to give more explanation and example. The second finding is the students' attitude toward the instructor's code switching in the classroom. The findings of this study indicate that the students' attitude toward code switching in the English class was largely influenced by the students' English language competence. Although in fact, The classrooms had each characteristics which senior high school class was the neutral one which was not in Indonesian department class or English department class. It is because the students commonly more favor the language they took as their majure than another one. The students of Indonesian department showed their favor to Indonesian much and the students of English department showed their favor to English. It was proved by their decision of taking those majure. So, eventhough they were in English subject classroom, they tended to consider their own majure. In the other hand, the students of senior high school take attitudes about code switching that were purely influenced by the students' English competence. The results show that the students with less proficiency prefer their teacher to use both English and Indonesian in the same capacity or larger use Indonesian. They would get difficulties to catch the meaning of the speech if the instructor used English a lot. Meanwhile the students with higher proficiency prefer their teacher to use more English. The students with higher proficiency might believe that the use of English by the teacher could improve their language competence specifically in vocabulary. The results are rather different in the English department which shows that the students were sometimes confused about the use of code switching by their lecturer that did not add their vocabulary. They believed that for adding vocabulary, it depends on their desire and their effort by reading English books, watching movie and listening the musics. The findings also showed that code switching by the teacher had each effect to their psychology aspect. The lower proficient students were not confidence to speak English to the teacher who was using code switching. They tended to use Indonesian because they were afraid of making mistakes or troubles to their speaking if they use English. They thought that they had poor vocabulary and poor understanding of grammar. But if the teacher spoke in English, they would try speaking English too then use Indonesian to the words which they did not know the meaning. Different with the lower proficient students, the higher proficient students were still confidence to speak in English to the teacher who was using code switching even though in a simple sentence. However, sometimes, they tended to use Indonesian or code switching because they did not want to be seen showing off their English competence. Again and again, the students of English department had different results. The lecturer's code switching did not influence their confidence. Whatever language the lecturer used, they were still confident to speak English but sometimes they followed the language the lelcturer used just to respect him. Suggestion The instructor in EFL classroom should know the students' attitude toward the language used well so that she/he can use the right way in teaching English in EFL classroom in order to get the best result of the students' English competence. This study may be far from being perfect. It is hoped that there will be further researchers who conduct the research on the phenomenon of code switching by the instructor in the classroom and the students' attitude toward it for more detail data/explanation and from many points of view. References Alenezi, Abdullah. (2010). Students' Language Attitude Towards Using Code-Switching as a Medium of Instruction in the College of Health Sciences: An Exploratory Study, vol.7, 1-22 Arrifin, Kamisah and Husin, MisyanaSusanti. (2011). "Code Switching and Code Mixing of English and Bahasa Malaysia in Content Based Classrooms: Frequency and Attitudes".The Linguistics Journal.Vol 5 issue 1 David. (Desember, 2008).Understanding Mixed Code and Classroom Code-Switching: Myths and Realities. Ongkong Institute of Education.Hongkong.Vol 56, No.3 Faris, NurulElfatul. 2012. Alih Kode Dalam Proses Belajar-MengajarKelas VII Mts "AL-KAutsar" Srono Banyuwangi.UniversitasJember, Jember. Gardner-Chloros, Penelope. 2009. Code Switching. UK: Cambridge University Press. Litosseteliti, Lia. 2010. Research Methods in Linguistics. New York: Continuum. Riegelhaupth, Florencia. 2000. Code Switching and Language Use in the Classroom. Research on Spanish in the U.S., ed. Ana Roca, 204-217. Somerville,MA: Cascadilla Press. Spolsky, Bernard. 1998. Sociolinguistics. UK: Oxford University Press. Uys, David. 2010. The functions of teachers' code switching in multilingual and multicultural high school classrooms in the Siyanda District of the Northern Cape Province: Stellenbosch University. Wardahugh, Ronald. 2006. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. UK: Blackwell Publishing. Wardani, Devi. (2013), Skapbahasasiswaterhadapbahasa Indonesia: studikasus di SMA Negeri 1 Singaraja. E-Journal Program Pascasarjana Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Vol. 2 Weng, Pei-shi. Code Switching as a Strategy Use in an EFL Classroom in Taiwan.Tamkang University, Taiwan. Whatmough, Joshua. 1957. Language: A Modern Synthesis. New York: St. Martin's Press. Yletyinen, Hanna. 2004. The functions of code switching in EFL classroom. University of Jvyoskyl: Finland. Youkhana, Sana. 2010. Code Switching in the Foreign Language Classroom. Ogskolan: Jonkoping.
Introducción La vida social humana se sustenta en la cooperación de una forma diferente respecto a otras especies. Los científicos han indagado en la evolución de la cooperación desde distintos puntos de vista (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010) pero ninguna de tales explicaciones dan cuenta de la complejidad de las relaciones cooperativas humanas. En este trabajo de tesis se analizan las relaciones cooperativas destacando su relación intrínseca con las relaciones de confianza. ¿Por qué cooperamos? ¿Cuál es la influencia de la confianza en la cooperación y qué papel juega la historia evolutiva en este puzle? Tomando en consideración las formas sociales adoptadas por nuestros antepasados humanos, es posible pensar en ciertos rasgos cognitivos y psicológicos específicos relevantes para entender las relaciones actuales de cooperación y, en un sentido más amplio, las relaciones sociales. El objetivo es, en definitiva, enmarcar las relaciones sociales humanas en un entorno evolutivo para explicar comportamientos sociales que existen en la actualidad. Contenido de la investigación Esta tesis trata de responder a las cuestiones planteadas anteriormente basándose primero en la relación que existe entre la evolución de la socialidad y la cognición humanas, como hipótesis de partida a contrastar en estudios posteriores. Desde esta perspectiva y, utilizando una metodología multidisciplinar procedente de disciplinas tales como la Sociología, Psicología y Antropología, se diseña un plan de investigación que trata de profundizar en mayor medida en dichos temas. El trabajo de tesis parte inicialmente de una revisión crítica sobre estudios que tratan de relacionar el comportamiento social en primates y la evolución del neocórtex –la Hipótesis del Cerebro Social de Dunbar (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). De dicha revisión, resulta evidente la necesidad de utilizar un enfoque más matizado para explicar la enorme complejidad de las relaciones sociales humanas. Para ello, ofrece un enorme interés el análisis de la influencia del mecanismo psicológico de la confianza. No obstante, los estudios de Dunbar, especialmente aquellos relacionados con las características propias de los grupos sociales humanos en relación a la capacidad cognitiva, son continuamente revisados a lo largo de todo este trabajo. Posteriormente se propone un marco teórico sobre los factores que influyen en la confianza (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006) y su posible configuración en un entorno evolutivo. Sobre esta base teórica, se diseña el posterior trabajo empírico, siempre teniendo en cuenta la hipótesis de que el ser humano tiene un comportamiento social ampliamente influenciado por un contexto de relaciones dentro de los pequeños grupos en los que ha convivido durante la mayor parte de su historia evolutiva. El marco teórico explica los elementos que conforman la confianza, la tipología y su posible configuración a lo largo de la historia evolutiva. Constituyen el substrato utilizado para llevar a término el análisis de la confianza y del comportamiento cooperativo en los siguientes trabajos empíricos. Los estudios empíricos siguen un plan basado en un diseño propio, procedente de la revisión de la literatura (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson-George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), con cuestionarios para medir el nivel de confianza general y personal en un grupo. Además se usa un juego experimental – dilema del prisionero con algunas variantes– que demuestra el comportamiento cooperativo real de los individuos. El juego se realiza en condiciones de confianza y de no confianza entre los miembros de un mismo grupo. El estudio piloto se lleva a cabo inicialmente en dos grupos diferentes. Los resultados muestran ya la influencia de las relaciones cercanas de confianza personal en la cooperación y el interés de analizar las redes de confianza (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) en mayor profundidad. Los resultados de este trabajo se confirman en un estudio similar posterior con otros grupos más numerosos y más comparables entre sí. Los nuevos resultados muestran cómo la cooperación se relaciona en buena medida con un compromiso afectivo de reciprocidad que proviene de la confianza personal, como elemento adaptativo hacia una cooperación más exitosa, incluso en condiciones de anonimato y pese a la posibilidad de causar un perjuicio en el individuo a corto plazo. Además, el estudio incluye un análisis en profundidad de las redes de confianza de estos grupos para constatar la importancia que ciertas topologías de redes de confianza pueden tener en la cohesión general de un grupo. La última parte de la tesis presenta una perspectiva más antropológica con la realización de trabajo de campo en dos zonas caracterizadas por su gran diversidad étnica: el norte de Ghana y Oaxaca, en México. Estos lugares permiten estudiar cómo interaccionan los grupos y por qué mantienen sus identidades étnicas a pesar de una historia en común. Se pretende analizar si los mecanismos de la confianza personal que aparecen a nivel individual pueden trasladarse también a grupos más grandes o a sociedades. En este caso, además de la observación directa de los grupos y de la inclusión de su contexto histórico, social, económico y político, se utilizan entrevistas y redes personales de cooperación. En el trabajo de Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932; Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Fussy, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005), se hace un recorrido por el contexto de los grupos y se explican las características de sus redes de confianza y cooperación. En este trabajo, se observa la eficacia de la diversificación étnica como medio para crear pequeños grupos más resistentes a la hora de enfrentarse a entornos difíciles. Se muestra también la adopción de formas culturales que permiten extender los mecanismos de la confianza personal en colectivos mayores. En el último trabajo se comparan los resultados anteriores con los de México (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Reina Aoyama, 2004; Barabas, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Spores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), en un análisis cross-cultural para identificar posibles elementos "universales" en las redes de confianza y cooperación y también las influencias culturales. Conclusiones Mediante los anteriores trabajos se muestra que la confianza es uno de los mecanismos cognitivos y psicológicos más anclado en la historia evolutiva humana. Su origen evolutivo se observa en los resultados de esta tesis: al demostrarse la mayor influencia de la confianza personal sobre la confianza general a la hora de influir en la cooperación, la cual necesita de las relaciones cercanas y por tanto del pequeño grupo para su aparición –dadas las limitaciones cognitivas y temporales para mantener este tipo de relaciones con gran número de personas–, y su fuerte conexión con aspectos emocionales inconscientes –uno de los mecanismo más primitivos en los seres humanos. De hecho, tanto en el trabajo empírico como en el de campo, aparece la configuración de redes de confianza en torno a pequeños grupos. La confianza personal también puede extenderse a colectivos mayores. Incluso en las grandes sociedades más desarrolladas los individuos siguen creando sus pequeños grupos en todos los ámbitos de su vida. Sin embargo, en algunas sociedades, donde existen mayores dificultades de supervivencia, como las analizadas en esta tesis, se observan determinadas herramientas culturales que sirven para extender la confianza personal a un mayor número de personas: conceptos tales como grupos étnicos, clanes, linajes, familias, comunalidad, municipalidad en el caso oaxaqueño, valores internalizados, etc… son eficaces en este sentido. De este modo, la cultura provee de los mecanismos necesarios para crear fuertes lazos de cohesión basados en los elementos emocionales. La mayor cohesión y una actitud más abierta de confianza que surgen de tales herramientas culturales ayudan a enfrentarse a los entornos de forma más eficaz. Así pues, se podría predecir que a medida que los entornos resultan más difíciles, aparece una mayor diversificación de los grupos. Con la comparación de los resultados de Ghana y México, se profundiza en mayor medida en los elementos comunes en las redes de confianza y cooperación –aspectos universales–: los grupos pequeños y distintos niveles de emocionalidad implícita en los vínculos de confianza; y aquellos elementos culturales que se adecuan al contexto histórico y a la situación económica de los grupos, para crear una mayor o menor cohesión de sus miembros en función de sus necesidades. De este modo, además de identificarse en el campo diferentes indicadores para medir la confianza, también se identifican ciertas formas culturales que parecen más eficaces que otras a la hora de cohesionar los grupos, a saber, los valores y el sentimiento de identidad y pertenencia grupal, frente a la normatividad. ; Introducció La vida social humana es basa en la cooperació i la confiança d'una manera diferent de la d'altres espècies. Els científics han investigat la cooperació humana des de diferents punts de vista (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010), però encara hi ha moltes preguntes sobre l'evolució de la cooperació sense explicació. Aquest treball de tesi analitza les relacions cooperatives emfasitzant la seva relació intrínseca amb les relacions de confiança. Per què cooperem? Quina és la influència de la confiança en la cooperació i el paper de la història evolutiva en aquest trencaclosques? Tenint en compte les formes socials adoptades pels avantpassats humans, és possible pensar en certs trets cognitius i psicològics específics que podrien tenir una importància clau per entendre les actuals relacions de cooperació i, en un sentit més ampli, les relacions socials. L'objectiu de la tesi és, en definitiva, emmarcar les relacions socials en un entorn evolutiu per explicar els comportaments socials que existeixen avui en dia. Contingut de la investigació Aquesta tesi tracta de respondre les preguntes anteriors, a partir de la relació entre l'evolució de la sociabilitat i la cognició humà, com hipòtesi inicial per contrastar els estudis posteriors. Des d'aquesta perspectiva i utilitzant una metodologia multidisciplinària de la Psicologia, Antropologia i Sociologia, es va dissenyar un pla de recerca que pretén aprofundir en aquest plantejament. Amb aquest objectiu en ment, el treball de tesi es basa inicialment en una revisió crítica d'estudis anteriors que intenten relacionar el comportament social dels primats i l'evolució del neocórtex –la Hipòtesi del Cervell Social de Dunbar (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). Aquesta revisió mostra clarament la necessitat d'un enfocament més matisat per explicar aquesta relació a causa de l'enorme complexitat de les relacions socials humanes. Per això, l'estudi de la influència del mecanisme psicològic de la confiança ofereix un interès enorme. No obstant això, els estudis de Dunbar, especialment aquells relacionats amb les característiques dels grups socials humans en relació amb la seva capacitat cognitiva, sóntinguts en compte al llarg de tot aquest treball. Després d'aquesta revisió es proposa un marc teòric sobre els factors que influeixen en la confiança (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006) i la seva possible configuració en un entorn evolutiu. En base a aquest marc teòric, es dissenyen els treballs empírics posteriors, sempre tenint en compte la hipòtesi que l'ésser humà té un comportament social àmpliament influenciat per un context de relacions dintre de petits grups. Aquest és el context social en que han viscut els humans durant la major part de la seva història evolutiva. El marc teòric explica els elements que conformen la confiança, la tipologia i la seva possible configuració al llarg de la història evolutiva. Constitueix el substrat utilitzat per dur a terme l'anàlisi de la confiança i del comportament cooperatiu en els següents treballs empírics. Aquests estudis empírics segueixen un pla basat en un disseny propi, a partir de la revisió de la literatura (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson- George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), amb qüestionaris per mesurar el nivell de confiança personal i general en un grup. També s'utilitza un joc experimental –el dilema del presoner amb algunes variacions– que demostra el comportament cooperatiu efectiu dels individus. El joc es realitza en condicions de confiança i sense confiança entre els membres d'un mateix grup. L'estudi pilot inicial es realitza en dos grups diferents. Els resultats ja mostren la influència de les relacions estretes de confiança personal en la cooperació i l'interès de anàlisi de xarxes de confiança (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) en major profunditat. Els resultats d'aquest treball es confirmen en un similar estudi posterior amb altres grups més nombrosos i més comparables entre si. Els nous resultats mostren com la cooperació s'incrementa en gran mesura si es dóna un compromís afectiu inconscient de reciprocitat que ve de la confiança personal, com un element adaptatiu cap a una cooperació més efectiva i recíproca, fins i tot en condicions d'anonimat i malgrat la possibilitat de causar un prejudici en el curt termini. A més, l'estudi inclou una anàlisi en profunditat de les xarxes de confiança d'aquests grups per determinar la importància que poden tenir certes topologies de xarxes de confiança en la cohesió general d'un grup. En la darrera part de la tesi, s'utilitza una perspectiva més antropològica amb la realització de treballs de camp en dues àrees que es caracteritzen per la seva gran diversitat ètnica: nord de Ghana i Oaxaca, a Mèxic. Aquests llocs permeten estudiar com interactuen els grups i per què es mantenen les seves identitats ètniques malgrat una història i un territori en comú. Es pretén examinar també si els mecanismes de la confiança personal, que funcionen clarament a nivell individual, poden trobar-se també en grups grans o societats de gran escala. En aquest cas, a més de l'observació directa dels grups i la inclusió del seu context històric, social, econòmic i polític, s'utilitzen entrevistes i xarxes personals de cooperació. En el treball de Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932;) Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Primmirat, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005), es mostra el context dels grups i s'explica les característiques de les seves xarxes de confiança i cooperació. En aquest estudi es posa de manifest l''eficàcia del fenomen de la diversificació ètnic com un mitjà per crear petits grups més resistents quan s'enfronten amb entorns difícils. També s'analitza l'adopció de formes culturals que permeten ampliar el mecanisme de la confiança personal a grups més grans. En l'últim treball de la tesi es comparen els anteriors resultats de Ghana amb els de Mèxic (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Reina Aoyama, 2004; Webmoney, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Espores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), en una anàlisi intercultural per identificar possibles elements "universals" a les xarxes de confiança i cooperació i així com les influències culturals que modulen aquestes predisposicions humanes en cada cas. Conclusions Els diversos treballs en conjunt mostren que la confiança és un mecanisme cognitiu i psicològic ancorat en la història evolutiva humana, que ha jugat un paper important en l'evolució de la cooperació que caracteritza les societats humanes. El seu origen evolutiu es desprèn dels resultats d'aquesta tesi: es demostra que la confiança personal té més influència que la confiança general en la cooperació, que la confiança necessita relacions properes i, per tant, del petit grup per la seva aparició – tenint en compte les limitacions cognitives per mantenir aquestes relacions amb un gran nombre de persones– i la seva estreta connexió amb aspectes emocionals inconscients – un dels mecanismes més primitiu en humans. De fet, la configuració de les xarxes de confiança en petits grups apareixen tant als treballs empírics com als treballs de camp,. La confiança personal també es pot ampliar a col·lectius més grans. Fins i tot a les societats més desenvolupades les persones continuen creant els grups reduïts en tots els àmbits de la seva vida. No obstant això, en algunes societats, on hi ha importants dificultats de supervivència, com les analitzades en aquesta tesi, hi ha certes eines culturals que serveixen per ampliar la confiança personal a un major nombre de persones: conceptes com grups ètnics, clans, llinatges, famílies, coincidència, "comunalidad" i municipi en cas d'Oaxaca, valors interioritzats, etc. són eficaços en aquest sentit. Així, la cultura proporciona els mecanismes necessaris per a crear uns vincles forts de cohesió basats en elements emocionals. Una major cohesió i una actitud més oberta de confiança derivada de tals eines culturals ajuden a enfrontar-se als ambients més eficaçment. Així, es podria predir que quan els entorns són més difícils, es mostrarà una major diversificació dels grups. Amb la comparació dels resultats de Ghana i Mèxic, s'aprofundeix en major mesura en els elements comuns en les xarxes de confiança i cooperació –aspectes universals–: petits grups i diferents nivells d'emocionalitat implícita en els vincles de confiança; i elements culturals que s'adeqüin al context històric i la situació econòmica dels grups, per crear una més o menys cohesió dels seus integrants segons les seves necessitats. Així, a més d'identificar en el camp diferents indicadors i eines per mesurar la confiança, són també identificades certes formes culturals que semblen més eficaces que altres quan es tracta d'unir els grups, és a dir, els valors i el sentit d'identitat i grup de pertinença, davant les normes i l'autoritat. ; Introduction Human social life is sustained by cooperation in a different way with respect to other species. Scientists have investigated human cooperation from different points of view (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010) but many questions about the evolution of cooperation remain open. In this dissertation the cooperative relationships are analyzed emphasizing its intrinsic link with trust relationships. Why do we cooperate? What is the influence of trust on cooperation and which role does human evolutionary history play in this puzzle? Considering the social forms our ancestors lived by, it is possible to think in certain cognitive and psychological traits that might have a key importance in order to understand the relationships of cooperation and, in a wider sense, the social relationships it made possible. The goal is, in short, framing social relationships in an evolutionary framework in order to explain the social behaviors of nowadays. Content of research This work attempts to answer these questions firstly on the basis of the relation between the evolution of human sociality and cognition, as a hypothesis to be tested in the following studies. From this perspective and using a multidisciplinary methodology including Sociology, Psychology and Anthropology, a research plan was designed in order to further examine these topics. This dissertation starts with a critical review of some previous studies that relate the social behavior in primates to the evolution of the neocortex –Dunbar's Social Brain Hypothesis (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). This review shows the need for a more nuanced approach in order to explain this dependence because of the enormous complexity of human social relationships. To achieve this goal, the analysis of the psychological mechanism of trust offers a huge interest. However, Dunbar's studies, especially those that relate human social groups to cognitive ability, are continuously in the background throughout all this work. Next, a theoretical framework is introduced to characterize trust and the factors that influence it (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006), as well as their possible configuration in an evolutionary environment. On the basis of this theoretical framework the subsequent empirical work is designed, always keeping in mind the assumption that humans have a social behavior widely influenced by a context of relationships within small groups. They are the social configuration humans lived most of their evolutionary history. In the theoretical framework the elements that make up trust, its typology and its possible configuration in the evolutionary history are explained. This work is the substrate used to groundthe analysis of trust and cooperative behavior carried out in the following empirical works. These empirical studies follow an original plan, grounded in a literature review (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson-George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), which involves the development of new questionnaires to measure the level of general and personal trust in a group. In addition, an experimental game –a prisoner's dilemma with some variants– is included in order to show the effective cooperative behavior of participants. The game is played in conditions of trust and non-trust among the members of the group. The pilot study is initially conducted in two different groups. The results already show the influence of close relationships of personal trust in cooperation and the interest of analyze trust networks (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) more deeply. The results of this work are confirmed in a subsequent similar study with other more numerous and more comparable groups. The new results show how cooperation relates largely to an affective commitment of reciprocity that comes from personal trust, as adaptive element towards a more successful cooperation, even in conditions of anonymity, and despite the possibility of causing a cost in individuals in the short term. In addition, the study includes an analysis in depth of these groups' trust networks to analyze the importance that certain topologies of trust networks can have on the general cohesion of a group. The last part of the dissertation shows a more anthropological perspective with the completion of fieldwork in two areas characterized by a great ethnic diversity: Northern Ghana and Oaxaca, in Mexico. These locations allow study how groups interact and why they keep their ethnic identities despite a history and a territory in common. To examine whether the personal trust mechanisms present at an individual level can be also extended to larger groups or societies is aimed. In this case, in addition to the direct observation of groups and the inclusion of its historical, social, economic and political context, interviews and personal networks of cooperation are used. The work of Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932) Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Primmirat, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005) shows the context of groups and the features of their trust networks of trust and cooperation are explained . In this work, the effectiveness of ethnic diversification as a means to create small groups more resilient when face with difficult environments is shown. The adoption of cultural forms that allow extend personal trust in larger collectives is also presented. The last work compares the Ghana results with those of Mexico (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Queen Aoyama, 2004; Barabas, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Spores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), in a cross-cultural analysis to identify possible "universal" elements in trust and cooperation networks, and also cultural influences. Conclusions The previous works show that trust is a cognitive and psychological mechanism anchored in human evolutionary history. Their evolutionary origin is supported by the results of this dissertation: to demonstrate the higher influence of personal trust than general trust in fostering cooperation. Close relationships are needed for personal trust and they require small groups for its emergence –given the cognitive and temporal constraints required in order to keep such relationships with a larger number of people. Close relationships also involve an emotional dimension –a most primitive mechanism in humans. In fact, small group dynamics was found both in experimental games and in fieldwork. Personal trust also plays a role in large scale societies, where individuals continue to create their small groups in all areas of their life. However, in those societies where survival is more difficult and resources scarce certain cultural tools (such as values or norms) appear whose function is to extend personal trust to a greater number of people: groups such as ethnic groups, clans, lineages, families, commonalities, municipalities (as in the Oaxaca case). Thus, culture provides the necessary mechanisms to create strong bonds of cohesion based on emotional elements beyond the small group. Greater cohesion and a more open attitude of trust arising from such cultural tools help at time to face environments more efficiently. Thus, it could be predicted that more difficult environments show a greater group diversification. In addition, the comparison of Ghana and Mexico results allows a deeper analysis of the common elements of trust and cooperation networks -their universal aspects-: small groups and different levels of emotionality implied in the bonds of trust; and cultural elements that are suited to the historical context and the economic situation of groups, to create a more or less cohesion of its members according to their needs. Thus, in addition to identify in the field several indicators to measure trust, more effective cultural forms to foster cooperation is also identified: the values and the sense of identity of group membership, instead of formal regulations and authority.
[spa] La vida social humana se sustenta en la cooperación de una forma diferente respecto a otras especies. Los científicos han indagado en la evolución de la cooperación desde distintos puntos de vista (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010) pero ninguna de tales explicaciones dan cuenta de la complejidad de las relaciones cooperativas humanas. En este trabajo de tesis se analizan las relaciones cooperativas destacando su relación intrínseca con las relaciones de confianza. ¿Por qué cooperamos? ¿Cuál es la influencia de la confianza en la cooperación y qué papel juega la historia evolutiva en este puzle? Tomando en consideración las formas sociales adoptadas por nuestros antepasados humanos, es posible pensar en ciertos rasgos cognitivos y psicológicos específicos relevantes para entender las relaciones actuales de cooperación y, en un sentido más amplio, las relaciones sociales. El objetivo es, en definitiva, enmarcar las relaciones sociales humanas en un entorno evolutivo para explicar comportamientos sociales que existen en la actualidad. Contenido de la investigación Esta tesis trata de responder a las cuestiones planteadas anteriormente basándose primero en la relación que existe entre la evolución de la socialidad y la cognición humanas, como hipótesis de partida a contrastar en estudios posteriores. Desde esta perspectiva y, utilizando una metodología multidisciplinar procedente de disciplinas tales como la Sociología, Psicología y Antropología, se diseña un plan de investigación que trata de profundizar en mayor medida en dichos temas. El trabajo de tesis parte inicialmente de una revisión crítica sobre estudios que tratan de relacionar el comportamiento social en primates y la evolución del neocórtex –la Hipótesis del Cerebro Social de Dunbar (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). De dicha revisión, resulta evidente la necesidad de utilizar un enfoque más matizado para explicar la enorme complejidad de las relaciones sociales humanas. Para ello, ofrece un enorme interés el análisis de la influencia del mecanismo psicológico de la confianza. No obstante, los estudios de Dunbar, especialmente aquellos relacionados con las características propias de los grupos sociales humanos en relación a la capacidad cognitiva, son continuamente revisados a lo largo de todo este trabajo. Posteriormente se propone un marco teórico sobre los factores que influyen en la confianza (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006) y su posible configuración en un entorno evolutivo. Sobre esta base teórica, se diseña el posterior trabajo empírico, siempre teniendo en cuenta la hipótesis de que el ser humano tiene un comportamiento social ampliamente influenciado por un contexto de relaciones dentro de los pequeños grupos en los que ha convivido durante la mayor parte de su historia evolutiva. El marco teórico explica los elementos que conforman la confianza, la tipología y su posible configuración a lo largo de la historia evolutiva. Constituyen el substrato utilizado para llevar a término el análisis de la confianza y del comportamiento cooperativo en los siguientes trabajos empíricos. Los estudios empíricos siguen un plan basado en un diseño propio, procedente de la revisión de la literatura (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson-George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), con cuestionarios para medir el nivel de confianza general y personal en un grupo. Además se usa un juego experimental – dilema del prisionero con algunas variantes– que demuestra el comportamiento cooperativo real de los individuos. El juego se realiza en condiciones de confianza y de no confianza entre los miembros de un mismo grupo. El estudio piloto se lleva a cabo inicialmente en dos grupos diferentes. Los resultados muestran ya la influencia de las relaciones cercanas de confianza personal en la cooperación y el interés de analizar las redes de confianza (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) en mayor profundidad. Los resultados de este trabajo se confirman en un estudio similar posterior con otros grupos más numerosos y más comparables entre sí. Los nuevos resultados muestran cómo la cooperación se relaciona en buena medida con un compromiso afectivo de reciprocidad que proviene de la confianza personal, como elemento adaptativo hacia una cooperación más exitosa, incluso en condiciones de anonimato y pese a la posibilidad de causar un perjuicio en el individuo a corto plazo. Además, el estudio incluye un análisis en profundidad de las redes de confianza de estos grupos para constatar la importancia que ciertas topologías de redes de confianza pueden tener en la cohesión general de un grupo. La última parte de la tesis presenta una perspectiva más antropológica con la realización de trabajo de campo en dos zonas caracterizadas por su gran diversidad étnica: el norte de Ghana y Oaxaca, en México. Estos lugares permiten estudiar cómo interaccionan los grupos y por qué mantienen sus identidades étnicas a pesar de una historia en común. Se pretende analizar si los mecanismos de la confianza personal que aparecen a nivel individual pueden trasladarse también a grupos más grandes o a sociedades. En este caso, además de la observación directa de los grupos y de la inclusión de su contexto histórico, social, económico y político, se utilizan entrevistas y redes personales de cooperación. En el trabajo de Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932; Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Fussy, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005), se hace un recorrido por el contexto de los grupos y se explican las características de sus redes de confianza y cooperación. En este trabajo, se observa la eficacia de la diversificación étnica como medio para crear pequeños grupos más resistentes a la hora de enfrentarse a entornos difíciles. Se muestra también la adopción de formas culturales que permiten extender los mecanismos de la confianza personal en colectivos mayores. En el último trabajo se comparan los resultados anteriores con los de México (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Reina Aoyama, 2004; Barabas, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Spores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), en un análisis cross-cultural para identificar posibles elementos "universales" en las redes de confianza y cooperación y también las influencias culturales. Conclusiones Mediante los anteriores trabajos se muestra que la confianza es uno de los mecanismos cognitivos y psicológicos más anclado en la historia evolutiva humana. Su origen evolutivo se observa en los resultados de esta tesis: al demostrarse la mayor influencia de la confianza personal sobre la confianza general a la hora de influir en la cooperación, la cual necesita de las relaciones cercanas y por tanto del pequeño grupo para su aparición –dadas las limitaciones cognitivas y temporales para mantener este tipo de relaciones con gran número de personas–, y su fuerte conexión con aspectos emocionales inconscientes –uno de los mecanismo más primitivos en los seres humanos. De hecho, tanto en el trabajo empírico como en el de campo, aparece la configuración de redes de confianza en torno a pequeños grupos. La confianza personal también puede extenderse a colectivos mayores. Incluso en las grandes sociedades más desarrolladas los individuos siguen creando sus pequeños grupos en todos los ámbitos de su vida. Sin embargo, en algunas sociedades, donde existen mayores dificultades de supervivencia, como las analizadas en esta tesis, se observan determinadas herramientas culturales que sirven para extender la confianza personal a un mayor número de personas: conceptos tales como grupos étnicos, clanes, linajes, familias, comunalidad, municipalidad en el caso oaxaqueño, valores internalizados, etc… son eficaces en este sentido. De este modo, la cultura provee de los mecanismos necesarios para crear fuertes lazos de cohesión basados en los elementos emocionales. La mayor cohesión y una actitud más abierta de confianza que surgen de tales herramientas culturales ayudan a enfrentarse a los entornos de forma más eficaz. Así pues, se podría predecir que a medida que los entornos resultan más difíciles, aparece una mayor diversificación de los grupos. Con la comparación de los resultados de Ghana y México, se profundiza en mayor medida en los elementos comunes en las redes de confianza y cooperación –aspectos universales–: los grupos pequeños y distintos niveles de emocionalidad implícita en los vínculos de confianza; y aquellos elementos culturales que se adecuan al contexto histórico y a la situación económica de los grupos, para crear una mayor o menor cohesión de sus miembros en función de sus necesidades. De este modo, además de identificarse en el campo diferentes indicadores para medir la confianza, también se identifican ciertas formas culturales que parecen más eficaces que otras a la hora de cohesionar los grupos, a saber, los valores y el sentimiento de identidad y pertenencia grupal, frente a la normatividad. ; [cat] La vida social humana es basa en la cooperació i la confiança d'una manera diferent de la d'altres espècies. Els científics han investigat la cooperació humana des de diferents punts de vista (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010), però encara hi ha moltes preguntes sobre l'evolució de la cooperació sense explicació. Aquest treball de tesi analitza les relacions cooperatives emfasitzant la seva relació intrínseca amb les relacions de confiança. Per què cooperem? Quina és la influència de la confiança en la cooperació i el paper de la història evolutiva en aquest trencaclosques? Tenint en compte les formes socials adoptades pels avantpassats humans, és possible pensar en certs trets cognitius i psicològics específics que podrien tenir una importància clau per entendre les actuals relacions de cooperació i, en un sentit més ampli, les relacions socials. L'objectiu de la tesi és, en definitiva, emmarcar les relacions socials en un entorn evolutiu per explicar els comportaments socials que existeixen avui en dia. Contingut de la investigació Aquesta tesi tracta de respondre les preguntes anteriors, a partir de la relació entre l'evolució de la sociabilitat i la cognició humà, com hipòtesi inicial per contrastar els estudis posteriors. Des d'aquesta perspectiva i utilitzant una metodologia multidisciplinària de la Psicologia, Antropologia i Sociologia, es va dissenyar un pla de recerca que pretén aprofundir en aquest plantejament. Amb aquest objectiu en ment, el treball de tesi es basa inicialment en una revisió crítica d'estudis anteriors que intenten relacionar el comportament social dels primats i l'evolució del neocórtex –la Hipòtesi del Cervell Social de Dunbar (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). Aquesta revisió mostra clarament la necessitat d'un enfocament més matisat per explicar aquesta relació a causa de l'enorme complexitat de les relacions socials humanes. Per això, l'estudi de la influència del mecanisme psicològic de la confiança ofereix un interès enorme. No obstant això, els estudis de Dunbar, especialment aquells relacionats amb les característiques dels grups socials humans en relació amb la seva capacitat cognitiva, sóntinguts en compte al llarg de tot aquest treball. Després d'aquesta revisió es proposa un marc teòric sobre els factors que influeixen en la confiança (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006) i la seva possible configuració en un entorn evolutiu. En base a aquest marc teòric, es dissenyen els treballs empírics posteriors, sempre tenint en compte la hipòtesi que l'ésser humà té un comportament social àmpliament influenciat per un context de relacions dintre de petits grups. Aquest és el context social en que han viscut els humans durant la major part de la seva història evolutiva. El marc teòric explica els elements que conformen la confiança, la tipologia i la seva possible configuració al llarg de la història evolutiva. Constitueix el substrat utilitzat per dur a terme l'anàlisi de la confiança i del comportament cooperatiu en els següents treballs empírics. Aquests estudis empírics segueixen un pla basat en un disseny propi, a partir de la revisió de la literatura (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson- George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), amb qüestionaris per mesurar el nivell de confiança personal i general en un grup. També s'utilitza un joc experimental –el dilema del presoner amb algunes variacions– que demostra el comportament cooperatiu efectiu dels individus. El joc es realitza en condicions de confiança i sense confiança entre els membres d'un mateix grup. L'estudi pilot inicial es realitza en dos grups diferents. Els resultats ja mostren la influència de les relacions estretes de confiança personal en la cooperació i l'interès de anàlisi de xarxes de confiança (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) en major profunditat. Els resultats d'aquest treball es confirmen en un similar estudi posterior amb altres grups més nombrosos i més comparables entre si. Els nous resultats mostren com la cooperació s'incrementa en gran mesura si es dóna un compromís afectiu inconscient de reciprocitat que ve de la confiança personal, com un element adaptatiu cap a una cooperació més efectiva i recíproca, fins i tot en condicions d'anonimat i malgrat la possibilitat de causar un prejudici en el curt termini. A més, l'estudi inclou una anàlisi en profunditat de les xarxes de confiança d'aquests grups per determinar la importància que poden tenir certes topologies de xarxes de confiança en la cohesió general d'un grup. En la darrera part de la tesi, s'utilitza una perspectiva més antropològica amb la realització de treballs de camp en dues àrees que es caracteritzen per la seva gran diversitat ètnica: nord de Ghana i Oaxaca, a Mèxic. Aquests llocs permeten estudiar com interactuen els grups i per què es mantenen les seves identitats ètniques malgrat una història i un territori en comú. Es pretén examinar també si els mecanismes de la confiança personal, que funcionen clarament a nivell individual, poden trobar-se també en grups grans o societats de gran escala. En aquest cas, a més de l'observació directa dels grups i la inclusió del seu context històric, social, econòmic i polític, s'utilitzen entrevistes i xarxes personals de cooperació. En el treball de Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932;) Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Primmirat, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005), es mostra el context dels grups i s'explica les característiques de les seves xarxes de confiança i cooperació. En aquest estudi es posa de manifest l''eficàcia del fenomen de la diversificació ètnic com un mitjà per crear petits grups més resistents quan s'enfronten amb entorns difícils. També s'analitza l'adopció de formes culturals que permeten ampliar el mecanisme de la confiança personal a grups més grans. En l'últim treball de la tesi es comparen els anteriors resultats de Ghana amb els de Mèxic (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Reina Aoyama, 2004; Webmoney, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Espores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), en una anàlisi intercultural per identificar possibles elements "universals" a les xarxes de confiança i cooperació i així com les influències culturals que modulen aquestes predisposicions humanes en cada cas. Conclusions Els diversos treballs en conjunt mostren que la confiança és un mecanisme cognitiu i psicològic ancorat en la història evolutiva humana, que ha jugat un paper important en l'evolució de la cooperació que caracteritza les societats humanes. El seu origen evolutiu es desprèn dels resultats d'aquesta tesi: es demostra que la confiança personal té més influència que la confiança general en la cooperació, que la confiança necessita relacions properes i, per tant, del petit grup per la seva aparició – tenint en compte les limitacions cognitives per mantenir aquestes relacions amb un gran nombre de persones– i la seva estreta connexió amb aspectes emocionals inconscients – un dels mecanismes més primitiu en humans. De fet, la configuració de les xarxes de confiança en petits grups apareixen tant als treballs empírics com als treballs de camp,. La confiança personal també es pot ampliar a col·lectius més grans. Fins i tot a les societats més desenvolupades les persones continuen creant els grups reduïts en tots els àmbits de la seva vida. No obstant això, en algunes societats, on hi ha importants dificultats de supervivència, com les analitzades en aquesta tesi, hi ha certes eines culturals que serveixen per ampliar la confiança personal a un major nombre de persones: conceptes com grups ètnics, clans, llinatges, famílies, coincidència, "comunalidad" i municipi en cas d'Oaxaca, valors interioritzats, etc. són eficaços en aquest sentit. Així, la cultura proporciona els mecanismes necessaris per a crear uns vincles forts de cohesió basats en elements emocionals. Una major cohesió i una actitud més oberta de confiança derivada de tals eines culturals ajuden a enfrontar-se als ambients més eficaçment. Així, es podria predir que quan els entorns són més difícils, es mostrarà una major diversificació dels grups. Amb la comparació dels resultats de Ghana i Mèxic, s'aprofundeix en major mesura en els elements comuns en les xarxes de confiança i cooperació –aspectes universals–: petits grups i diferents nivells d'emocionalitat implícita en els vincles de confiança; i elements culturals que s'adeqüin al context històric i la situació econòmica dels grups, per crear una més o menys cohesió dels seus integrants segons les seves necessitats. Així, a més d'identificar en el camp diferents indicadors i eines per mesurar la confiança, són també identificades certes formes culturals que semblen més eficaces que altres quan es tracta d'unir els grups, és a dir, els valors i el sentit d'identitat i grup de pertinença, davant les normes i l'autoritat. ; [eng] Human social life is sustained by cooperation in a different way with respect to other species. Scientists have investigated human cooperation from different points of view (Trivers, 1971; Dawkins, 1976; Axelrod y Hamilton, 1981; Axelrod, 1984; Caporael et al., 1989; Boyd & Richerson, 1990; Wilson & Sober, 1994; Bergstrom, 2002; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis et al., 2003; Bowles & Gintis, 2004; Gintis et al., 2008; Boyd et al., 2010) but many questions about the evolution of cooperation remain open. In this dissertation the cooperative relationships are analyzed emphasizing its intrinsic link with trust relationships. Why do we cooperate? What is the influence of trust on cooperation and which role does human evolutionary history play in this puzzle? Considering the social forms our ancestors lived by, it is possible to think in certain cognitive and psychological traits that might have a key importance in order to understand the relationships of cooperation and, in a wider sense, the social relationships it made possible. The goal is, in short, framing social relationships in an evolutionary framework in order to explain the social behaviors of nowadays. Content of research This work attempts to answer these questions firstly on the basis of the relation between the evolution of human sociality and cognition, as a hypothesis to be tested in the following studies. From this perspective and using a multidisciplinary methodology including Sociology, Psychology and Anthropology, a research plan was designed in order to further examine these topics. This dissertation starts with a critical review of some previous studies that relate the social behavior in primates to the evolution of the neocortex –Dunbar's Social Brain Hypothesis (Dunbar, 1992; Dunbar, 1998; Dunbar & Shultz, 2007; Shultz & Dunbar, 2007; Dunbar, 2010). This review shows the need for a more nuanced approach in order to explain this dependence because of the enormous complexity of human social relationships. To achieve this goal, the analysis of the psychological mechanism of trust offers a huge interest. However, Dunbar's studies, especially those that relate human social groups to cognitive ability, are continuously in the background throughout all this work. Next, a theoretical framework is introduced to characterize trust and the factors that influence it (Parsons, 1970; Barber, 1983; Good, 1988; Yamagishi, 1998; Glaeser et al., 2000; Uslaner, 2002; Six, 2005; Bjørnskov, 2006; Hardin, 2006), as well as their possible configuration in an evolutionary environment. On the basis of this theoretical framework the subsequent empirical work is designed, always keeping in mind the assumption that humans have a social behavior widely influenced by a context of relationships within small groups. They are the social configuration humans lived most of their evolutionary history. In the theoretical framework the elements that make up trust, its typology and its possible configuration in the evolutionary history are explained. This work is the substrate used to groundthe analysis of trust and cooperative behavior carried out in the following empirical works. These empirical studies follow an original plan, grounded in a literature review (Fey, 1955; Rosenberg, 1957; Wrightsman, 1964, 1974; Rotter, 1967; Survey Research Center, 1969; Christie & Geis, 1970; Johnson-George & Swap, 1982; Rempel et al., 1985; World Values Survey Association, 2009), which involves the development of new questionnaires to measure the level of general and personal trust in a group. In addition, an experimental game –a prisoner's dilemma with some variants– is included in order to show the effective cooperative behavior of participants. The game is played in conditions of trust and non-trust among the members of the group. The pilot study is initially conducted in two different groups. The results already show the influence of close relationships of personal trust in cooperation and the interest of analyze trust networks (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940; Barnes, 1954; Milgram, 1967; Mitchell, 1969; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; Molina, J.L., 2001; White & Harary, 2001; Newman et al., 2003; Freeman, 2004; Eguíluz et al., 2005; Fowler & Christakis, 2010) more deeply. The results of this work are confirmed in a subsequent similar study with other more numerous and more comparable groups. The new results show how cooperation relates largely to an affective commitment of reciprocity that comes from personal trust, as adaptive element towards a more successful cooperation, even in conditions of anonymity, and despite the possibility of causing a cost in individuals in the short term. In addition, the study includes an analysis in depth of these groups' trust networks to analyze the importance that certain topologies of trust networks can have on the general cohesion of a group. The last part of the dissertation shows a more anthropological perspective with the completion of fieldwork in two areas characterized by a great ethnic diversity: Northern Ghana and Oaxaca, in Mexico. These locations allow study how groups interact and why they keep their ethnic identities despite a history and a territory in common. To examine whether the personal trust mechanisms present at an individual level can be also extended to larger groups or societies is aimed. In this case, in addition to the direct observation of groups and the inclusion of its historical, social, economic and political context, interviews and personal networks of cooperation are used. The work of Ghana (Rattray, 1931, 1932) Syme, 1932; Tait, 1961; Hilton, 1962; Hart, 1971; Drucker-Brown, 1975, 1992; Primmirat, 1979; Laari, 1987; Awedoba, 1989, 2001; Wilks, 1989; Assimeng, 1990; Kotey, 1995; Schlottner, 2000; Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005) shows the context of groups and the features of their trust networks of trust and cooperation are explained . In this work, the effectiveness of ethnic diversification as a means to create small groups more resilient when face with difficult environments is shown. The adoption of cultural forms that allow extend personal trust in larger collectives is also presented. The last work compares the Ghana results with those of Mexico (Chance, 1979; Zeithin, 1990; Campbell, 1993; Oseguera, 2004; Queen Aoyama, 2004; Barabas, 2006, 2008; Trejo Barrientos, 2006; Spores, 2008; Joyce, 2010; Nahmad Sitton, 2013), in a cross-cultural analysis to identify possible "universal" elements in trust and cooperation networks, and also cultural influences. Conclusions The previous works show that trust is a cognitive and psychological mechanism anchored in human evolutionary history. Their evolutionary origin is supported by the results of this dissertation: to demonstrate the higher influence of personal trust than general trust in fostering cooperation. Close relationships are needed for personal trust and they require small groups for its emergence –given the cognitive and temporal constraints required in order to keep such relationships with a larger number of people. Close relationships also involve an emotional dimension –a most primitive mechanism in humans. In fact, small group dynamics was found both in experimental games and in fieldwork. Personal trust also plays a role in large scale societies, where individuals continue to create their small groups in all areas of their life. However, in those societies where survival is more difficult and resources scarce certain cultural tools (such as values or norms) appear whose function is to extend personal trust to a greater number of people: groups such as ethnic groups, clans, lineages, families, commonalities, municipalities (as in the Oaxaca case). Thus, culture provides the necessary mechanisms to create strong bonds of cohesion based on emotional elements beyond the small group. Greater cohesion and a more open attitude of trust arising from such cultural tools help at time to face environments more efficiently. Thus, it could be predicted that more difficult environments show a greater group diversification. In addition, the comparison of Ghana and Mexico results allows a deeper analysis of the common elements of trust and cooperation networks -their universal aspects-: small groups and different levels of emotionality implied in the bonds of trust; and cultural elements that are suited to the historical context and the economic situation of groups, to create a more or less cohesion of its members according to their needs. Thus, in addition to identify in the field several indicators to measure trust, more effective cultural forms to foster cooperation is also identified: the values and the sense of identity of group membership, instead of formal regulations and authority.