Suchergebnisse

China's growing economic power has been identified as a major factor in generating profound transformations in the strategic landscape in Asia. Beijing's interest in using its economic power for the pursuit of geopolitical objectives remains strong. Many analysts believe that the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) represents the continuation and even intensification of that interest. I unpack the role of China's economic power in its external relations by focusing on how Guangxi, a subnational government in China, has facilitated the emergence of the BRI. My study suggests that in-depth knowledge about local governments' activism in socioeconomic engagements with neighboring countries contributes significantly to a more nuanced understanding of China's power, particularly its economic power in Asia. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

Citation: Gasser, George W. Relation of fraternities to eductional institutions. Senior thesis, Kansas State Agricultural College, 1905. ; Morse Department of Special Collections ; Introduciton: Whatever conclusion educators, and those who are being educated, may have reached, or lack of conclusion, this fact remains patent; fraternities have entered so vitally and so universally into the educational centers of the nation that their permanence is assured. True it is still a much mooted question in some colleges whether or not college fraternities should be allowed to exist and strong dissensions have arisen; but generally, though often gradually and insidiously, the fraternal organizations have won a permanent home. Excepting the military academies, West Point and Annapolis, where secret societies could not be tolerated by the government, Princeton and Vassar, of all the large eastern colleges, remain with doors closed to Greek letter societies. The typical home of these fraternities is in the eastern college and the time of their inception dates back to early American history. Like a good many other things, both good and bad, fraternities have been swept westward by the strong irresistible sweep of advanced civilization. Simply because fraternities have met strong and determined opposition is, of course, no proof that their dominant influence is evil. Primarily, merely an evidence of diverse opinions. However, the persistent, extended efforts to crush the movement give one a just reason to inquire into and find, if possible, whether or not such opposition is warranted.

Sports are understood as one of the dynamic forces in developing national integrity among the masses creatingnational unity in the country; where as sports diplomacy is referred when sport is used as a political means to improverelations and some times may worsen diplomatic relations between two nations. The intention is to bring about fundamental changes relating to fine relations. While the Olympics events are the leading political examples of usingsports for diplomatic means, such as cricket, table tennis and football as well as other international sports competitionshave also been used in this regard. In the case of Apartheid, competitive sport was used to isolate South Africa thatbrought major changes in nation's social structure in terms of socio- political relationship, examining the sportsdiplomacy that adopted by Nelson Mandela of South Africa, and Irans former President Khatami's inspiring initiative provided an opening for a watchful rapprochement policy with USA, advocating people-to-people contacts betweenthese two nations to release tensions developed between them that may be compared with ping pong diplomacy,which softened US-Chinese relations.

Early accounts of the development of the discipline of international relations (IR) attribute causal significance to changes in the "real" world. In this respect, historigraphy was a reflection in history's looking glass, such that World War I created idealism, and World War II prompted the revival of realism. The editors of International Relations—Still and American Social Science? remind us that the identity of the discipline is also a reflection of geopolitical and cultural circumstances. The sixteen essays seek to reawaken the question of the identity of the discipline and how this has been transmitted and contested. There is no doubt that the book will be widely read and is likely to find its way onto many postgraduate course lists. It is also likely to find critics and supporters in fairly equal number, which is reason alone to applaud the labors of the editors.

Abstract
It is well known that the protectionist view for tariff protection can be justified if the tariff induced international technology licensing benefits the consumers. We show that this view may not hold true if the domestic firm lobbies for tariff protection. If lobbying determines tariff following the "tariff-function formation" approach, lobbying reduces consumer surplus by reducing the incentive for licensing. However, if lobbying determines tariff following the "political contribution" approach, lobbying increases the incentive for licensing but creates an ambiguous effect on consumer surplus. Hence, whether the protectionist view for tariff protection can be justified under international technology licensing depends on the way the tariff rates are determined.

In this article I engage with the theoretical opening provided by Barry Buzan's From International to World Society? I present an argument for five functional categories, which should be able to encompass all the institutions identified by English School scholars throughout history. Their introduction should point the way towards a sounder analytical framework for the study of what Buzan believes should be the new subject of the discipline of International Relations (IR). This subject is defined as second-order societies, meaning societies 'where the members are not individual human beings, but durable collectivities of humans possessed of identities and actor qualities that are more than the sum of their parts', and where the content of these societies, and the key object of analysis, is primary institutions. The purpose of the five functional categories is to break down this 'social whole' and provide a set of lenses through which to potentially analyse international societies throughout history.

This interim report of the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) study focuses on the five Central Asian economies:Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.The aim of the study is to examine the pattern of economic relations between the five Central Asian economies—Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan—and major economic centers since their transition to a market economy in the early1990s, highlight emerging challenges, and explore policy implications. It considers trade ties, foreign direct investment and financial flows, migration and remittances, and institutional cooperation between Central Asian economies and major economic centers such as Asia, the European Union, the Russian Federation, and the United States.This is the first empirical study of Central Asian economies conducted by ADBI. Based largely on research and analysis of data, interactions with regional experts, and a technical workshop in Tokyo, it is intended as a stocktaking exercise for future ADBI research on the economic development of Central Asia.

This interim report of the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) study focuses on the five Central Asian economies:Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.The aim of the study is to examine the pattern of economic relations between the five Central Asian economies—Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan—and major economic centers since their transition to a market economy in the early1990s, highlight emerging challenges, and explore policy implications. It considers trade ties, foreign direct investment and financial flows, migration and remittances, and institutional cooperation between Central Asian economies and major economic centers such as Asia, the European Union, the Russian Federation, and the United States.This is the first empirical study of Central Asian economies conducted by ADBI. Based largely on research and analysis of data, interactions with regional experts, and a technical workshop in Tokyo, it is intended as a stocktaking exercise for future ADBI research on the economic development of Central Asia.