Suchergebnisse

Issue 70.4 of the Review for Religious, 2011. ; Unique Approaches Building Community Focus on Joseph Potpourri quarterly 70.4 2011 Review for Religious fosters dialogue with God, dialogue with ourselves, and dialogue with one another about the holiness we try to live according to charisms of Catholic religious life. As Pope Paul Vl said, our way of being church is today the way of dialogue. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published quarterly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393 PHONE: 314-633o4610 ¯ FAX: 314-633-4611 EMAIL: reviewrfr@gmail.com ¯WEBSITE: www.reviewforreligious.org Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious o P.O. Box 6070 ° Duluth, MN 55806. PHONE: 877-467-8687 ¯ FAX: 218-740-6437 ¯ EMAIL: fulfill@superfill.co~n Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. ©2011 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal 6r internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribution, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. ~ gournal of Catholic Spirirualit)j Celebrating 70 Years Editor Associate Editor Book Review Editor Scripture Scope Editorial Staff Michael G. Harter SJ Garth L. Hallett SJ RosemaryJermann Eugene Hensell OSB Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm .Judy Sharp Advisory Board Paul Coutinho SJ Martin Erspamer OSB Margaret Guider OSF Kathleen Hughes RSCJ Louis and Angela Menard Bishop Terry Steib SVD QUARTERLY 70.4 2011 contents 340 prisms Prisms 342 364 .377 unique approaches A Tale of Two Scandals: Cornelia Connelly as Nouvelle H~loi'se Barbara Newman tells the remarkably similar stories of two married women who lived six centuries apart, became nuns and then abbesses only through the instigation of their husbands, suffered considerably, and faced numerous canonical difficulties in the founding of their orders. building community The Hum of Being: " Spirituality for Leadership Beatrice M. Eichten OSF describes the ministry of community leadership as a pilgrimage and explores the various spiritual realizations that flow from it--such as the openness to Spirit that comes through moments of emptiness and detachment, and the gifts of loving and being loved. Architecture and Religious Life Thomas A. Krosnicki SVD discusses the impact that the architectural design of buildings--in particular community residences--can have to the benefit of religious life and those they touch by their life and ministry. Review for Religious 386 404 408 .422 426 focus on Joseph Be Saints: Pathway to a Holy Life Joel Giallanza CSC gathers wisdom from St. Andr~ Bessette, whose name is forever linked to that of St. Joseph because of their obvious similarities. Both were simple laborers through whom God chose to do extraordinary things; both knew poverty and suffering; both experienced exile. Above all, both point out a pathway to holiness because they remained faithful to whatever God asked of them. St. Joseph in Focus: Husband of Mary and Guardian of Jesus John M. Samaha SM reminds us why we honor St. Joseph by giving us a simple portrait of the quiet, often overlooked member of the Holy Family. potpourri Lighting Our Modern Spirit: Pope John Paul II's Luminous Mysteries Carey Ellen Walsh explores the theology and the spiritual gift of John Paul II's meditation on the rosary in his apostolic letter Rosarium Virginis Mariae. She focuses on how one of John Paul II's most intimate reflections tends to the hunger in our souls. Multiple Sclerosis: A Gift Marian D. Frantz IHM reflects on how she has coped with multiple sclerosis and, in spite of the physical challenges and fears that accompany it, has come to understand it as a gift. Cremation: A Path to Protect Mother Earth Brian Jordan OFM calls us to rethink our attitudes and practices about how we remember our loved ones through burial or cremation and to develop an attitude of reverence for "Holy Mother Earth" in the process. departments 433 Scripture Scope: The Bible and the Liturgy 438 Book Reviews 444 Indexes 70.4 2011 prisms Erone intense week at the end of the summer, the population of Madrid swelled by more than one million souls. Crowds of young men and women came with the devotion of pil-grims; they participated in workshops and service projects; they baked in the heat, endured a rain-soaked and windswept prayer vigil, and coped with the chaos resulting from poor organization. They sang and prayed together, and blogged about their experiences all over the Internet. Such enthusiasm. Such energy. It all brought back memories of an earlier World Youth Day when I accompanied a group of Jesuit novices to Toronto in 2002. We, too, gath-ered with hopes and dreams, coped with crowds and long waits for something to eat. We, too, spent a restless night on the hard ground soaked through by a cold rain waiting for the final Mass celebrated by the pope. Drenched to the bone, I kept asking myself "What am I doing here?" But the enthusiastic singing of the young people drowned out the question. But I must be realistic. M}- perspective is not that of a young pilgrim. I just sent out invitations for a celebration of my golden Jubilee as a Jesuit. My novitiate classmates and others celebrating Review for Religious anniversaries of entrance and ordination (25, 50, 60, and 70 years of presence and service) are planning on celebrat-ing because we have much to celebrate. We have worked and taught, and borne the heat of the day in many different contexts. But as I look back on 50 years of religious life, I must admit that I have asked more than once "What am I doing here?" Sometimes the question arises because I feel too insignificant to make a difference. More often the ques-tion arises from a sense of wonder and awe about the ways God has chosen to work through me. My choice to enter religious life was well intentioned, but made with total naivet& The ministry for which I pre-pared myself (teaching high school) never materialized. The skills I learned in the process, however, equipped me to serve as an administrator, a forinator, and an editor. Through the years and with much prayer, I have tried to make myself available to be sent where I can best be used. I am privileged once again to live with our young men in formation. Their energy can wear me out, but their enthusiasm is contagious. They show that the church is ever young, ever new, always ready to grow in experience and wisdom. The seeds of faith are sprouting anew in many places. And in other pl~ces fields that have been harvested any number of times still produce with God's grace. The young pilgrims have now returned home from Madrid and are back in school or settling into their regular routines. But the memories and graces they carry with them will make their lives anything but routine. And as those of us further along the age continuum continue our trust walk with the One who has always accompanied us, we take to heart the prayer with which Benedict sent forth the young people from Madrid: "May no adversity paralyze you. Be afraid neither of the world, nor of the future, nor of your weakness." 341 Michael G. Harter SJ 70.4 2011 BARBARA NEWMAN A Tale of Two Scandals: Cornelia Connelly as Nouvelle Hdlo~se unique approaches 342 This is a tale of two scandals. It is a story of two women who courageously defied con-vention, yet submitted tragically and without reserve to the men they loved. It is a story of two ambitious and charismatic men, whose meteoric rise in the church was surpassed only by the suddenness of their fall. It is a story of two priests married to nuns--and not only nuns, but the founders of congregations-- who remained indelibly married in the public eye. From Romanesque France to Victorian England, so much had changed yet so much remained the same, especially where female subordination was concerned. So, finally, this is a story about the longue durde in Catholic attitudes to marriage, gender, and women's religious life. Barbara Newman is professor of English, Religion, and Classics at Northwestern University. Her address is Northwestern University; University Hall 215; 1897 Sheridan Rd.; Evanston, IL 60208. Reviev2 for Religious My first, more familiar narrative concerns a Frenchwoman born around 1100. Heloise, of high though illegitimate birth, received a superb educa-tion at the convent of Argenteuil. Raised by her uncle Fulbert, she was granted the rare privilege of private lessons with a famous philosopher, Peter Abelard, who was teaching in Paris. We all know what happened next: Abelard and his pupil fell in love. Their steamy affair ended in Heloise's pregnancy, Fulbert's horrified rage, a clandestine marriage, Heloise's rash denial of the union, and Abelard's castration at the hands of Fulbert's hit men. Given the fame of both lovers, the end of their :affair was a cause cglkbre. Finding the pity of his stu-dents even harder to bear than the scorn of his ene-mies, Abelard became a monk at Saint-Denis, though not before compelling a reluctant but obedient Heloise to take the veil at Argenteuil. Their son Astralabe was left with Abelard's sister on a farm in Brittany.~ But the lovers' conversion to religious life fueled more scandals. Abelard, who did not suffer fools gladly, had a gift for making enemies. At Saint-Denis, his 'historical research threatened to deconstruct the monks' patron saint, who also happened to be the patron of the French monarchy. This controversy led to cries of treason and landed Abelard in such trouble that he had to flee by night. Next he ~tried the vocation of hermit, :for which he was totally ufisuited, and soon wound up teaching again at a new foundation he called the Paraclete. Here too he got in trouble, partly because his ever-vigilant enemies objected to his oratory's dedication. In .the meantime, Abelard was charged with heresy at the Council of Soissons and forced in 1121 to burn his book on the Trinity with his own hands. Eventually he managed to be named abbot of the backwater monastery of Saint- 70.4 2011 Newman ¯ A Tale of Two Scandals 344 Gildas, in his native Brittany, but fared no better there. By his own account, his monks tried to kill him with a poisoned chalice. Heloise too was dogged by scandal. Despite her past, she was elected prioress of Argenteuil. But in 1129 the powerful Suger--abbot of Saint-Denis and no friend to Abelard--had Heloise and her nuns evicted on charges of immorality. These charges may or may not have car-ried a grain of truth. It is possible that Heloise's regime was lax, though it is certain that Suger had his eye on the nuns' property; and he mobilized the king, the bish-ops, and the papal legate to enforce his takeover.2 At this juncture Abelard reentered the picture, offering the nuns his now-vacant oratory of the Paraclete. Gossip contin-ued to buzz: if Abelard visited, detractors claimed that he could not live without his mistress, while if he stayed away, they charged that he had abandoned his wife. A few years later, when he published his autobiography, Heloise responded with impassioned fury, lambasting his neglect at the same time that she avowed her undimin-ished desire. But despite the stormy beginning of their correspondence, the two eventually made peace. Abelard endorsed Heloise's teaching role and warmly praised her learning. At her request he wrote numerous works for her nuns.3 Not least, he authored a rule for the Paraclete, although it seems not to have been observed and signifi-cantly contradicts Heloise's own rule--a point' to which I shall return. When Abelard was again condemned for heresy in 1140, by an even more blatantly rigged council, it was Heloise who secured proof of his absolution and arranged for his burial, soon afterward, at the Paraclete. Surviving him by twenty years, she was.buried at his side. My second narrative belongs to the nineteenth cen-tury. Cornelia Peacock, born to an elite Philadelphia family in 1809, lost her parents in childhood.4 Raised by an aunt who gave her a superb private education, at 22 she married a clergyman, Pierce Connelly. The Connellys moved in 1831 to Natchez, Mississippi, where Pierce had been named rector of an Episcopal parish. At the birth of their son Mercer, his godfather gave Cornelia a slave as a christening present.5 Though Pierce was well-liked in his parish, the honeymoon did not last. Caught up in a wave of anti-Catholic senti-ment sweeping the nation, he decided to resist it and better inform himself, with the surprising result that he felt called to convert. Cornelia, though shocked at first, loyally followed. As she wrote to her sister, "against my prejudices and in spite of the horrors which I have always nurtured for the Catholic faith, I am ready at once to submit to whatever my loved husband believes to be the path of duty.''6 In fact, after Pierce resigned his parish and delivered his farewell sermon, Cornelia was the first to be received as a Roman Catholic. Pierce waited to make his abjuration in Rome itself, on Palm Sunday 1836, with pomp and ceremony. The Connellys soon became the darlings of the British recusant aris-tocracy in Rome, where they remained until a finan-cial crisis forced them to return home and look for work. Pierce found a teaching post at a Jesuit school in Louisiana; Cornelia joined him as a music teacher. By now the couple had four children, but one daughter died in infancy and their two-year-old son met with a tragic accident. Fearing that her happiness was too great, the devout Cornelia had asked God to demand some sacrifice of her. Only a day later the little boy, playing with the dog, tumbled into a vat of boiling syrup.7 After two days and nights of agony, he died in his mother's arms. 70.4 2011 Newman ¯ A Tale of Two Scandals But this was only the first of Cornelia's sorrows. Soon afterward, while she was pregnant with their fifth and last child, Pierce announced that he had discerned a call to the Catholic priesthood. This time Cornelia did resist, but as soon as she realized how serious her husband was, she released him, which entailed her own consent to a monastic vocation. Returning to Rome, the couple had a private audience with Pope Gregory xvI, and Pierce was ordained with surprising speed in 1845. As for Cornelia, she became a postulant at the Sacred Heart convent of Trinit~ dei Monti, bringing her two youngest children with her. But she was not destined to take vows there. In 1846 Bishop Nicholas Wiseman, soon to become Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, called Cornelia to England, where he wished her to found an order of nuns to educate English Catholic girls. Thus, before the end of her novitiate, the 3 7-year-old Cornelia Connelly, American wife and mother of three, became--not of her own accord, but by the deci-sions of her husband and her bishop--the first English monastic foundress in two hundred years. At this point the Connelly saga becomes so tumultu-ous that I can give only the barest summary. Cornelia's Society of the Holy Child Jesus (SHCJ) suffered more than its share of growing pains--lack of resources, litigation over property, internal discord, hostile chap-lains, and increasing strain between Cornelia and her superior, Cardinal Wiseman. These troubles were compounded by the "no Popery" agitation of a ,public deeply-fearful of Catholic emancipation. Mat Cornelia had least expected, however, was Pierce's rapid disil-lusionment with his new faith. Unsuccessftil in his bids for advancement in the church, ihe missed his wife and resented Wiseman's ban :on conjugal visits. So the frus- Review for Religious trated Pierce made two hostile, if contradictory, moves in quick succession. First, he wrote a spurious rule for Cornelia's order, which he circulated in Rome without her knowledge. Second, he pulled the children out of their schools and took 'them to Italy as hostages, with a new demand that Cornelia renounce her vows and return to him. Heartbroken but determined, she refused. The apostate Pierce thereupon sued his former wife in the Court of Arches for restitu-tion of his conjugal rights.8 The case of Connelly v. Connelly dragged on from 1849 to 1851, much to the glee of journalists.9 In 1850 a judge ruled in Pierce's favor, declaring that a papal~decree of separation had no force in England and leaving Cornelia to face imprisonment or a . forced return to her husband. While appealing to the Privy Council, she kept a suit of secular clothes in her cell at all times in case she had to flee the realm. Pierce meanwhile scandalized British Catholics with his apos-tasy, even seeking refuge for a time with the fanati-cally anti-Catholic Henry Drummond, a wealthy peer who led an apocalyptic sect. Eventually he returned to Italy, where he spent the rest of his life writing anti- Catholic tracts and serving as an Episcopal minister in Florence. Cornelia won her appeal on a technicality, but she never saw her eldest son again, for Mercer died at twenty of yellow fever. The younger children, Before~ the end of her novitiate, Cornelia Connelly, American wife and mother of three, became the first English monastic foundress in two hundred years. 347 70.4 2011 Newman ¯ A Tale of Two Scandal~ Adeline and Frank, remained with their father in Italy. He managed to estrange them permanently from their mother, returning her letters unopened. But in spite of all this, the Society of the Holy Child Jesus flour-ished. At Cornelia's death in 1879 it had six convents and schools in England, three in America, and one in France.~° Amazingly, Cornelia Connelly's case for saint-hood was opened in 1959, and in 1992 she was declared Venerable--the first step toward canonization. The Positio or formal presentation of her case is the first in history to be written by a woman.~ Since no one has ever proposed Heloise for saint-hood, except in the cult of romantic love, why do I call Cornelia Connelly a nouvelle Hgloi'se? I suggest this com-parison to probe more deeply into the case of a woman who filled the roles of wife, mother, nun, and abbess, not in succession but in conflict. Legions of women have become religiously active in widowhood, but few if any have faced down so public a scandal caused by living husbands, while simultaneously trying to establish their monastic authority. In the rest of this article, I will compare Cornelia's struggles with Heloise's apropos of three issues: sexuality, motherhood, and the authority of an abbess. In the France of the trouvOres, one could speak of sex more freely than in Queen Victoria's Britain, but Heloise would have been scandalous in any age. To dis-suade Abelard from their ill-starred marriage, she made a case for free love, claiming that .she would rather be called his mistress'(arnica) than his wife--and even if Augustus, ruler of the world, had asked her to be his empress, she would prefer to be Abelard's whore (scortum)--a word she chose deliberately for its shock value.~2 In Heloise's eyes, the true prostitute was the Review for Religious respectable wife who married not for love, but for security and money. As if these ideas were not scandal-ous enough, after ten years as a nun she confessed that she still felt sexual yearnings, even during Mass, and declared that she could never forgive God for Abelard's castration.13 This was no mere private avowal, but a rhe-torical performance before an imagined if not actual public. Medieval letters were never truly "private," and contemporary documents show that Heloise's arguments were well known in French clerical circles.14 Romantics (including my younger self) have often been dismayed with Abelard for refusing to respond in kind.15 But how could he? Neither his castration nor the couple's vows were reversible, so Heloise had either to find a way of coping or face a lifetime of misery, ending in her damnation. Abelard thus faced the.unenviable task of cajoling her to love Christ, her new Bridegroom, in his stead. If his tactics seem ham-fisted to our age, in his own they were supremely pragmatic. When Heloise said that she would gladly follow Abelard to hell; that her "heart was never my own, but was always with you"; that in every decision she had sought to please him, rather than God--it was not from marital duty that she spoke.16 A self-consciously clas-sical lover, she even took the nun's veil with the cry of a pagan heroine on her lips.17 In Cornelia Connelly we see nothing of the. sort. If she too ended by trans-gressing her culture's cherished feminine ideals, it was not by her choice. Yet in displaying obedience to her beloved, she vied with Heloise. To please Pierce, she braved her family's disapproval; left home for the dis-tant, culturally alien South; abjured her Protestant faith (a drastic step in the 1830s); accepted a life of exile; and finally made the supreme sacrifice of her marriage itself, 349 70.4 2011 Newman ¯ A Tale of Two Scandals Where Heloise saw ,oppositiOn-; Cornelia saw con]'un ction:, L, vowing perpetual chastity so that Pierce could be ordained. But where Heloise saw opposition--she could obey either God's will or Abelard's, but not both-- Cornelia saw conjunction. As a dutiful Victorian wife, she followed the principle of Milton's Eve: "he for God only, she for God in him." In the end, Cornelia became a far more committed Catholic than the vain and shallow Pierce. Yet she would never have become one at all with, out the conviction that God was guiding her through her husband's will. As she wrote to her sister at the time, Pierce was "all that is estimable and far above what your sister ever deserved or looked for in her husband. It is not for me to praise him, but daily do I thank God for having so blessed me.''18 In entering religious life, both women faced the extraordinary challenge of renouncing their husbands' love at their husbands' bidding. When Heloise pro-claimed her immortal longing, Abelard commanded her to desire him no more, but rather the God who had castrated him. Cornelia confronted the same demand, except that Pierce's self-castration in will alone did not last. So in the end, having fallen genuinely in love with Christ, she had to fight her ex-husband in court to preserve a separation she had never wanted in the first place. Interestingly, it was Heloise who fared better in the court of public opinion. Abelard's friends and even some of his enemies sympathized with her, while later humanists like Jean de Meun and Petrarch admired her eloquence and uncompromising idealism29 Review for Religious Cornelia, on the other hand, fell afoul of both Catholic and Protestant sentiment. The English Catholic hier-archy, impoverished and terribly vulnerable, resented the scandal and expense of "Connelly v. Connelly." As for the Protestant majority, it eagerly believed Pierce's lies and blamed Cornelia for destroying her family. Caught between two patriarchies, faced with incompat-ible demands from husband and bishop, she could win neither public vindication nor private comfort. Her anguish is clearest--and the historical distance greatest--with respect to motherhood. We do not know what it cost Heloise to leave the infant Astralabe in Brittany, but upper-class women of her day often had their children fostered elsewhere, and it was not unusual for widowed mothers to enter monasteries. Moreover, we have good evidence that Heloise never envisaged moth-erhood as a career path. Before her marriage, she had even proposed a novel, feminist version of the old argu-ment that a philosopher should not wed. As she put it, "what husband could ever concentrate on philosophy or scripture and still put up with babies howling. ? What wife could stand the endless mess of children?''2° Later, in her letters of complaint, she never mentions her son's absence among her sorrows. Her only reference to him comes in a letter written after Abelard's death, asking the abbot of Cluny to find the young man a prebend.21 We do not know for certain what became of Astralabe,22 nor did contemporaries care, for motherhood in the twelfth century was not an admired vocation. St. Jerome, often quoted by Abelard and Heloise, had zealously praised mothers who steeled themselves against their children's cries to "become virile" and serve God alone:23 Seven centuries later, wives were no less subordinate to husbands, but the ideal of motherhood had changed 70.4 2011 Newman ¯ A Tale of Two Scandals utterly. Hence nothing hurt Cornelia's reputation more than the belief, fostered by Pierce, that she had willfully abandoned her children. An anti-Catholic pamphlet in 1853 put it this way: "When Rome once depraves the heart, or bows the will, . . . the fountain of all natural affection has been, by priestly art, so dried up within her--as that she can forget her children whom she has borne, as well as the husband whom she has sworn, before God, to obey.''24 But Cornelia had never con-sented to Pierce's abduction of their children. As soon as she realized that he was using them to blackmail her, however, she swore a solemn vow: "In union with my crucified Lord and by His most precious blood, in ado-ration satisfaction thanksgiving and petition, I, Cornelia, vow to have no future intercourse with my children and their Father beyond what is for the greater Glory of God and His manifest will, known through my direc-tor.'' 2s A few letters to relatives reveal the agony this cost her. In 1854 she wrote to her brother that, initially, "my dear children were as much under my eyes as if I had not left the world till their father broke his word and his promises and stole them away from me. may God forgive him.''26 Four years later she lamented, "Poor dar-lings! I little thought of their having to suffer in this way, while I can do nothing to help them except by prayer."27 Under English law the children belonged to their father, so there was literally nothing Cornelia could do. In any case the church, in stark contrast with secular norms, still preserved its medieval legacy of valuing marital renunciation as the high road to perfection?8 The motif of the "maternal martyr" occurs so often in medieval hagiography that, if anyone had suggested sainthood for Heloise, her separation from Astralabe might actually have bolstered the case.29 Today, how- Review for Religious ever, the fate of the Connelly children poses a major obstacle to Cornelia's cause. It does not help that all three apostasized, though her daughter returned to the Catholic fold after both parents died. Cornelia's pro-moters., must therefore show that she bore the loss of her children as a cross, but--this is the key point--not a cho-sen cross.3° The postulator of her cause did try to revive the maternal martyr topos, citing Jeanne de Chantal as an exemplary saint who demonstrated "heroic virtue" by stepping over her son's protesting body as she departed for the cloister.3~ But most of Cornelia's advocates have shied away from this theme. Her biographers instead link her devotions to the Holy Child Jesus and to Mary, Mother of Sorrows, with her son's tragic death. This dimension of her spiritual life was incomparably deep-ened by the loss of her other children, though her work as a pioneer in girls' education compensated in some degree for the sadness of her own motherhood.32 Finally, I turn to the less sensational domain of reli-gious rules, which define a nun's mission and daily life, because both foundresses had to cope with problem-atic rules composed for them by their former husbands. Heloise had explicitly asked Abelard to create a rule, writing deferentially that "you, through God, are the planter of our congregation, and you, with God, should be the guide of our religious life.''33 Abelard complied, though the lengthy document he produced is an eclectic farrago of the Benedictine Rule, the desert fathers, pas-sages from Jerome, Augustine, and .Gregory the Great, and a few provisions specific to Heloise.34 Differences between this text and her own, more practical rule prolonged an old controversy over the authenticity of Heloise's letters.35 Some of the discrepancies concern fairly small matters, but the most important involve 70.4 2011 Newman * A Tale of Two Scandals lines of authority. On this subject the two rules cannot be reconciled.36 Abelard was profoundly conflicted about gender. Like every cleric of his age, he could toss off slight-ing remarks about the "weaker sex" and denounce abbesses who presumed to govern their nuns--or even monks--without male superiors. Yet in his treatise on the dignity of nuns, he pro-duced the most significant "pro-feminine" tract of the era.37 Some scholars have discerned a gradual con-version to feminism where others see only unresolved tension, but in any case, "~ Abelard's rule for Heloise is so ambivalent as to be unworkable.38 One reason is that he envisages a double community of monks and nuns, an arrangement that was common elsewhere but never established at the Paraclete. On the one hand, the whole community should have a male head or pro-vost, but on the other, both monks and nuns should profess obedience to the female head. Abelard calls her not "abbess" but "deaconess," an exotic early Christian term. He compares the deaconess to a queen and the provost to her steward, who fulfills his lady's will in all things--save that he "declines in what may do her harm.''39 It is hard to see how such an arrangement could have worked in practice. As for Heloise, she might have been happy enough with Abelard himself as her superior. But Abelard was still the abbot of Saint-Gildas, and if he should pre-decease her--which he did--the authority could revert Abelard's rule for Helbis e: is so ambivalent as to ,- be unworkable,, Reviww for Religious to her old enemy Suger.4° So in fact, the Paraclete had no provost. Heloise styled herself abbess, a more pres-tigious title than "deaconess," and exercised the nor-mal authority of that role. Given Abelard's peripatetic life, his reputation for heresy, and his disastrous failure at Saint-Gildas, the Paraclete undoubtedly flourished under her leadership as it could never have done under his. In fact, despite her unwilling entrance into religious life, Heloise proved highly successful as both monastic reformer and administrator. Before her death in 1163, six daughter houses had been founded or attached to the Paraclete, and its property holdings were vast.41 In addi-tion to glowing letters of praise from contemporaries, the popularity of the name "Heloise" in the next gen-eration testifies to the esteem in which she was held.42 Despite the troubles Abelard and Heloise faced in reinventing their relationship, both had a deep integ-rity. Abelard could be intransigent, but he did not lie, and Heloise's gift for placating superiors equaled his for antagonizing them. Thus she was able to attain the sup-port she needed from popes, bishops, lay patrons, and powerful abbots. Cornelia, to her cost, lacked these advantages. On the one hand, she had to endure Pierce's outright treachery, and on the other, a long series of conflicts marred her relations with hierarchs. Less than two years after she founded the first Holy Child convent at Derby, Pierce circulated a rule of his own composi-tion in Rome, prefaced by a claim that "the good Lord had long inspired in [him] the desire to found a little Congregation, with the help of a holy person well known to me and quite obedient (bien docile) to me.''43 But this was far from the case. When she learned of his act several months later, she sent off an indignant protest disavowing any changes he had made to her rule. Nevertheless, the 70.4 2011 Newman ¯ A Tale of Two Scandals spurious text created so much confusion that at Cornelia's death, her own rule was still not approved. A year later, Pierce was claiming that the Derby convent was "worse than . . . a brothel," hence his first duty was "to rescue my blessed wife from the hands of devils.''44 With a lethal combination of lawsuits, apostasy, anti-Catholic propa-ganda, and his fraudulent rule, Pierce had made it nearly impossible for Cornelia to succeed in the vocation to which his own choice had driven her. It did not help that she and Cardinal Wiseman had a falling-out. Concerned that the Connelly scandal was making the church a laughingstock, Wiseman felt a need for rest and proposed that one wing of Cornelia's new convent in Sussex be converted to a seaside residence for his own use. Fearful of yet more scandal, Cornelia said no, infuriating her old ally. Hence Wiseman refused to support her pleas in Rome, where the authorities stud-ied both Cornelia's and Pierce's rules for years without action, still not realizing why they differed. The English bishops meanwhile dragged their feet, refusing to let the Holy Child nuns hold a general chapter to elect superi-ors. Wiseman insisted that the subsidiary houses should be canonically separate, rather than subject to the mother house4S--a disempowering move that Heloise, in her day, had managed to resist. The final blow came in 1874 when Bishop Danell of Southwark, Cornelia's immediate supe-rior, presented the nuns with a third rule that he himself had written, imposing a hopelessly complex system of governance. Without warning, he insisted that they set their rule aside and observe his for a "trial period" of three years.46 At the end of this time they begged Danell to restore their old rule--beginning with the youngest nun, who declared, "My Lord, it seems to me that the new Rule has been drawn up to correct abuses which Review for Religious never existed, and it does not lead us to love and obey our Superiors.''47 All agreed except Cornelia, who remained stonily silent in humility--or despair. But Danell refused their plea and imposed another three-year trial period, at the end of which the foundress died, her life and work in a shambles. It was not until Pierce's death four years later that Cornelia's rule could again be considered in Rome. Ten years after that, in 1893, it was approved in its original, unaltered form.4s To conclude, then--was Cornelia Connelly a nouvelle Hdloise? The real Heloise, who so vividly imagined her-self as a tragic heroine, turns out to have led a less tragic life than Cornelia. Successful abbess though she was, no churchman could call Heloise a saint. Not only did she defend illicit love and confess to religious hypocrisy, but by the standards that count, she didn't suffer enough-- or at least, not for the right reasons. Though she por-trayed herself as a martyr of love, she recovered from a devastating crisis to be reconciled with her beloved, win the esteem and admiration of her peers, and leave a lasting monastic legacy. But Cornelia--or should I say, the Venerable Cornelia--attained martyrdom on three fronts. As I have shown, she perfecdy fulfilled the medieval type of the maternal martyr, suffering the loss of five children through no fault of her own--three to premature death and three to her husband's perfidy, if we count Mercer twice. We can also call her a "mar-tyr of marriage," like other medieval saints who suf-fered at the hands of brutish husbands. The Connellys might have lived happily ever after if they had remained Protestant--but Pierce's short-lived infatuation with the Catholic Church decreed otherwise. Having first prod-ded his wife toward conversion, he would soon become her relentless persecutor, goading her toward sainthood. 70.4 2011 Newman * A Tale of Two Scandals Finally, Cornelia can be seen as a martyr of the church itself, having suffered nearly as much at the hands of bishops as of her husband. Admittedly, I have had to sim-plify her long, complicated tale. A full and fair account would not gloss over the abrasive side of her character-- or the odd moments of silence where resistance might have been more apt. It would also dwell on the unique difficulties attending the restoration of Catholic reli-gious life in Protestant England.49 Nonetheless, it seems strange that the defiant Heloise won more clerical favor in the twelfth century than the submissive Cornelia in the nineteenth. For twenty-five years after her death, her name remained under a cloud even among her nuns, who felt that the Society's goals were best served by silenc-ing their founder's scandalous memory,s° Returning to the longue durge, however, persecution has shadowed the church's most celebrated reformers; I need only mention Teresa of Avila, John of the Cross, and Ignatius Loyola. If not a sine qua non for sainthood, it certainly helps. After all, Cornelia's long-suffering precursor in the sev-enteenth century, the Yorkshire foundress Mary Ward, was declared Venerable only a year ago. In each case, it remains to be seen if time, perseverance, and changing attitudes toward women will finally smooth the path from scandal to sanctity. Notes ~ These events are known to us from Abelard's autobiogra-phy, Historia calamitatum, and his subsequent exchange of let-ters with Heloise. I have cited these from the new translation by William Levitan, Abelard and Heloise: The Letters and Other Writings (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2007). ~ M.T. Clanchy, Abelard: A Medieval Life (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997), p. 152. 3 The treatise on the dignity of nuns is Abelard's "Sixth Letter" Review for Religious , in Levitan, pp. 127-69. For his hymns see Joseph Sz6v~rffy, ed., Peter Abelard's Hymnarius Paraclitensis, 2 vols. (Albany, NY: Classical Folia Editions, 1975); a few are translated in Levitan. The Problemata Heloissae (Heloise's questions on Scripture, with Abelard's replies) can be found in J.-P. Migne, ed., Patrologia.Latina 178: 677-730, and his Expositio in Hexaemeron (a Genesis commentary) in PL 178: 731-84. For the sermons see Paola De Santis, ed., I sermoni di Abelardo per le monache del Paracleto (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2002). 4 There are now eight biographies of Cornelia Connelly, all but one by members of her Society. I have used the only account by a laywoman: Juliana Wadham, The Case of Cornelia Connelly (New York: Pantheon, 1'957), and Radegunde Flaxman SHCJ, A Woman Styled Bold: The Life of Cornelia Connelly, 1809-1879 (London: Darton, Longrnan and Todd, 1991). I have also consulted an excellent biog-raphy of her husband by D. G. Paz, The Priesthoods and Apostasies of Pierce Connelly: A Study of Victorian Conversion and Anticatholicism (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1986). For a novelistic account see Sheila Kaye-Smith, Quartet in Heaven (New York: Harper & Bros., 1952), pp. 57-122. s Flaxman, A Woman Styled Bold, p. 18. 6 Cornelia Connelly to Adeline Duval, letter of 17 Oct. 1835, cited in Mother Ursula Blake et al., Positio: Documentary Study for the Canonization Process of the Servant of God Cornelia Connelly (nge Peacock), 1809-1879, 3 vols. (Rome: Sacred Congregation for the Causes of Saints, 1983), I: 79. 7 Flaxman, A Woman Styled BoM, pp. 72-73. 8 This was an ecclesiastical court that, until 1857, ruled on mat-rimonial cases under English canon law. Divorces granted by this court did not permit remarriage. Otherwise, the only way to obtain a divorce was by private Act of Parliament. Positio I: 330. 9 Brendan Larnen's play about the trial, Connelly vs. Connelly (New York: Blackfriars' Guild, 1961), was staged in New York and Los Angeles fifty years ago. See Kenneth L. Woodward, Making Saints: How the Catholic Church Determines Who Becomes a Saint, Who Doesn't, and Why (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), p. 267. 1o The Life of Cornelia Connelly, 1809-1879, Foundress of the Society of the Holy Child Jesus, by A Religious of the Society [Mary Catherine Gompertz] (London: Longrnans, Green & Co., 1930), p. 257. As of 1952, at the height of the Catholic educational system, the Society had established four additional schools and convents in England (including Oxford and Harrogate), three in Ireland, one in Switzerland, one in Rome, six in Africa, and twenty-two in the 70.4 2011 Newman ¯ A Tale of Two Scandals U.S. Kaye-Smith, Quartet in Heaven, p. 118. Many of these are now closed, but the Society has further expanded into Germany and Latin America. See the SHCJ website, http://shcj.org/today_ministries.html ii Woodward, Making Saints, p. 253. The author is Sister Elizabeth Mary Strub, former superior general of the SHCJ. ~2 As recalled by Abelard in Historia calamitatum ("The Calamities of Peter Abelard"), trans. Levitan, p. 17; Heloise, First Letter, in Levitan, pp. 55-56. 13 Third Letter (in the collection, i.e, the second from Heloise), Levitan, pp. 78-79. 14 Giles Consta~ble, Letters and Letter-Collections, Typologie des sources du Moyen Age occidental, p. 17 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976); Peter Dronke, Abelard and Heloise in Medieval Testimonies (Glasgow: University of Glasgow Press, 1976). 15 Barbara Newman, "Authority, Authenticity, and the Repression of Heloise," in Front Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 46-75 (pp. 73-74). 16 Heloise, First Letter, p. 61; Third Letter, p. 81 17 According to Abelard, Heloise tearfully declaimed the lament of Cornelia, the wife of Pompey, from Lucan's Pharsalia--"and with these words, she rushed to the altar, snatched up the veil which the bishop had just blessed, and bound herself to the convent in the pres-ence'of all." Historia calamitatum, in Levitan, p. 20. 18 Cornelia Connelly to Adeline Dural, letter of 17 Oct. 1835, in Positio, I: 81. ¯ 19 The letters of Abelard and Heloise were popularized by the poet Jean de Meun, who translated them into French: Eric Hicks, ed., La vie et les epistres Pierres Abaelart et Heloys sa fame: Traduction du XIIIe siOcle attribude i~ Jean de Meun (Paris: Champion, 1991). More famously, he incorporated the lovers' tale into his bestrselling Roman de la Rose, which remained by far the best-known version until mod-ern times. z0 Abelard, Historia calamitamm, in Levitan, p. 15. Abelard cites Heloise in direct speech; she was in turn paraphrasing Jerome's trea-tise Adversus Jovinianum (393), and Jerome was citing a lost anti-matrimonial tract by the pagan Theophrastus, sometimes called "The Golden Book on Marriage." Theophrastus, Jerome, and their numerous medieval heirs all argued that a wise man should not marry; only Heloise extended this counsel to women, as I first noted in "Authority, Authenticity," p. 67. This grammatical nuance was Review for Religious overlooked in the classic translation by Betty Radice, The Letters of Abelard and Heloise (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974; rev. ed. 2003), p. 14; Levitan corrects the error. 2, Heloise, letter to Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, ca. 1144-49, in Levitan, p. 273. 2z He probably became a cathedral canon in Nantes, and may later have been a Cistercian abbot at Hauterive: Levitan, Abelard and Hgloi'se, p. 13, n. 26. Abelard wrote a lengthy didactic poem for him, the Carmen ad Astralabium, ed. Jos~ Rubingh-Bosscher (Groningen, 1987). 23 Barbara Newman, "'Crueel Corage': Child Sacrifice and the Maternal Martyr in Hagiography and Romance," in From Virile Woman to WomanChrist, pp. 76-107 (p. 81). 24 Thomas Hatchard, Case of the Rev. Pierce Connelly, 2nd ed. (London, 1853), cited in Judith Lancaster SHCJ, Cornelia Connelly and Her Interpreters (Oxford: Way Books, 2004), p. 250. 25 Notebook of Cornelia Connelly, 21 January 1848, in Positio I: 298. 26 Cornelia Connelly to Ralph Peacock, letter of 1854, in Lancaster, Cornelia Connelly, p. 274. 27 Cornelia Connelly to Ralph Peacock, letter of 18 November 1858, in Lancaster, Cornelia Connelly, p. 274. For a moving treatment of Cornelia's feelings about this loss, see Dorothy Bryant, '!Keeping Vows: Cornelia Connelly (1809-1879)," in Last Words: Imaginary Letters from Real People (2010). Online at http://www.dorothybryant. com/LastWords.html 2s Caritas McCarthy SHCJ, The Spirituality of Cornelia Connelly: In God, For God, With God (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1986), pp. 73-80. For the history of this idea see Dyan Elliott, Spiritual Marriage: Sexual Abstinence in Medieval Wedlock (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993). 29 See Newman, "'Crueel Corage': Child Sacrifice and the Maternal Martyr." 3o Woodward, Making Saints, pp. 268-70. 3~ Woodward, Making Saints, p. 271. 32 McCarthy, Spirituality; Roseanne McDougall SHCJ, Cornelia Connelly's Innovations in Female Education, 1846-1864: Revolutionizing the School Curriculum for Girls (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 2008). 33 Heloise, Fifth Letter, in Levitan, p. 126. 34 Abelard, Seventh Letter, in Levitan, pp. 170-255. 361 70.4 201 ! Newman ¯ A Tale of Two Scandals 3s For Heloise's rule see Chrysogonus Waddell, ed., The Paraclete Statutes, Institutiones Nostrae: Introduction, Edition, Commentary (Trappist, KY: Gethsemani Abbey, 1987). On the discrepan-cies see John E Benton, "Fraud, Fiction and Borrowing in the Correspondence of Abelard and Heloise," in Pierre Ab(lard--Pierre le Vgngrable: Les courants philosophiques, littgraires, et artistiques en Occident au milieu du XIIe sikcle, ed. Ren~ Louis and Jean Jolivet (Paris: l~.ditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1975), pp. 469-506 (p. 474). In 1980 Benton retracted his arguments for the inauthenticity of the letters. 36 For discussion see Enid McLeod, H?loi'se: A Biography, 2nd ed. (London: Chatto & Windus, 1971), pp. 219-24; Clanchy, Abelard, pp. 251-60. Heloise's biographer states that she "worked entirely in har-mony with Abailard's wishes" (p. 222), though not slavishly. Abelard's more skeptical biographer says she "ignored" his rule (p. 258). 37 Mary Martin McLaughlin, "Peter Abelard and the Dignity of Women: Twelfth Century 'Feminism' in Theory and Practice," in Pierre Ab3lard--Pierre le V3n3rable, pp. 287-333; Mcuin Blamires, The Case for Women in Medieval Culture (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997), pp. 199-207. 38 See my "Flaws in the Golden Bowl: Gender and Spiritual Formation in the Twelfth Century," in From Virile Woman to WomanCbrist, pp. 19-45 (p. 27). 39 Abelard, Seventh Letter, in Levitan, p. 198. ~0 Clanchy, Abelard, p. 258. 41 McLeod, Hiloi'se, pp. 210-219. 42 Penelope D. Johnson, Equal in Monastic Profession: Religious VVomen in Medieval France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), p. 234. 43 "Memorial of the Rev. Pierce Connelly to the S. Cong. de Propaganda Fide," 10 February 1848, in Positio 1:299. The original is in French; English translation mine. 44 Pierce Connelly to the Earl of Shrewsbury, letter of 28 Dec. 1848, in Positio I: 307. 45 Wadham, Case of Cornelia Connelly, p. 226. 46 Not only did Danell style himself "Bishop Superior of the Institute"; he also sent his rule to the order's American houses with no explanation. Left in the dark, the U.S. sisters assumed that the new rule was Cornelia's high-handed innovation and refused to obey it, provoking a schism. Review for Religious 47 Gompertz, Life of Cornelia Connelly, p. 235. 48 Gompertz, Life of Cornelia Connelly, pp. 248-250. 49 Susan O'Brien, "Terra Incognita: The Nun in Nineteenth- Century England," Past dr Present, 121 (November 1988), pp. 110-140. so Lancaster, Cornelia Connelly and Her Interpreters, pp. 51-55. Palimpsest Recycling isn't new. When writing was serious, words were costly, vellum was scrubbed, papyrus washed, reused. Sometimes earlier uncials appear in ghostly outline. A Syriac text of Chrysostom reveals a Latin grammar: amo, amas, amat. What comes to articulation has layers beneath the surface deeper than words, runic letters in languages we don't quite understand. Bonnie Thurston 363 70.4 2011 building community BEATRICE M. EICHTEN The Hum of Being: Spirituality for Leadership At the beginning of his ministry, after hear-ing the heady proclamation that he is God's beloved Son, Jesus is plunged into a desert experience. He is tempted by the devil, who invites him to have his physical needs met, to exercise power through the worldly skills of division and manipulation rather than forgive-ness and reconciliation, and to be safe from all unpleasant, negative experiences. Jesus is able to withstand these temptations because he knows who he is. In his baptism and prayer, the truth of Jesus' identity is revealed to him: he is the beloved of God, one in whom God takes pleasure. Knowing who he is, Jesus is able to face the tension between being loved and being hungry/needy, between being loved and being socially powerless, and between being loved and being safe from all negative experiences. 1 Beatrice M. Eichten OSF is community minister/presi-dent of the Franciscan Sisters of Little Falls, Minnesota. Her address is 116 8th Ave. SE; Little Falls, Minnesota 56345-3597. Review for Religiotts When we are elected to leadership in our religious community, we are called forth to fulfill a special role as both spiritual and organizational leader. Such a call is empowering as well as humbling. It is a moment of being loved, of being affirmed for our strengths, a moment of special promise. However, this moment gives way to many other moments, and we quickly learn, as we take on this new role, that we do not give up our vulnerability or foibles. We do not cease wanting to control and "manage" others "for their own good." Nor can we avoid criticism, negativity, or unpopularity because of decisions we must make. We come face-to-face with ourselves as we encounter new challenges in the ministry of leadership. Where do we in leadership go when we face chal-lenges, temptations, and limitations? We can adopt the mindset of working hard to live up to the idealized expectations of our culture and community, or we can trust our authentic selves--the truth that we are beloved daughters or sons who give pleasure to God in carrying out a leadership function. We can discover a spirituality of leadership by examining our ongoing response to the challenges, temptations, and limitations we encounter. When we come to our spiritual identity, when we know who we are, says John Shea, then our spiritual work begins. As it was for Jesus, coming to this knowl-edge is a co-working with God that engages the full-ness of the human person. Foundational to the process is metanoia, conversion, the change of mind and heart that occurs~when we come to know ourselves as open to Spirit. Conversion leads us to make ourselves accessible to God. We move beyond our sinfulness and limita-tions to knowing that we, like Jesus, bring pleasure to God. This is a fruit of prayer. We open ourselves "to 70.4 2011 Eicbten * The Hum of Being 366 receive what the Divine Source is waiting to give" (p. 99). Openness makes us ready to receive. God as God. Such openness comes in prayer, in the troubled sister, in vexing financial and administrative details, in the elderly and the sick, in the gifted ministry of so many of our members, in our team of ministry colleagues, in cre-ation, and on and on. Spirit enters into this world; we do not break into Spirit's world. God is always present; we are the ones invited to open ourselves to receive and to act from our deepest identity as beloved of and precious to God. Shea goes on to say that, though the origins and destiny of Spirit are mysterious, you are filled by the sound of it. It is the burn of being--present, vibrant, alive, now. You live by a spirit that is not you. Being born of this spirit is not an event "done and over." It is the "always-already- now" of life. It is the power of God liv-ing in you. Touch that ever so slightly in yourself and you will open to the teacher sent from God, and he will whisper things hidden since the foun-dation of the world, the things he has heard from his Father, the things he is yearning to tell you. He will entrust himself to you. (p. 86, emphasis added) This "hum of being" is "the vibration of pure exis-tence. It blows where it will because it is not produced by people . its origin and destiny cannot be traced, but we bear the sound of it. We know it because it is car-rying us away" (p. 94). Opening to Spirit The core of leadership ministry is spiritual leader-ship-- a way of being present to ourselves and to our God that informs and guides our organizational lead-ership. Spiritual leadership requires an openness and readiness to receive Spirit as she comes to us each day. Review for Religious "Spirit is shy," says Shea. "It does not want to compete with other allegiances. It wants open space, vacancies that it can move into without conflict. When we are detached, we wait in readiness . . . [with] hands empty and open" (p. 38). This calls for an emp-tiness with which we are often not comfort-able. It calls us to back away consciously from being overly busy, important, needed, in control, and responsi-ble. Shea suggests that it means being con-scious of our human dependence and vul- -°- - nerability, of the alienation that characterizes sin, and of the uncomfortable conversion that leads us to redemp-tion rather than isolation (pp. 141-42). Being attentive to our inner reality requires time to be engaged with our inner selves and with God. Wayne Muller says that "without stillness, without being pres-ent, we will miss the simple, quiet opportunities., to hear more accurately. We will miss the opening, the readiness, that place of grace waiting to be born.''2 Being quiet and present is a critical discipline and necessary attitude as we deal with the siren lure of daily demands and issues inherent in congregational leadership. Different personalities will attend to inner realities and find a life focus in different ways. One person's way of being open and attentive to God can, for another, be a "grit-your-teeth" effort. Joan Chittister OSB reminds us that even age does not have to be an "impediment Being quiet and present is a ~ri~tical discipline as we deal with the siren lure of daily demands and issues inherent in congregational leadership. 367 70.4 2011 Eicbten ¯ The Hum of Being 368 to the magnet for life in us.''3 When we discover what is the magnet of life for us, we will also discover clues to where we find the source of energy for our journey through life. Those clues can be particularly helpful for those in a leadership position. By knowing and trust-ing our way of being present to God, we will come to know the truth that "There are as many ways to pray as there are moments in life . In all these moments, [we] gradually make [our] lives more a prayer and . . . open [our] hands to be led by God even to where [we] would rather not go.''4 Inherent Call to Conversion Spiritual and communal leadership is an ongoing call to conversion. We begin with any of a wide range of attitudes: "It's my turn." "I am finally feeling ready." "Oh God, please not me!" "I am willing to serve and to offer my best." "If this is what God and the community want of me ." "This is how I will do leadership" . "This is what I will do to help community grow" . "This is what I will do to 'fix' the community . " Regardless of how we begin, we soon learn that this ministry is about entering into a way of life where, as an elected leader, we turn from the perspective of a mem-ber to a perspective that encompasses the whole com-munity. The position brings new responsibilities and a fresh awareness both of the community and of the local and global church. Community members express their varied expectations of leaders in titles that range from "Mother General" to "Servant Leader," but whatever the expectations, leadership is a way of life that calls for detachment and self-emptying? for becoming a channel for Spirit in the life and activities of the whole community. Review for Religious Leadership requires letting go of attachments, fre-quently of a beloved ministry. A move to a new location, may mean distance from family, friends, and colleagues. We often discover, painfully, that being called to lead-ership changes how friends and companions relate to us. We need to move from roles and responsibilities with which we have identified into those that may not be of our personal choice. How many of us have said, "Finances are not my thing"? Yet now we must carry major responsibility for financial stewardship of the congregation. We learn that even though we are vested with power in the community, we do not have full control over our schedule, our members, our decisions. I remember hear-ing a speaker say to a roomful of new leaders that they had control of their schedules and could schedule days off. Having been in leadership before, I almost laughed out loud, knowing how many days off or team plan-ning days had been cut short by a death or a commu-nity crisis. While congregations talk about "part-time" leadership, the fact is, once elected, we are never not an elected leader. Leadership ministry is full-time, is exercised whenever and however it is called for, and is a ministry around which we wrap part-time responsibili-ties as chaplain or pastoral minister or whatever. The position calls for detachment from personal and minis-try commitments in order to carry out leadership minis-try. It also calls for circumspection as we come to realize that everything we say and do reflects on "leadership"; personal opinions become "Leadership believes . " Response to the Call to Conversion We can fight against the inevitable demands for detachments or we can allow them to be invitations to 70.4 2011 Eicbten ¯ The Hum of Being go within, to come to deeper self-knowledge, to get in touch with our spiritual center. I remember fearing that leadership would move me into falsity and role-playing. Then I heard Angeles Arrien, a cultural anthropolo-gist, speak about the necessity for leaders to exercise "response-ability"--not responsibility as duty or obli-gation ("I have to . . ."), but as the ability to respond from one's authentic self ("I choose to . . ."). Such an understanding invites a freely given choice. Richard Nahman OSA, in a reflection on gospel spirituality,5 points out that the word "authority" comes from the same root as "author" and "authenticity." He poses some probing questions: "How authentic am I? . . . do I challenge myself, asking, 'Am I "selling" a heart-rending "product," or is the Word of God alive in me?'" His questions encourage us to ask our own: When is my action more about me than about service to my sis-ters and our mission in the church? In facing the daily challenges of leadership, do I aim to win or do I enter into the call to conversion? Am I reacting to a particular sister because of some past experience with her? Or am I able to step back and consider how I would respond to that same request or situation if it involved someone else? Do I need to control, or can I open myself to living with ambiguity and other ways of thinking? How am I dealing with stress? Am I numbing myself by eating or drinking too much? What am I avoiding? To whom am I accountable? Questions like these help keep us honest, invite us to face the challenges we encounter with open-ness to our personal blindness and need for conversion, and move us to prayer and reflection. Acting from Gift or Obligation? If we are serious about conversion, in leadership we Revie~v for Religious will come face to face with our inner self and our bodily reality--our truth in all its beauty and messiness--and will be invited to make a choice to live and minister out of a gift economy rather than an obligation economy. God is gifting me with this opportunity. Can I offer my ministry out of a generous abundance, or do I move into resentment because I "have to do it"? Can I own the reality that leadership does involve some "have tos" and do them graciously rather than grudgingly? How approach a situation shapes how I enter into it and how others experience me in it. None of us is perfect; nor is anyone the perfect leader. But a leader is invited to go beyond duty or obligation and make a choice for life, a choice to love and to serve the com-munity members out of love. This, I believe, is a choice for conversion, a "turning away from one's past [and] entrust-ing oneself to the unex-pected, uncharted way into the incalculable future in which God comes to us.''6 Conversion is not just giving up and letting go, adapting our lives to the necessities of the ministry, but is a life-long project of committing one's whole life to God. And leadership ministry offers abundant opportunities to move toward that commitment. Gradually, if we are open to conver-sion, God becomes that "hum of being" that accompa-nies us whether or not we are aware of it. We need to choose intentionally to open ourselves to conversion, knowing that we do not control when or how it will happen. God has a way of unsettling our Conversion is a life-long project of committing one's whole life to God. 371 70.4 2011 Eicbten ¯ Tbe Hum of Being carefully controlled world and "tipping" it sideways. VChen we least expect it, God will find ways to unsettle us and invite us to make "soul" decisions in which we recommit our hearts and lives to the sacred journey-- inward, outward, and forward--the "always-already-now" of life that Shea speaks of. It is a journey wherein we are called to be witnesses to the gospel and to be changed by God's abundant love into true disciples. As leaders, we are sustained in this conversion pro-cess by our own prayer, by the love and prayer of our leadership team, by friends and companions, by the liturgy, by the beauty of creation, and by the grace of office itself---"the quiet, sudden infusion of some power beyond [one]self. the unbidden, unsought, unexpected emergence in the soul of a capacity hitherto unacknowledged" (Spoto, pp. 59-60). Leadership as Loving Relationship When Jesus came to proclaim the Good News, some were gleeful that the Messiah had come and things would be good for the downtrodden Jews. However, Jesus in his preaching and ministry taught that the peo-ple of Israel should not presume privilege. He began his ministry not from a place of power but from a realiza-tion that he was loved and that his mission was to draw others into God's love. Whatever he did, he did out of his identity as the loved one. When we are elected to leadership positions, we must realize that we are elected for mission and not for our own prestige. Shea suggests that when we realize we are loved, we are energized, and it is then that we begin, even if we continue work we have been doing for years (p. 113). We can draw on personal skills and abilities and become good administrators in our communities, but Review for Religious spiritual leadership is about knowing ourselves as loved; about loving and receiving love in our sister-to-sister, brother-to-brother relationships; and about speaking truth in love. George Wilson says that we are "held irre-vocably by a profound sense of charity." A deep love for God and for one another enables us to face the uncom-fortable and often contradictory movements in our lives and in the lives of our sisters and brothers. "The Gospel mandate of love--not a romanticized abstraction but an interpersonal engagement with a challenging flesh-and-blood sister or brother--will always remain the ultimate touchstone for truth.''7 The mandate of love moves us to relationships characterized by dialogue, forgiveness, and reconciliation. As leaders, we are called to create deeper understanding among our members, to uncover a base of shared meaning that helps us coordinate and align our actions with our values. We enter into a pro-found dialogue when we relate from a deep well of love, even in what may seem simple and ordinary. It is not just words that we share; it is a relationship8 that finds its source in our relationship with God. Our sisters and brothers may or may not remember a major project that was completed or that it was accomplished during the term of leadership. What they will remember is our relationship with them--whether we loved them. Leadership as Pilgrimage Spiritual leadership is not static but is a process that draws us into a vital and life-changing relationship with God and with our community. We can think of that process as a pilgrimage. Doris Donnelley identifies five characteristics that distinguish pilgrims from tourists.9 Perhaps we can appropriate these as we strive to become pilgrim leaders: 70.4 2011 Eichten ¯ The Hum of Being ¯ Valuing the internal. Pilgrim leaders are motivated by a hope for something to happen within, something that alters their attitudes and ways of looking at life. ¯ Valuing self-investment. Pilgrim leaders invest themselves and surrender to the experience. They sur-render all that clutters their lives so that God takes cen-ter stage. ¯ Valuing transformation. Pilgrim leaders are awak-ened to new dimensions of life, community, and church. Such awakening requires listening at a deep level--at the level of Spirit and the "hum of being"--to avoid falling into disillusionment and cynicism as they learn more about the human failings and limitations of their community members and their church--and perhaps of themselves. ¯ Valuing the journey as well as the arrival. Pilgrim leaders prepare both before and all through their term of office by "taking time seriously and elegantly--the right here-and-now time of [their] lives" (Muller, p. 167). At the end of their leadership ministry, they "go home" and allow the internal dimension of their journey to continue to unfold. Those who allow this to hap-pen are changed, and the rest of their life's pilgrimage begins in new ways. ¯ Valuing community. Pilgrim leaders know that they are on a particular journey at a particular time and with a particular group for a reason. As the journey unfolds, the connections they make and the experiences they share with the group help them to understand that they are part of something much bigger than their own per-sonal growth and decisions. All of us, both leaders and members, are on a pilgrimage. We are a community within the larger community of our church, both the pastoral and the Review for Religious hierarchical church. We allow ourselves to realize that we are about witnessing to our loving God, not about building the perfect community. Parker Palmer1° speaks about the necessity of "de-illusionment," that is, moving from the "illusion of salvation by interaction" (having an idealized community of love, understanding, and true dialogue, having lots of new vocations, etc.), to under-standing that we are people in search of God, that God is always present, and that salvation is pure gift of God. I conclude with words for all who are called to com-munity leadership: trust your pilgrimage of leadership. Open yourself to God's love so freely given. Surrender yourself to God and listen to the hum of your being as God guides your community into the future and guides you daily in your leadership service to your sisters and brothers. Your authenticity is a source of Spirit. You are strengthened and supported when you are able to be open to Spirit, when you can allow enough emptiness and detachment to make room for Spirit, and when you can trust God enough to enter into the call to con-version. When you know yourself as beloved and pre-cious to God, that love will overflow into those around you; and, if you allow it, you will experience the return of love in abundance. Returning to the words of John Shea: "You are filled with the sound [of Spirit] . . . the hum of being . . . present, vibrant, alive, now. Being born of this spirit is not an event 'done and over.' It is the 'always-already-now' of life. It is the power of God living in you." In these days, when there are no clear answers or directions for our communities, we are invited to enter into the pilgrimage of religious communal life and min-istry with trust, courage, hope, and gratitude. As lead- 70.4 2011 Eicbten ¯ The Hum of Being ers, let us journey together with our sisters and brothers and with our God into a future filled with hope. Notes ' John Shea, Gospel Light: Jesus Stories for Spiritual Consciousness (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1998). This theme is developed more fully in Chapter 4, pp. 97-116. 2 Wayne Muller, Sabbath, Finding Rest, Renewal, and Delight in Our Busy Lives (New York: Bantam Book, 2000), p. 167. 3 Joan Chittister, Gi~ of Years. (New York: BlueBridge, 2008), p. vii. 4 Henri Nouwen, With Open Hands (Notre Dame: Ave Maria Press, 1972), p. 158. s Richard M. Nahman OSA, "My Gospel Spirituality," Review for Religious (2009): 41-48. 6 Donald Spoto, Reluctant Saint, The Life of Francis of Assisi (New York: The Penguin Group, 2003), p. 48. 7 George Wilson, "Something Tells Me. ," Human Development (2008): 13. 8 William Isaacs, Dialogue and the Art of Thinking Together (New York: Doubleday, 1999), p. 19. He notes that the ancient meaning of the word logos suggests "an intimate awareness of the relationships among things in the natural world," making "relationship" the best English translation for logos. "In that sense, logos may be best rendered in English as 'relationship.' The Book of John in the New Testament begins: 'In the beginning was the Word (logos).' We could now hear this as 'In the beginning was the Relationship.' " 9 Doris Donnelly, "Pilgrims and Tourists: Conflicting Metaphors for the Christian Journey to God," Spirituality Today 44:1 (1992): 20-36. www.spiritualitytoday.org/spir2day/9243.1donnelly.html l0 Dr. Parker J. Palmer, "Borne Again: The Monastic Way to Church Renewal," Weavings: A Journal of the Christian Spiritual Life (1986), p. 12. 376 Review for Religious THOMAS A. KROSNICKI Architecture and Religious Life ~ ver the years, Review for Religious has covered a wide range of diverse topics that touch religious life. The indices of the preceding 69 volumes of the periodical attest to a rich and significant contribution. Yet it seems to me that one topic is conspicuous by its absence. There seem to be no articles dealing with the relationship architecture has with the life of religious communities in general or about the impact buildings have on the members of those communities. In this brief presentation, I intend to raise several salient points for reflection and possible discussion by religious men and women about the impact of architecture--the houses we live in--on religious life. Your House Is a Self-Portrait Granting that the statement "Your house is a self-portrait" holds a measure of truth, one might rightly Thomas A. Krosnicki SVD is a former Director of the Bishops' Committee on the Liturgy. He may be addressed at Divine Word House, 832 Varnum Street NE, Washington, DC 20017-2143. 70.4 2011 Krosnicki ¯ Architecture and Religious Life 378 ask: What is the identity that a religious community intends to project by its buildings? It could be worth-while, therefore, for community members to step back and take a good look at their present living quarters, particularly if they are contemplating renovations or the construction of a new building in the future. What com-posite self-portrait do the present buildings or plans for future ones project to members and non-members alike? There should normally be a correlation between the edifice and the self-definition of the religious community that it houses. Ideally, building and self-definition posi-tively reinforce each other. As there is no set design for th~ shape of a religious house, no one can convincingly claim that "this is how a house for religious should look." During the 1950s and 1960s, when religious com-munities were expanding in the United States, archi-tects designed new houses for religious communities that today remain clearly identifiable as from that era. Basically, many look very much alike--pejoratively described as "1960 Penal." They ended up strikingly similar in both design and material. I can, for example, point to the two houses across from my residence in metropolitan Washington DC and say unequivocally, "Clearly, from their appearance, both were built dur-ing the unprecedented growth phenomena of Catholic religious life of the 1960s." Unfortunately, in the States such buildings were generally designedto last for 75 to 100 years; they will be standing for another 25 or more years, even though their primary purpose may have morphed into something else, given the decline of voca-tions and dwindled need for large residential buildings. How did that kind of building style come about? Financial constraints? The pressure of urgent need for expansion? A lack of creative imagination? Government Review for Religious restrictions? Regardless of the reason, the basic princi-ple "Every house is a self-portrait" seems to have been unwittingly overlooked. One hopes that we religious have better images of ourselves than these buildings project. But, a corporate self-image is not always easy to come by. How might it be achieved? Rule and charism, as well as the function and ministry of the particular religious community are central to the large equation that feeds into an architectural design. Therefore, in plan-ning or renovating a house, a religious community must col-laborate with a care-fully selected architect in a process of "defin- ~, ing" the building so it truly fits with and looks like the community and not just shows off the architect's latest ideas. As qualified and inspired as the architect or builder might be, they still may not truly understand religious life and must watch the bottom line of overall cost and materials. In short, the community must school the architect, as well as itself, in its unique religious ethos, its particular rule, and its designated ministry so that the completed proj-ect images or reflects the community at its very best. Thus, a rural Trappist monastery should not have the appearance or design of an inner city residence for the Missionaries of Charity of Mother Teresa of Calcutta. One hopes that we religious have better images of ourselves than these buildings project. Form Follows Function The architectural principle of Louis Sullivan (~'1896) that "form follows function" remains both valid and in 379 70.4 2011 Krosnicki ¯ Architecture and Religious Life 380 vogue today. Unfortunately, one can still find designs that have proven to be decidedly dysfunctional in spite of that basic principle. Frank Lloyd Wright ('c1959), the renowned American assistant to Sullivan, accepted the axiom in principle but moved beyond it to "organic architecture" promoted by the "Prairie School" move-ment. Recent attention has focused on the organic archi-tecture of the Sagrada Familia Basilica in Barcelona, designed by Antoni Gaudi (t1927). Nature was Gaudi's inspiration. He saw that plant forms clearly stem from their organic function, and he incorporated those forms into the functionality of his imaginative edifice. Function does not necessarily dictate that the end product be prosaic, sterile, or crassly utilitarian. Paradoxically perhaps, structural forms can be functional without being deprived of the truly creative, void of the artistically challenging, or stripped of the esthetically appealing contributions of architecture. Religious residences are generally built in view of their multiple and unique functions. So, the first chal-lenge is to attempt to define the multifunctionality of a religious building that is to be something more than a warehouse for people or a residence for transient day-laborers, not unlike a Motel 6 or Holiday Inn. The bui~ldings are residences for women or men dedicated to a life in community (mensa communis remains an apt term) and bound together by common religious life and ideals, expressed in vows, vocation, and ministerial commitment. A first consideration, when looking at form-func-tion, is the physical arrangement or basic design of the building. What structural units are judged major-- i.e., the central, common spaces of the community? The community chapel, gathering room, library, and Review for Religious dining facility--characterized by their size, location, and accessibility--are generally considered primary. A well thought out floor plan needs to facilitate patterns of movement to these central community areas. Secondary structural units are necessary community service areas and the rooms for individual members, which provide commodious but not ostentatious living. I recall that some artist--perhaps Michelangelo-- stated that "small rooms beget small ideas." Although the personal rooms of the members remain secondary in terms of designed structural units, they are not unimportant for the general well-being of the commu-nity. Each community has its own approach and its own reasons for making its deci sions. One religious community that initially provided private rooms for members in initial formation decided to redesign the space into areas that could be occupied by several persons because they felt that during the ini-tial formation stage private accommodations fostered too much individualism, egocentrism, and even narcis-sism-- a concern that the 'T' might loom larger than the "we." Such questions remain open to serious reflection and debate based on various issues that come into play --e.g., culture, maturity, and background of the indi-viduals concerned. Ultimately, what must be considered in any situa-tion is the basic interrelationship of major and secondary structural units and their impact on the daily life and well-being of the community. Consciously or unconsciously, Some artist stated that "small rooms beget small ideas." 381 70.4 2011 Krosnicki ¯ Architecture and Religious Life decisions about their size and placement will identify and underscore community priorities and emphases. The physical environment does influence the persons who occupy the building, 382' The Building Shapes the Community We must accept the fact that the physical environ-ment does influence the persons who occupy the building. In a process that is subde and for the most part uncon-scious, the edifice can take hold and mold the minds and hearts of the occupants for good or ill. A house at architectural peace with itself can pro-mote harmonious peace for the inhabitants. A house bereft of structural harmony and beauty can, unfortunately, exacerbate division and conflict. That alone is a good reason for "getting it right" on the draw-ing board from the very beginning. Buildings, even for religious men and women, need to support and enhance the individual emotionally, psychologically, and spiritually. Consideration must be given to how the psychological and spiritual well-being of the community members can be fostered by the house they inhabit. Is there an appropriate balance between community and individuality? What about the tension between the need for private and for public spaces? Areas of silence and communication? Flexibility and stability? Buildings architecturally designed like rabbit burrows or mazes, where one can easily hide away from others, do not facilitate communication (and therefore community itself) any more than open ended "glass houses" neces-sarily foster or encourage healthy solitude and needed Review for Religious silence. Other problems can be compounded by poor physical layout. Anger, for example, can be triggered by a person's assigned living space within the commu-nity (e.g., "We built the rooms too close to--or too far from--the elevators"). Inadequate light might contribute to depression--e.g., "It's too dark here. I need the sun. I'm depressed." Community and interpersonal tensions can arise when the building itself does not reinforce per-sonal identity, enhance self-worth, or affirm self-esteem. [Editor's Note: One, however, must admit that while some difficulties can be remedied by a change of rooms or by the purchase of adequate lamps, even the best architec-tural planning can go only so far in addressing deeply engrained attitudes and longstanding difficulties.] Serious interpersonal conflicts might be symptomatic of a systemic error in the very environmental package in which one "lives and moves and has his or her being." "You act the way you dress" is a maxim that might be buttressed with another: "You live the way you're housed." Physical, emotional, psychological wholeness and well-being along with spiritual growth are nourished by an environment of beauty and are enhanced by tran-quility begotten of right order. Go Green A new, but significant, consideration in the design and use of religious buildings is the "green" movement. Care for the earth and its natural resources is not only an environmental issue but a theological one as well. In the design and construction of new buildings by reli-gious communities, attending to this "green" factor can stimulate new thinking, practical cost-saving, and aware-ness of environmental issues. There are already positive examples in this regard. 3,83 70.4 2011 Krosnicki * Architecture and Religious Life The Holy Wisdom Monastery of Benedictine Sisters in Middleton, Wisconsin, (www.benedictinewomen.org) that opened in August 2009 addressed "green" issues such as geothermal heating and cooling, solar panels, rain and roof gardens, tankless water heaters, optimum use of natural light, restored natural prairie habitats, and use of regional building materials. The goals are clear: an environmentally sound structure, respect for the environment, use of energy-saving programs, affordable housing, and the manifestation of a spirituality aligned with a care for the earth and all creation. One resource for any religious community consider-ing the construction of a new building or the retrofit-ting of an old one would be the U.S. Green Building Council (USGBC). LEED (Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design), a program developed by USGBC, "provides building owner and operators a concise frame-work for identifying and implementing practical and mea-surable ~green building design, construction, operations, and maintenance solutions" (see www.LEED.org). The LEED program can be applied to all buildings regardless of where they are in their life cycle (old, renovated, new). Impact beyond the Community It is my contention that, with few exceptions, reli-gious women and men have not given enough attention to the architectural impact their buildings--in particular their residences--have on their membership. In addition to all that has been said above, it would be important to know what impression our buildings have on those who are shopping around for a religious community. Could it be that the building that clothes the community is of far more significance--more, even, than the religious habit--than heretofore granted? Certainly, in the pro- Review for Religious cess of designing new structures or retrofitting old ones, the psychological, spiritual, and physical well-being of the individual, and therefore of the community, must be carefully weighed. In all these areas, there is ample reflection material for the community, the architect, and the construction company. The fruit of that reflec-tion would benefit religious life and those that religious touch by their life and ministry. Approaching Fall As the drone of locusts saws through evening silence, summer quietly collapses. No encore of merry gardens, rains trelsy of wrens, aroma of cut grass. I gird my soul as I view the spent zucchini plants fiat and pallid. No sly submarines left. And so goodbyet. My God, pull back these fingers reaching for what's gone. Teach them to renounce for the needed span all blush and bloom, all sun-nursed freshness. Stiffen my spine for sterner days, arthritic stalks in dying fields, the grief of trees soon to weep their leaves. Let me trust the grace all losses offer. Patricia Schnapp RSM 70.4 2011 focus on JOEL GIALLANZA Be Saints: Pathway to a Holy Life Joseph On 17 October 2010, Pope Benedict XVI can-onized Brother Andr4 Bessette CSC, the first member of the Congregation of Holy Cross to be so honored. His canonization did not really surprise anyone who knows anything about his life and work and, of course, about the Oratory of Saint Joseph in Montreal. Even before Andr4's beatification in 1982 and now his canonization, it was easy to think of him as a saint. He was considered such even during his lifetime. And, in the interim period of forty-five years between his death and his beatification, it was generally assumed that one day he would be officially recognized as a saint by the church. It was easy to think of him as a saint because of the many healings and Joel Giallanza CSC is the administrative assis-tant to the provincial of the South West Province of the Holy Cross Brothers. He can be addressed at 1101 St. Edward's Drive, Austin, Texas 78704. Revi~ for Religious other miracles associated with him. Though not often mentioned, those other miracles included bi-location and the gift of insight through which he could read (or "see," as he said) people's souls. These types of miracles came to light during the testimony of witnesses in the processes for his beatification and canonization. Brother Andre's frequent exhortation to others was simple and direct, "Be saints." His life and work set before us a way to holiness, a way to "be saints." A Life and A Work Alfred Bessette was born on 9 August 1845, in Saint Gr~goire d'Iberville, Qudbec, Canada. He was the eighth of twelve children. By the time he was twelve years old, both his parents had died; he and his siblings were separated and sent to live with various relatives. Alfred did not receive much education; he learned to sign his name and to read a little. His health was always weak and it was difficult for him to keep a regular job. As a young man, he worked for various factories and mills in Canada and the northeastern United States. In 1870, when he was twenty-five years old, he applied for admission to the Congregation of Holy Cross, a community of brothers, priests, and sisters founded in France thirty-five years earlier by Blessed Basil Moreau CSC, a diocesan priest of Le Mans. Alfred was accepted, and took the name Brother Andre. Because of his poor health, his approval for profession of vows was delayed. After his initial formation, he was assigned to Notre Dame College in Montreal, a secondary boarding school sponsored by the Congregation of Holy Cross. He served as doorkeeper, infirmarian, barber, and jani-tor. In 1872, he was approved to profess his vows as a 387 70.4 2011 Giallanza ¯ Be Saints Brother of Holy Cross. Though he was not involved in the school extensively, he was particularly sensitive to students who were ill. When an epidemic of smallpox broke out in another school in Montreal, Andr~ rec-ommended a procession with a statue of Saint Joseph through the school. The epidemic diminished imme-diately. Increasingly, the sick began to visit Brother Andr~ and ask for his prayer and advice. His usual recom-mendation was that they pray to Saint Joseph to ask for his intercession. In the early 1870s, the first heal-ings began to occur. Brother Andr~ always insisted that Saint Joseph accomplished all these things. His typi-cal "response when people requested his own prayer was simple: "Ask Saint Joseph to bring your petition to God." Because the sick were coming to the school to see him, parents and community members objected that the students were being exposed to various sicknesses and diseases. It became difficult for Andr~ to meet with those who came to him for prayer. In 1896, the Congregation of Holy Cross purchased a piece of property across the street from the school, near a trolley stop, where the sick could meet with Brother Andr& A small chapel was built in 1904, and in 1909 he was assigned full-time to be in charge of this place of prayer. In 1915 construction began on a larger chapel, the crypt church of the present Oratory of Saint Joseph, to accommodate more people. The number of pilgrims seeking Brother Andre's counsel and Saint Joseph's intercession steadily increased. After comple-tion of the crypt, construction continued and the upper church began to take shape. When funds fell short and the work was suspended prior to the placement of the roof, Brother Andr~ said, "If Saint Joseph wants a roof Review for Religious over his head, he will take care of it." Saint Joseph even-tually did take care of it, but Andr~ was not alive to see it. Over the years Brother Andre's health never improved. Two days after Christmas, 1936, he had a severe attack of indigestion, and a few days later he was admitted to the hospital. In the days that followed, his pain increased; during that time he was constantly pray-ing and asking that God's will be done. On January 4 he went into a coma. Brother Andr6 died at 12:50 AM on 6 January 1937. His body was brought to the Oratory. During the next seven days more than one million people waited in line, in the bitter cold, to pass his body, to touch their rosaries and other objects to it, and to pray. Many extraordinary cures were reported during those days. Saint Andr~ did not live to see the completion of Saint Joseph Oratory as it is today; however, he is buried in the crypt church he knew so well. The Oratory contin-ues to be a place of prayer and pilgrimage. Andre's name is forever linked to that of Saint Joseph because of the obvious similarities between these two saints. Both were simple laborers through whom God chose to do extraordinary things; both knew pov-erty and suffering; both experienced exile. Above all, both remained faithful to whatever God asked of them; both point out to us a pathway to holiness. A Way to Holiness Though Andre's life was filled with miracles and other extraordinary phenomena, our faith teaches us that such things do not de facto constitute a person's holiness. Holiness is not about singular actions within a person's life, regardless of how impressive those may be. Holiness 70.4 2011 True holiness is enduring 390 is reflected through the person's entire life, the complete example that is given to others. Further, the standard for such holiness is not arbitrary; it is nothing less than God's own person. Jesus taught, "Be perfect, as your heavenly Father is perfect" (Mt 5:48). Another transla-tion says, "Be holy, as God in heaven is holy." With the Incarnation, Jesus becomes the standard. Holiness is simply to live as Jesus lived, to love as Jesus loved, to do what Jesus did; we do it in our own lives, in our daily relationships and responsibilities. Each and accessible, time Jesus confronts those . who would sum up the law in terms of what they do or what they have accom-plished, he counters it by referring to the priority of mercy, detachment, compassion, forgiveness, charity-- in brief, following him and his way. We look to people we consider holy for encourage-ment and guidance, for insight about how to follow Jesus. Brother Andre's entire life and example speak to us of following Jesus, of being holy. His is an endur-ing holiness that reaches beyond the historical period in which he lived. His life also reflects an accessible holiness; a way of life that is possible, even though we may never do exactly what Andr~ did. His instruction to us is simple, "Be saints." True holiness is enduring and accessible; temporary holiness is counterfeit and conceited. In our own way, in our own life, we can be holy. Brother Andr4 shows us a pathway to a holy life. What are the recommendations for the way to holiness that Andre's life and example place before us? These reflections will focus on four recommendations. Review for Religious Believe First, believe. Andrd used to say, "God never forgets us." "Never" is a strong word and leaves no room for variation. And yet, that is what our faith teaches us. God is always with us. God always loves us--always, without exception. Do we believe that, without exception? This is the faith to which we are called. The challenge for us emerges when our faith is confronted by experiences that do not speak to us of God, or by events that seem to be in direct contradic-tion to what we hold to be true of a loving God, a good God. Then we are tempted to think that God possibly has forgotten us or is looking the other way for the moment. Yet, faith teaches us that such are God's ways, such is the way that Providence works. We are called to trust Providence, to believe Providence, even when things point in directions that, to all appearances, have nothing to do with God. This was true in Andre's life. The fact that he was admitted to the Congregation of Holy Cross is evidence that God was at work when the normal pointed in the opposite direction. He was not educated, he learned to read very little, and could barely write much beyond his name. His health was always precarious. From a voca-tion perspective, it was uncertain if he would ever have the capability or stamina for any kind of ministry. These facts provided more than sufficient reasons for the com-munity to think that it would be too much of a risk to accept him. Still, Andr~ remained faithful to the work that had been assigned to him and hoped he would be accepted. As he said, "If you do not believe in God, you will get nothing." Andr~ believed; and though his formal acceptance and profession of vows were delayed, he was admitted to Holy Cross. 391 70.4 2011 Giallanza ¯ Be Saints Similarly, the fact that the Oratory came into exis-tence is a testimony to Andre's faith that God, through Saint Joseph, would complete what Andr~ believed God was calling him to do. Even after permission was received from the community to proceed with the con-struction, there were financial setbacks. Each step along the way required the conviction that God and Saint Joseph would provide. Brother Andr~ continued his work as if God and Joseph were already in the process of providing. As con-struction work was well underway, when asked how he had succeeded, Andr6's reply was simple, "I have always left the work of the Oratory in the hands of the good God." In late 1936 and early 1937, when it became evi-dent that Brother Andr~ would die before the comple-tion of the upper basilica, his own perspective never varied: "The good God has no need of me to complete this work. Saint Joseph will see to it." The foundation for our own spiritual life is faith, the conviction that God does not and will not forget us or abandon us. In reality the questions before us are not about God's side of the relationship; rather they arise about our side of the relationship. VChen are the times that I tend to forget God? What experiences or events distract me from God's constant presence to me? What can I do to maintain a conviction about the constancy of God's presence? Pray A second recommendation for the way to holiness that Andr~ teaches us: pray. Andr~ used to encourage others by telling them, "When we pray, God's ear is pressed to our lips." It is an intriguing image for at least two reasons. Review for Religious First, there is an intimacy about the image, illustrat-ing God's desire to be as close to us as possible. There are obviously times when we do not sense or perceive that proximity as a reality. Andr~ assumed it. He believed that God would be near when we prayed regardless of whether we experienced that nearness. Such an insight builds upon the faith that was mentioned as the first rec-ommendation for a way to holiness. There is no incen-tive to pray if we think that the words and thoughts and desires that we bring to prayer simply disappear into a vacuum. To pray at all, we must believe that God is near to us. The Book of Deuteronomy teaches us: This commandment that I am commanding you today is not too hard for you, nor is it too far away. It is not in heaven, that you should say, "Who will go up to heaven for us, and get it for us so that we may hear it and observe it?" Neither is it beyond the sea, that you should say, "Who will cross to the other side of the sea for us, and get it for us so that we may hear it and observe it?" No, the word is very near to you; it is in your mouth and in your heart for you to observe (30:11-14). Such is God's closeness to us when we pray. Second, it is interesting that in this perspective on prayer Brother Andr~ saw God as quite active. He had the firm conviction that God was listening and listening closely. It is God who presses an ear to our lips. God is interested in our prayer and wants to hear what we have to say. It was said by witnesses that Andr~ prayed as if he was speaking to someone from whom he expected an answer. We must be willing to bring the happenings of our daily life into our prayer, honestly and directly. Andr~ used to say, "In prayer, one speaks to God as one speaks to a friend." We can speak to God in this way because there is an intimacy about prayer and because God draws close to us when we pray. 393 70.4 2011 Giallanza * Be Saints Prayer may not be so much about changing the world around us as it is about changing our perspective on that world. 394 Brother Andr4 prayed about what was going on in his life and his ministry. He brought his concerns to God, very explicitly. Whether it was his concern about the continuing development of the Oratory or about the condition of a particular person who had asked for his prayer, he believed that prayer could and would have a real impact in the world. He says in his customary sim-plicity, "If we prayed more, things would go better in the world." Given the complexities of the world in which we live, it would be too easy to dismiss this as naive. And yet, prayer may not be so much about changing the world around us as it is about chang-ing our perspective on that world, enabling us to make a difference, enabling us to see ways in which God is present and active. Genuine prayer always urges us to action; prayer apart from action is no prayer at all. When it came to Saint Joseph, we know that Andr4 had a special relationship with him. For Andr4 it was sim-ply a matter of presenting to Joseph whatever needed to be done and then trusting that it would get done. He said, "If people knew how to pray better, they would obtain everything from Saint Joseph." The challenge is two-fold: first, to be clear regarding what we are praying about; and second, to refer everything to God's will. What we envi-sion as a response to our prayer may or may not be what God has in mind. Praying "better," as Andr4 understood it, required attentiveness to whatever God has in mind. Review for Religious Prayer builds upon the foundation of faith and is necessary for our continued progress and growth in our faith life. Our approach to prayer and our fidelity to prayer say more about its quality than does the actual content and method of our prayer. What is my method of prayer and am I faithful to it? Do I bring to prayer the reality of my everyday life: my hopes, struggles, fears, expectations, aspirations? Is my prayer more a demand or a desire, a litany or a longing, a performance or a passion? Ser~e A third recommendation for the way to holiness: serve. Brother Andrt's sense of service direcdy echoes the gospel; he said, "We cannot love God without lov-ing our neighbor." Service must flow from our prayer. As prayer expresses our love-relationship with God, so service expresses our love for others. Brother Andr6 used to say, "The door of heaven is the heart of Jesus and the key to that door is prayer and love." These two--prayer and love practiced in service--flow into and out of one another. They form a dynamic cycle of our relationship to God and our apostolic relationships with others. Andr~ does not speak about service as much as he speaks about loving others, caring for them, and respond-ing to their needs. Clearly he understood loving others in very practical, immediate terms. Serving others, loving others, in some way engages us with them. Andr6 often said that it was not sufficient to give money in respond-ing to needs; it was also necessary to give compassion from the heart. Money could assure that there would be a distance maintained between ourselves and the reality to which we are responding; compassion demands that we 70.4 2011 Giallanza ¯ Be Saints 396 know about and be touched by the actual circumstances of others. It is clear in studying Brother Andre's example that he was willing to be very engaged in the lives of oth-ers. Witnesses testified that even brief encounters with him left them with the impression that they had been lis-tened to and even known by him much more profoundly than they had anticipated. Brother Andr~ often said that the Lord was our big brother and that we, as little brothers and sisters, have the responsibility to love one another as members of the same family. This is a key theme in the spirituality of the Congregation of Holy Cross. Still, it is especially interesting that Andr~ would use the family as a refer-ence for loving others. His own experience of family, that is, his biological family, was quite disjointed as he was growing up. In fact, his experience of family could have left him bitter or with a feeling of being deserted, due to the death of his parents and the separation from his siblings. Yet he overcame that potentially debilitat-ing reality to grow into a person who genuinely cared for others and responded to their needs. Rather than going through life with a bitterness because he had no natural-family identity, he chose to center his sense of family around the Lord Jesus. And that center was espe-cially necessary because there were times when even his Holy Cross religious family was not very supportive. Brother Andrd is known for his very close relation-ship with Saint Joseph. His mother introduced him. to practices of praying to Saint Joseph and, over time, he developed a strong and intimate relationship with this great saint. However, it is clear that the priority in his life was his love-relationship with Jesus, and he lived that relationship through his service to others. He served simply because that is what Jesus did; as Jesus Review for Religious cared for the people, so too Andrd cared for the people; as Jesus healed, so too he healed. For Andrd this was a very straightforward reality: do what Jesus did and so become like Jesus. Service, in whichever form it takes, demonstrates the reality of our spiritual life. Service--the giving of ourselves, our talents and gifts--is a necessary part of the Christian life. The alterative is that our spiritual life becomes narcissistic and self-enclosed. Neither the type nor the extent of the service that we render to oth-ers is as significant as that we build some form of ser-vice into our life as a way of continuing the mission of Jesus. Our service must be consistent with our gifts and respectful of our priority commitments in life. How do I serve others? In which ways do I continue the mission of Jesus? How has the service that I offer been a source of spiritual growth for me? Trust The fourth recommendation for the way to holi-ness: trust. Trust, in terms of the spiritual life, involves the recognition and acceptance of the abilities we have and the efforts we make to do what our relationship with God and our spiritual life require of us. Trust also involves the conviction that God will support us in those abilities and efforts. Brother Andr6 teaches us, "God does not ask the impossible. God asks that we offer our good intentions, and accept the inconveniences that come with each day, and offer our daily work." Such simplicity reflects Andr6's basic approach to the spiritual life: we do what we can with what we have. But this simplicity should not be equated with ease. Sometimes when we are con-fronted with daily inconveniences and the work that is 397 70.4 2011 Giallanza * Be Saints before us, the good intentions of which Andr~ speaks may not be so evident. Even though God does not ask the impossible, that does not mean that what each day brings to us does not feel impossible or at least over-whelming at times. Trust is to be convinced that God will remain faith-ful, that God will provide the grace we need to be good Christians, even when we encounter difficulties or experience setbacks. If we do not believe that God will remain faithful, we will gradually move toward discour-agement and, in the worst case, despair. Andr6's recom-mendation is explicit: "We must pray that God does not abandon us in our trials and pray to accept with confi-dence the trials that the good God judges appropriate for us to carry." Trust is especially necessary when confronting the cross, of whatever kind. We know that Andr~ most certainly had his share of crosses, both from the Holy Cross community and from those outside Holy Cross. Brother Andr6 speaks about the cross and about trusting God in the midst of experiencing the cross. However the cross comes, it is yet another expression of God's love for us; it is part of our transformation into the liv-ing likeness of Jesus; it is part of resurrection. This is why. Andr~ refers to trials that "the good God judges appropriate for us to carry." He saw the cross in our life as part of God's will even as it was in Jesus' own life. He said to someone who did not see any improvement in a bothersome physical condition, "If it is God's will that you be sick, why would you refuse to accomplish God's will?" The appropriateness of the crosses we carry is based upon what we need for our transformation. It also reflects our capacity to carry a particular cross and our openness to the grace necessary for carrying that cross. Review for Religious Brother Andre's name is tightly linked with that of Saint Joseph, and yet it is said by those who knew him well that his principal devotion was to the Passion of Christ. They said he spoke of the Passion as if he had lived it. This makes perfect sense for one who expe-rienced many obstacles along the pathways that he believed God was calling him to follow. And, beyond that, it makes perfect sense for one who shares in the heritage that Father Moreau, as founder, passed on to the Congregation of Holy Cross. Accepting the Passion of Christ as a model for our life requires trust, the con-viction that what we experience will truly lead to our transformation into the living likeness of Jesus, that it will guide us to resurrection. Andr6 is a saint, but if we distance him from us, then we make it impossible to use his example as a support for our own life. Each of us has ~he potential to be a saint. To realize that potential we must trust that God will give us the graces we need. The alternative to trust is self-reli-ance; it is to assume that we are self-contained in terms of the resources we need to be holy. Trust is practiced by fixing our attention on God, accomplishing our everyday responsibilities, and placing our gifts at the service of oth-ers. Do I trust that God will give me the graces I need to be a good Christian? When have I experienced trust as essential for my continued spiritual growth? Which crosses have been the most transformative in my life? "I Have Asked to be Always in God's Presence" When asked about his own prayer and spiritual life and what he was called to do, Brother Andr~ said, "I have asked to be always in God's presence." Whatever images we may have of him, his work and his miracles, it is interesting that his desire was simply to be in God's 399 70.4 2011 Giallanza ¯ Be Saints 400] presence, to do what he did in cooperation with God. At another point he said, "We must not be attached to earthly things, otherwise we cannot be attached to God." To be one with God, to be attached to God - this was his deepest longing. And that constitutes Andre's holiness more than any of the extraordinary accomplish-ments that occurred during his life or since his death. For him, this union with God, this being in God's presence, was essentially an act of love. He frequently recommended, "Pray to obtain a true love for God." A true love for God would be reflected in the desire to be ever close to God, to complete God's will, to live those qualities of life that are reflected in the gospel: humility, faith, compassion, generosity, patience, etc. It is interesting that, in commenting on his ministry, Andr~ once said, "It is su.rprising that people often ask me for healings, but rarely for humility, for the spirit of faith." While a particular healing might be important in response to what a person was suffering, he believed the priorities for the spiritual life were more closely related to humility and faith than to any healing. Before Brother Andr6 died, his last words were, "This is the seed.;' Though it is an allusion to several gospel texts, he did not expand on his statement; so we can reflect on this self-description from several perspec-tives. All of them can give us some insight into the way to holiness that Andr6 points out to us. In Matthew's Gospel, in the parable of the sower, Jesus says, "As for the seed that was sown on good soil, this is the one who hears the word and understands it, who indeed bears fruit and yields, in one case a hun-dredfold, in another sixty, and in another thirty" (13:23). The seed in this case is God's word that is meant to bear fruit. It is evident that Andrd's life has produced fruit Review for Religious far beyond what he may have imagined. Responding to God's word was for him a simple act of love. As he often recommended, "Love Jesus as he has loved us, effectively and openly." This is what it means to receive the word and have it grow within our life. In Luke's Gospel, while teaching the crowds, Jesus says, "What is the kingdom of God like? And to what should I compare it? It is like a mustard seed that someone took and sowed in the garden; it grew and became a tree, and the birds of the air made nests in its branches" (13:18-19). The seed in this case is a very small, even minuscule, real-ity that becomes ~ large enough to welcome and sustain life. As Brother Andr~ said on more than one occasion, "The Oratory is the work of the good God." Andr~ sowed a small seed, even in the midst of opposition and criticism; today it is clear how extensive the influence of the Oratory is. It continues to be a place where people find comfort and healing for their life, refreshment and encouragement for their faith. Also in Luke's Gospel, when the apostles ask for an increase in faith, Jesus responds, "If you had faith the size of a mustard seed, you could say to this mulberry tree, 'Be uprooted and planted in the sea,' and it would obey you" (17:5-6). In this instance the seed is faith that accomplishes what needs to be done. The amount of faith is not of significance to Jesus; some mustard grains are almost like powder. It is the conviction and confidence underlying faith that make the difference. If we could be The priorities for the spiritual life were more closely related to humility and faith than to any healing. 401 70.4 2011 Giallanza ¯ Be Saints 402 one with God's will, our faith would have the same effec-tiveness as Jesus' own. What Andr~ did, he did in faith, confident that God and Saint Joseph would respond. He used to say, "You must submit yourself to God's will; it is the teacher of everything." Andr~ had learned well God's will; in his work for the development of the Oratory and in his healing ministry, the confidence and strength that came from that learning are clearly evident. In John's Gospel, Jesus teaches, "Truly, I tell you, unless a grain of wheat falls into the earth and dies, it remains just a single grain; but if it dies, it bears much fruit" (12:24). In this case the seed is the death that leads to new life. This may very well be the seed with which Brother Andrd identified himself. His perspec-tive, not only on the Oratory, but on everything he did, was that God and Saint Joseph were doing what needed to be done. His own task was to remain close to God and to accept whatever came. He had learned that close-ness to God came at a price. He said, "The closer one is to God, the more one suffers." There was dying to do as the Oratory developed; more than once plans did not go exactly as Andr6 had hoped or envisioned they would. But he remained faithful because he knew that God had called him to do this. " Brother Andr~ could say "This is the seed" near the end of his life precisely because that is what he had been throughout his whole life. Regardless of the gospel lens through which we reflect on his words, Brother Andrd has become a seed. His life has become an example of living God's word; of believing that the smallest efforts, if sincere, can produce enormous results; of bringing faith to all that we do; and of dying to self so that new life may emerge. Review for Religious "Be Saints" Brother Andr6's exhortation is simple: "Be saints." The assumption in this, of course, is that we can be saints. The truth is, we can. We do have the potential for a holy life, within our own life. As Andr6's example has been and continues to be a seed of encouragement for countless people, so too we are called to be a seed for others. The soil necessary for that seed to flourish requires that we believe and pray, serve and trust. These will provide the fertile ground that is the foundation for the pathway to a holy life. Reference Quotations of Brother Andr~ are taken from Frbre Andrd disait souvent. (Saint Joseph Oratory; Montreal: Editions Fides, 2010). Translation provided by the author. Imagining the Journey Retracing the route from the San Salvador airport taken by the four North American churchwomen on 2 December 1980 What did they do, I wonder, when the road turned toward death ? Gaze at the sleeping corn, longing to taste harvest? Pass by the gnarled ginger root tree, with hope for the next day's shade? Did they sense the holy ones gathered around them, arms outstretched in welcome? Did they reach for the hand of another who also trembled, finding courage and comfort in her clasp? Did they, I wonder, hold the shining beauty of this world for one last fleeting moment? Chris Koellhoffer IHM 403 70.4 2011 JOHN M. SAMAHA St. Joseph in Focus: Husband of Mary and Guardian of Jesus 404 Hw)w much do we know about the man who as the husband of the Mother of Jesus and the guardian of our Redeemer? St. Joseph is the often-overlooked member of the Holy Family. Scripture says little of him. We seem to give him scant attention. Yet devotion to St. Joseph has deep roots in Christian tradi-tion. Just how do we honor and appreciate him? Do you remember when, as children in Catholic school, we wrote "J.M.J." at the top of our papers? We did so to remind ourselves to have the same intentions that Jesus, Mary, and Joseph had in life. Husband of Mary We must remember that Mary and Joseph are a couple. And Jesus is their child. We picture the mem-bers of the Holy Family side by side. They belong Brother Jolm M. Samaha SM writes from Marianist Center; 22683 Alcalde Road; Cupertino, California 95014. Review for Relig$ous together. When separated, their significance in God's plan of salvation is clouded, because their importance lies in their relationship to each other. While honor-ing the perpetual virginity of Mary, we cannot disre-gard Joseph's privilege and happiness of being Mary's husband. Artwork has often depicted Joseph as an old man--possibly so that he would seem to be less of a threat to Mary's virginity. Such depictions tended to undervalue the loving relationship of Mary and Joseph as husband and wife. St. Teresa of Avila, for one, always insisted that Joseph was a young man when he married Mary. The special preface for Joseph the Husband of Mary in the Eucharistic Liturgy reinforces this positive approach: "With a husband's love he cherished Mary, the Virgin Mother of God." Foster Father of Jesus Since Joseph is the husband of Mary, he is also father to Jesus. While we know that Joseph was not the physical father of Jesus, Luke, in the gospel account about Jesus being lost in the temple, has Mary say to Jesus: "Son, your father and I have been searching for you in sorrow." And the preface cited above goes on to testify: "With fatherly care he watched over Jesus Christ your son, conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit." If one were to think that Joseph's fatherhood was diminished because he did not physically procreate Jesus, let that person speak with adoptive parents-- especially the ones who have conceived a child of their own and adopted others. They will let you know how real Joseph's fatherhood is. Head of the Holy Family Joseph played an important role as Jesus "grew in 405 70.4 2011 Samaba * St. ~osepb in Focus 406 wisdom, age, and grace before God and men." In the Jewish tradition children were in the special care and tutelage of their mothers until they reached the age of five. Beyond that age children came under the special guidance of their fathers. Joseph was the rabbi of the Holy Family and it was his duty and privilege to teach Jesus the Jewish faith and practices. Joseph would have led his family in worship in their home at Nazareth. At meal times both Mary and Jesus looked to Joseph at the head of the table to offer the prayer of blessing. Each year when the Passover was celebrated, the youngster Jesus played his role and addressed the ritual question to Joseph: "Father, why is this night different from every other night?" Then he listened with his mother to Joseph's narration of the glorious events of the Exodus and the explanation of the meaning of the paschal lamb. He could easily have recalled Joseph's explanation years later when he heard John the Baptizer proclaim him the Lamb of God who would take away the sins of the world. When Jesus was of age, Joseph introduced him to syn-agogue worship and the rituals to which Jesus remained faithful throughout his life. Joseph also taught Jesus the skills of a carpenter. By practicing this trade Jesus sup-ported himself and his mother after Joseph's death. Jesus' human experience of fatherhood was drawn from his relationship with Joseph. When Jesus said, "What father would hand his son a stone when he asks for a loaf, or a poisonous snake when he asks for a fish," surely he had in mind Joseph's gentle kindness to him as he was growing up. When Jesus told the parable of the prodigal son, Joseph could easily have been the model of the loving father in the story. As Jesus described how the father Review for Religious embraced and welcomed the son who had been lost, might he have been recalling how Joseph hugged and kissed him after he had been lost in the temple for three days? When Jesus taught us how to pray, he began with the same loving tide, abba, with which he had addressed Joseph all his life. His deep affection for Joseph is evident in scene after scene throughout the Gospels. Joseph obviously made a profound impression on Jesus. St. Joseph's Relation to Us Has Joseph made an impression on us? How do we think of St. Joseph? How do we honor him and pray to him? Do we appreciate the special place he has in Christian spirituality and in our own heritage? Let us wholeheartedly revere the husband of Mary, the foster father of Jesus, the patron of the universal Church. He is, after all, the man who is closest to Christ. Surprise Visit We much preferred Him At a distance. He could not be bought. He would not be made Into a code, A ritual Or a system. Our minds simply Could not contain Him. We wanted a distant Diety. How were we to know He would come close enough To wear our wounds ? Teresa Burleson 407 70.4 2011 potpourri CAREY ELLEN WALSH Lighting Our Modern Spirit: Pope John Paul II's Luminous Mysteries Pope John Paul II was unmistakably a Marian pope, as shown by his encyclical Redemptoris Mater, his visits to prominent sites of Marian apparitions, and his papal motto, Totus Tuus ("Totally Yours") addressed to Mary--all this in an age when Marian devotion had gone into public decline. The Catholic faithful seemed either to love this about their pope or to for-give it as the pious by-product of his hav-ing grown up under Nazi, then Communist, oppression and having lost his mother at the tender age of eight.1 Both reactions missed the theological aspect of John Paul II's pastoral leadership of the church. Mary, for John Paul II, is not relegated to private devotion, but is the "school" for a 408 Carey Ellen Walsh, an associate professor of theology, is a Benedictine Oblate of St. Meinrad's and teaches theology at Villanova University. Her research inter-ests include biblical theology and Catholic spiritualities. Review for Religious new evangelization in the modern world. She invites us to communal study, deepens our understanding of the gospel, and so eases our isolation. As pastor of the universal church, the pope was drawing on an image of the familiar and universal--a mother's love for her child--as a means for spiritual nourishment. Yet because he used the ancient devotion of the rosary, the spiritual contribution of his example in learning from Mary has not received sufficient attention. It is the intent of this essay to demonstrate the spiritual gift of John Paul II's meditation on the rosary. For a pope's foremost role is that of pastor, with "supreme, full, immediate, and uni-versal power in the care of souls.''2 My focus therefore is precisely on how John Paul II's Marian reflections tend to the hunger in our souls. Given his devotion to Mary, it was no surprise when John Paul II recommended anew the rosary as a devotion and declared October 2002-October 2003 as the Year of the Rosary (Rosarium Virginis Mariae). He wrote lovingly of Mary in the gospels, shared the influence the rosary had had on his own life, and suggested that the rosary was a "school of Mary''3 for learning about Christ. It was, indeed, one of his most intimate reflections. What did occasion surprise, however, was that the pope added a new set of mysteries, the luminous, to the long established joyous, sorrowful, and glorious myster-ies- something no one had done for eight centuries, although many popes had written on the rosary.4 In fact, from the start the rosary had been pre-eminently a prayer of the laity, not of the hierarchy. It had first arisen as a popular practice in tandem with the monastic recitation of the Psalter. The 150 Hail Marys recited in the people's prayer, the rosary, corresponded to the 150 psalms, chanted by the monkss and gave a way for 409 70.4 2011 Walsh ¯ Lighting Our Modern Spirit Theology was no abstraction with this pope~ He used it to electrify~ and empower his hearers. 41:0 the laity to contemplate scenes from the gospel. This is how the rosary long functioned in the prayer life of Chris6ans who were largely illiterate. After considering why John Paul II thought it neces-sary for the papal office to enhance this lay devotional prayer, I will assess the theological reason for his having done so. While the pope could easily have been accused of authoritarian interven-tion in the private devo-tions of the faithful, or have been dismissed as a retrograde pope clinging to a pre-Vatican II tradi-tionalism, his Rosarium Virginis Mariae honors the lay contribution to tra-dition and was in accord with the Second Vatican Council's definition of the church as the "People of God," in which the laity plays an important participatory role. One consequence of the council's definition of the church as the people of God, rather than primarily as a clerical institution, was the erosion of the line between popular piety and theology. From the start, this pope's audience was the church as People of God, not the curia. This was evident in his use of the media, his international appearances, his World Youth Days, the popularity of his international best-seller Crossing the Threshold of Hope, and in the response of lay workers under Communist Poland who, heed-ing their pope's conviction on the dignity of all human beings, brought down the Iron Curtain. Theology was no abstraction with this pope. He used it to electrify and empower his hearers. In an age that saw the aban- Review for Religious donment of churches in Europe and the United States, he nourished the church spiritually by returning to the foundations of the faith. When John Paul wrote on the rosary, he did not segregate the professional theologians from believers in the pew, but embodied the Second Vatican C

With all but one contest at the state and local
levels resolved, elections this cycle in Bossier Parish demonstrated that to come
close to beating its political establishment, you had to have a pretty organized
effort behind you.

At stake were all the seats on the Police Jury as
well as two state Senate and two state House of Representative slots, with a
couple of House posts already decided when House District 10 incumbent
Republican Wayne
McMahen and House District 5 newcomer Republican Dennis Bamburg didn't draw
opponents, as well as a few juror positions with just incumbents filing. Among
the others, in all but one Jury and one House seat establishment forces had a
rooting interest in, if not intense involvement supporting, a particular candidate.

The House race it didn't particularly care about
was the District 2 matchup between Caddo Parish Democrats Terence Vinson from
the School Board and Steven Jackson from the Parish Commission. It offered a contrast
in styles both in terms of candidates and campaigns: Vinson utilizing
traditional canvassing methods and with a steady record in office, while
Jackson spent more overall and more on media to go with his more controversial
personality, most recently being convicted
for impersonation of a police officer. That apparently didn't faze enough
voters, who gave him a narrow win.

Bossier political powers-that-be did care about
the House District 9 race between Republicans state Rep. Dodie Horton and
businessman Chris Turner, with them backing the challenger. Horton decisively
turned him back, in part because of the assistance she received from the Louisiana Freedom Caucus through its
political action committee, a group of consistent conservative House
members of which she is a member and is led by another area House member,
Republican Alan
Seabaugh.

Seabaugh himself was on the ballot and in the
crosshairs of the establishment – not just Bossier's but of other big government,
get-along-go-along politicians and special interests across the state – for
Senate District 31. Those forces aggravated at his reform and smaller
government agenda propped up to oppose him retired basketball coach Mike
McConathy running under the GOP label. Seabaugh prevailed in a contest that,
when all is said and done, likely in terms both of dollars spent by the campaigns
and by others on their behalf, will end up as the most expensive in state
history.

Thus, strong candidate organizations and allied
interests could maintain their foothold against the establishment. That lesson
also was the case in the other Senate contest, District 36, that turned into a
big establishment win, but not so much because of its efforts. There, GOP
incumbent Robert Mills lost
handily to Republican Bossier Parish School Board member Adam Bass.

Mills had angered conservatives by voting in the
Senate this year not to hold back surplus money to pare down pension
obligations and deposit more into the state's Budget Stabilization Fund savings
account, against the preferences of Horton, Seabaugh, and the Freedom Caucus.
The politically ambitious Bass, who had been testing the waters for Bossier
City mayor in 2025 with establishment backing, stepped into an ideal situation where
he could have that support and benefitted from some conservatives deserting
Mills (for example, Seabaugh, busy with his own campaign, didn't aid Mills as
he had in 2019). Despite the Mills campaign gaining an advantage monetarily in
the closing weeks of the campaign, conservative acceptance of Bass and local
powerbroker backing (in a district that had changed to his favor through
reapportionment) was more than enough to make Mills the only incumbent senator
to lose this cycle.

That establishment success, minus reformist or small
government conservative backing with one possible exception, was more pronounced
in Jury races. All but one incumbent ran again, and in the District 10 exception
former School Board member Democrat Julius Darby, the incumbent's brother, qualified,
with most finding success without great difficulty

Given their level of campaigning, resources
committed, and district demographics, three Republican challengers – all reformers
and conservatives – had the best shot to win of all challengers. In District 1,
small businessman Mike Farris took on GOP incumbent Bob
Brotherton; in District 5, former juror Barry Butler faced off against GOP
incumbent Julianna
Parks; and in District 12, small businessman Keith Sutton squared off against
GOP incumbent Mac
Plummer.

Brotherton looked vulnerable given his health that
made him difficult for him to attend Jury meetings, much less campaign. He and
Parks both served, likely
illegally, on the parish-appointed Library Board of
Control and certainly illegally had appointed Parish Administrator Butch
Ford as interim director of libraries for several months. They and Plummer had
made Ford administrator in full knowledge legally he didn't qualify, a matter still
in doubt nearly two years later.

Yet Brotherton supporters are dug in like ticks in
a district that swings north to south along the eastern edge of the parish –
his wife represents a very similar district on the School Board – and his
surrogates campaigned well enough for him to win without a runoff. And Parks
was able to draw upon her connections – her husband Santi is Bossier City's
elected judge – to seal a comfortable win.

 However, Sutton knocked off Plummer and did so because
of superior organization. South Bossier has gained a reputation as the most
rebellious part of the parish to the existing power elite, with reformist political
activism from a handful of elected (past and present) officials that are allies
of Sutton's, including former School Board member Shane Cheatham (his podcast
partner), Bossier City Councilor Brian Hammons,
and Bamburg (Republicans all), as well as from others not in office. Sutton
also aggressively canvassed the district on foot and by mail.

 As things turned out, he might be the only
reformer on the new Jury. One other incumbent lost, but that came from District
9's tilt between two establishmentarians, Democrat incumbent Charles
Gray and Republican former Bossier City chief administrative officer Pam
Glorioso. Demographics favored Gray with a Democrat voter registration advantage
of 2:1 and a near-majority black registration (Gray is black).

Perhaps
overconfidently given those demographics, Gray concentrated on outdoor
advertising while Glorioso ran a more retail-oriented campaign. Also hurting
Gray was dispirited turnout by black Democrat voters, who weren't excited by
their party's offerings at the state level, and possibly reputationally in being
a Library Board of Control member likely serving illegally who also approved of
Ford's illegal service in two different capacities. So, Glorioso won a
low-turnout contest, but she won't join any reformist efforts Sutton might
back.

Sutton
might get help from an unlikely source. In District 10, despite the Darby's
family hold over that area of town (brother Jeff is on the Bossier City Council
and sister Samm is on the School Board), Julius got pushed into a runoff by Democrat
military retiree Mary Giles, who herself courted controversy with careless
placement of campaign signs. It's the only legislative or local race left
to be decided on Nov. 18.

Even if
Sutton remains the only juror not tied into the Bossier good-old-boy-and-girl
network, at least citizens will have one voice on the Jury to question
orthodoxy and bad decisions such as those surrounding the library and Ford's
employment. And that this
cycle attracted more competition than any since 1987, even if most challengers
lost, foists more pressure for accountability onto the nine returning
incumbents, knowing that questionable actions will provoke a need to campaign
ending possibly in losing.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAIzgleda da se povijest, kao i moda, periodički ponavlja. Svako toliko pojave se ¨pametnjakovići¨, kako bi narod rekao s "morskim idejama", naravno upitnim i bez razumnih argumenata. Naime, o naslovljenom problemu, aktualiziranome u Glasu Slavonije (14. 2. 2019.), u Šumarskome listu br. 11-12 /2006. u rubrici Izazovi i suprotstavljanja, pisao je prof. dr. sc. Joso Vukelić, komentirajući tada neslužbene inicijative glede odnosnog studija, suprotstavljajući im se argumentiranim činjenicama. Njegovome tekstu nemamo gotovo ništa pridodati, osim da je ovih dana to službena inicijativa jedne lokalne zajednice i da uspješnost ili neuspješnost bolonjskoga procesa sada možemo konkretizirati, s obzirom na vremenski odmak. Sve ostalo bilo bi ponavljanje što ne želimo, ali ćemo samo kratko natuknuti neka pitanja i ukazali na argumente, kako bi Vas ponukali da potražite i pročitate i danas aktualni tekst prof. Vukelića. Ponajprije autor ukazuje na stihijsku pojavu otvaranja sličnih studija s istovrsnim programima izvan postojećih sveučilišta i prijašnjih visokih škola u Republici Hrvatskoj, koja usput rečeno traje i danas, a rezultatima nisu opravdale njihovo ustrojavanje, koje je bilo isključivo političke prirode. Kao krucijalno pitanje postavio je potrebu i opravdanost studija šumarstva uz postojeći na Šumarskome fakultetu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, navodeći taksativno činjenice:– nema zaključnih spoznaja o uspješnosti primjene bolonjskoga procesa (nema ga ni danas – samo djelomično je ostvario očekivanja);– bolonjski proces ne prate na odgovarajući način ostale promjene u zakonodavno-organizacijskoj sferi u hrvatskome šumarstvu;– preko 200 inženjera (magistara) šumarstva je prijavljeno na Zavodu za zapošljavanje (i danas ima oko 100 nezaposlenih);– sve manji je interes za studij klasičnog šumarstva; – resorno ministarstvo sve manje financira terensku nastavu i režijske troškove postojećeg fakulteta;– postoji novo-izgrađeni suvremen i dostatan radni prostor, kojega treba i suvremeno opremiti; – postoji pet međunarodno priznatih nastavnih poligona, međunarodna razmjena studenata i vrsni mladi nastavnici te 108 (danas 120) godišnja visokoškolska tradicija šumarske nastave u Hrvatskoj - četvrta na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu;– broj diplomiranih studenata je dostatan, da ne kažemo i prevelik za potrebe struke.U nastavku autor se osvrće na potrebe županijskih vlasti, koje su fokusirane na svoj razvoj, a koje se u ovome slučaju krivo usmjeruju na rješavanje lokanih problema. Također navodi i konkretne primjere obrazovanja, potpuno nesvrsishodne te skreće pozornost na stručnost kadrova bez pedagoške naobrazbe i iskustva. Umjesto nepotrebnih proširenja sveučilišne nastave šumarstva, predlaže da se posvetimo permanentnom obrazovanju, koje je danas nužnost, a kod nas se provodi tri puta manje nego u EU. Svakako treba težiti ka izvrsnosti, usmjeravajući prema tome cilju stručnjake specijaliste i financijska sredstva. Nažalost, očito ništa nismo naučili i nismo spremni analizirati negativnosti kao npr. iz srednjoškolskoga šumarskog obrazovanja, utemeljenog upravo na argumentima lokalne a ne nacionalne razine. Programi bi uz specifičnosti trebali biti gotovo jednaki za svih desetak šumarskih škola u Hrvatskoj, a da li možemo među njima usporediti kvalitetu nastave (da li je ona uopće moguća s obzirom na kadrove i opremu) i potrebe struke? Gdje je tu izvrsnost, kojoj i na toj razini treba težiti? Svakako, o ovoj inicijativi potrebna je argumentirana rasprava na nacionalnoj razini (tko će to provesti kada nažalost resorni ministar ignorira šumarsku struku), bez političkih pritisaka, površnosti i bez privatnih interesa, pa i želja za "tezgarenjem", kojih nesporno ima. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALIt seems that history, just like fashion, repeats itself periodically. Every so often there are some "wise guys" with, as folks would say, "outlandish ideas" which are, without exception, highly questionable and almost always groundless. After the idea of establishing a new study of forestry was outlined in the journal of Glas Slavonije (Voice of Slavonia) (14 February 2019), Professor Joso Vukelić, PhD, wrote an article for the column Challenges and Confrontations (Forestry Journal 11-12/2006), in which he opposed the then unofficial idea by providing well argued facts. There is almost nothing to add to Professor Vukelić's text, except that these days the said idea has become an official initiative of a local community and that the success or failure of the Bologna Process can now be viewed objectively given the time passed. Everything else would only be tiresome repetition, which we do not want, but what we would like here is to just hint at some issues and point to arguments in order to encourage you to look for and read the text by professor Vukelić, which is still highly topical.For a start, the author focuses on the chaotic process of establishing similar studies with identical programmes outside the existing universities and former schools of higher education in the Republic of Croatia, a process which is still going on. The results achieved by the newly opened studies have not justified their establishment, so it is clear that their foundation was of an exclusively political nature. The most important issue that the author questions is the need and adequacy of launching a study of forestry in addition to the existing one at the Faculty of Forestry of the University in Zagreb. He lists the following facts:– there are no conclusive insights on the success of the application of the Bologna Process (nor are there any today, either - it has met the expectations only partially);– the Bologna Process is not adequately accompanied by other changes in the legislative-organisational sphere in the Croatian forestry;– there are over 200 engineers (masters) of forestry registered at the Croatian Employment Service (currently with about 100 unemployed forestry engineers);– interest in the study of classical forestry is declining;– the competent ministry allocates less and less money to field training and overhead expenses at the existing faculty;– there is a newly-built, modern and adequate facility which needs to be furnished with up-to-date equipment;– there are five internationally recognized teaching polygons, international student exchange and highly educated young teachers, as well as 108 years (at the time of writing the article and 120 years now) of tradition of higher forestry education in Croatia - the fourth study to be launched at the University of Zagreb;– there are enough graduate students, and maybe even too many for the needs of the profession.The author continues by discussing the need of county governments to stimulate development, which in this case is mistakenly directed at solving local problems. He cites some concrete examples of education which has not fulfilled its purpose and expresses concern about the teaching staff with little pedagogical training and experience. Instead of expanding the university education of forestry, he proposes to focus on permanent education, which is a necessity today but its implementation is three times lower than in the EU. The crucial goal to aspire towards should be excellence; accordingly, both expert specialists and financial means should be geared towards reaching this goal. Regrettably, we have not learned anything and we are not prepared to analyze the negative sides of, for example, forestry education at the secondary school level, based precisely on the needs at the local communities rather than at the national level. Allowing for some specific aspects, the curricula should be almost uniform in all of some ten forestry schools in Croatia. Can we compare the quality of teaching in these schools (is quality at all possible considering the staff and the equipment) and the needs of the profession? Where is educational excellence which should be aspired to at this level as well? Definitely, the initiative to establish another study of forestry should be discussed at the national level (but who is going to conduct the discussion when the current competent minister ignores the forestry profession)? There should be no political pressures and superficiality, and all debates should be free of private interests, including a hidden wish to "make some money on the side". Editorial Board

Eurooppalainen identiteetti esiintyy tiheästi sekä akateemisissa tutkimuksissa että arkikielessä, mutta sen sisältö ja muotoutuminen näyttäytyy yhä epäselvänä. Väitöstutkimuksessa selvitetään empiirisen diskurssianalyysin keinoin miten ja millainen eurooppalaisen identiteetin diskurssi ranskalaisessa ja suomalaisessa lehdistössä rakentuu Turkin EU-jäsenyyttä käsittelevissä teksteissä. Tutkimus muodostaa siten kuvaa kielenkäytön, kollektiivi-identiteettien, median ja sosiaalisen todellisuuden suhteesta. Diskurssi nähdään sosiaalista todellisuutta rakentavana, kielenkäytössä rakentuvana ja ilmenevänä versiona todellisuudesta. Tutkimuksen lähtökohtana on, että eurooppalaista identiteettiä ja sen kriteerejä ei pidetä annettuina, vaan ne määrittyvät diskurssissa. Toisin sanoen työssä esitellään identiteetille kielenkäytöllä tuotettuja sisältöjä. Olennaista ei ole ainoastaan se mitä sanotaan, vaan myös miten se sanotaan, koska diskurssi nojaa tiettyjen merkitysten rakentamiseen kielenkäytössä ja niiden vakiinnuttamiseen vallitseviksi ja lopulta niin sanotuksi totuudeksi. Analyysi osoittaa, että koko aineistossa esiintyy yllättävänkin yhdenmukaisia kielenkäytön tapoja, jotka rakentavat eurooppalaista identiteettiä: aineisto ilmentää siten kansallisten diskurssien sijaan yhtä eurooppalaisen identiteetin diskurssia. Turkin toiseuden rooli identiteettidiskurssissa on olennainen: Turkki sijoitetaan jatkuvasti ei vain unionin, vaan myös Euroopan ulkopuolelle ja syynä Turkin erilaisuudelle esitetään enemmän tai vähemmän implisiitisti uskonto. Eurooppalaisen identiteetin diskurssissa Eurooppaa (kulttuurisena, historiallisena tai maantieteellisenä käsitteenä) ja unionia ei eroteta toisistaan, vaan Eurooppa esiintyy yhtä aikaa poliittisena ja kulttuurisena käsitteenä, joka muodostaa siteen poliittisen integraation ja identiteetin välille. Tämänhetkisessä EU-kriisissä eurooppalainen identiteetti voi tuntua utopistiselta, mutta väitöskirja osoittaa, että Turkin EU-jäsenyys mahdollistaa yhtenäisen eurooppalaisen identiteetin rakentumisen kielenkäytössä sekä Ranskassa että Suomessa kielenkäyttö on identiteetin kannalta olennaista. Zygmunt Baumanin mukaan toiseus on niin olennainen osa kollektiivi-identiteettiä, että ilman heitä ei ole meitä : tämän tutkimuksen tulosten perusteella voitaisiin puolestaan eurooppalaisuudesta todeta, että ainakin silloin kun on he , on olemassa myös me . ; European identity often appears in academic research and in everyday language, but it still remains ambiguous what it actually means and how it is formed. This study examines the construction, manifestation and content of European identity through the means of empiric discourse analysis. The corpus is composed of texts on Turkey s EU membership process in Finnish and French daily newspapers (Le Figaro, Le Monde, Helsingin Sanomat, Aamulehti) in four distinct periods in 2004-2009. Turkey s potential membership forms a special context for the construction of European identity: Turkey has occupied the role of Other in European history and otherness is considered an integral component of collective identities. The main hypothesis is that the corpus reveals a discourse of European identity, which is grounded on Turkey s otherness. In this study, discourse is defined as a version of reality constructed in language use, which constructs social reality. The aim of the study is to find out how and with what sorts of linguistic tools is the identity constructed in discourse. A comparative corpus is meant to investigate if there can be found one, cohesive discourse or if it was more accurate to talk about discourses and identities in plural. The theoretical framework of this research is composed of three elements. Discourses manifest themselves through language and under the conditions it sets forth. In consequence, the micro-level of the theory is based on linguistic concepts, which compose the foundation for the empirical analysis. In addition to defining the concrete manifestations of discourse sign, utterance (énoncé) and text , the description of meaning and concepts related to meaning become essential. I ended up distinguishing a contextually neutral linguistic meaning from a meaning in use , the latter being essential when analyzing discourse: it is linked to context and partially built on connotations and the implicit. Discourse analysis forms the macro level theory, which allows linking the linguistic analysis to the construction of social reality. Due to the diversity of discourse analysis, it is essential to define the concept of discourse thoroughly. In this study it is used in two meanings. The object of research is a discourse of European identity, which is defined as a specific way of conceptualizing and constructing the social reality in language use: meanings and concepts are defined from a specific ideological point of view. Ideology may become naturalized in discourse as knowledge , the implicit holding an essential role in this process. On the other hand, the concept of discourse is also used as a tool of classification when referring to the discourse type of the corpus as journalistic discourse, which then divides into different genres. Journalistic discourse and genre help to describe the corpus and the context in which the texts are produced and interpreted. The third theoretical aspect is formed by identity and otherness, which not only describe the socio-cultural context of the object of research and the corpus but also outline what is analyzed in corpus. In this study identity is seen from a poststructuralist point of view as a constantly changing phenomenon constructed in discourse and based on difference, which adapts individuals thinking and action. No given criteria is designated to European identity: instead, the point is to describe the contents that have been produced and which form part of the context of discourse. It is the discourse that defines the (dominating) criteria for the identity. The linguistic categories, which rise in the corpus as particularly significant in the discourse of European identity are the participant and process types manifesting categorization, metaphors and implicit. However, the implicit is not analyzed apart because it is often difficult to pin down in text and it is essentially intertwined with the two other categories. Therefore it is constantly taken into consideration in the description of the analysis. The empirical analysis shows that the discourse of European identity has common, specific features: the whole corpus shows coherent ways of using language, which contribute in the construction of identity. The coherence of the discourse can be regarded as somewhat surprising: the discourse of identity seems to cross national borders and the differences between the two countries mostly regard the occurrence of different phenomenon. Thus, it can be said that the corpus manifests one discourse of European identity instead of national discourses. The analysis of participants and processes shows that in the discourse European identity is closely related to the concept of Europe and the contrasting categorization of Europe and Turkey. The difference between Europe and Turkey is constructed both with syntactic structures and semantic content attached to the categories. Indeed, there can be seen a semantic change in the meaning in use of Europe; in the discourse of European identity it is both a political and a cultural concept, thus forming the tie between political integration and identity. The exclusion of Turkey from Europe is systematic and it seems to rely mainly on religion, which is (more or less implicitly) presented as a source of fundamental difference. The analysis of metaphors shows similar elements for the construction of identity: the corpus manifests extensive (and surprisingly coherent) metaphorical conceptualizations, in which the construction of identity relies not only on the exclusion of Turkey from Europe, but also on the concretization of Europe and on constructing an emotional dimension to it. The exclusion of Turkey is still an absolute and a natural state of things, thus naturalizing the discourse of European identity as knowledge or the truth . The third essential discovery is the fundamental role of implicit in the discursive construction of identity: it is exactly through implicit that ideology becomes naturalized in discourse. Implicit enables to express ideology in texts that appear to be factual, thereby enforcing the discourse of European identity by presenting the meanings that it constructs as self-evident truths. In the study it is shown that semantic concepts form the bridge between discourse theory and linguistic analysis since discourse relies on constructing specific meanings in language use and on establishing them as dominant and finally as the truth . Hence, this study offers tools for the discursive analysis of collective identities and fills some of the empirical deficiencies both from the point of view of European identity and that of discourse analysis. It also forms an image of the relationship between language use, collective identities, media and social reality.

________________________________________________________________________ Guide to the World War I Letters of Henry W. Straus Gettysburg College, Musselman Library Special Collections & College Archives Processed by Devin McKinney December 2012The World War I Letters of Henry W. Straus 2 MS – 130: The World War I Letters of Henry W. Straus (.33 cubic feet, 1 box) Processed by Devin McKinney December 2012 Inclusive Dates: June 1918 - March 1919 Bulk Date: 1918 Collection size The collection consists of 1 box containing 5 folders. Biographical note Born in New York, New York, on May 21, 1891, Henry William Straus was the son of Russian immigrants Herman and Ida Straus. He had three brothers, Samuel, Abraham, and Leon. Another sibling died very young. Choosing medicine as his career, Straus matriculated at New York University and Bellevue Hospital Medical College in 1909. Four years later, he completed his studies at the College of Physicians and Surgeons in Baltimore; he then served a two-year internship at Baltimore's Hebrew School of Nursing (later renamed Sinai Hospital). While there, he met Anna Ligourie, a nursing student from New London, Connecticut. They were married in 1917. Soon after, the couple moved to Brooklyn, where Henry opened a private practice. In 1918, he made the Honor Roll of the Medical Society of the State of New York for Kings County. That year, Straus enlisted in the U.S. Army. Commissioned as a lieutenant with the 105th Sanitary Train, 30th Division Field Hospital, Ambulance Company No. 117, he departed for his posting in France on June 22, 1918. Like many young Americans, he was assigned to assist the medical corps of an allied foreign power, in this case Great Britain's 130th Field Ambulance, Royal Army Medical Corps. Straus served as a medical officer at various bases and hospitals in central France for the brief remainder of the war, ultimately attaining the rank of captain. During her husband's absence, Anne supplemented his allotment checks by providing home nursing for private clients. After the war, Henry Straus resumed his practice in Brooklyn, and joined the visiting staff of the Jewish Hospital as a pediatrician. Specializing in children's diseases, he became a pioneer in the field of immunology, co-authoring studies on the human implications of immunological response in rhesus monkeys. He was also a member of the Pediatric Society and the American Medical Association. On November 21, 1937, Henry W. Straus died at his home in the Prospect Heights area of Brooklyn, following an illness of several months. He was just 46 years old. Anna Straus passed away in her hometown of New London on May 23, 1966, age 75.The World War I Letters of Henry W. Straus 3 Scope and content note This collection comprises 48 letters from Henry W. Straus to his wife Anna (whom he usually refers to as "Anne"). They were written between June 1918 and March 1919, when Henry, as a U.S. Army medical officer, was serving a British ambulance corps in France. Throughout the letters, Straus addresses his wife with great tenderness and yearning, anticipating their reunion and post-war life. He also displays a progressive attitude with respect to women's independence, abilities, and right to do useful work. Straus's military experience appears to have been remarkably placid. He never saw combat, and his greatest difficulties seem to have been the rigor of long hikes and the tedium of awaiting his next set of orders. In the meantime, he eats well, enjoys local entertainments, and is billeted in a succession of picturesque villages far from the fighting. He often expresses both relief and regret that fate has not exposed him to the harsher realities of the war. The absence of any account of these realities is perhaps the weakness of the collection. Yet researchers will find the Straus letters of anecdotal interest on the subjects of World War I, the diversity of American involvement in that conflict, and the experience of young Americans in the foreign medical corps. The letters are also worthwhile for the sentiments they reveal of a young husband far from his young wife, wishing to serve the cause of peace in a time of war, uneasy with his comparatively soft station, yet seemingly protected by the gentle hand of chance. Note: Because of wartime censorship, Straus, like other soldiers stationed overseas, was not able to identify his precise location. This explains the heading "Somewhere in France" that is found on most letters. Box 1 Series I: Letters to Anne Straus, June 1918 – March 1919 Folder 1 — June 8, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — June 24, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — June 26, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — July 5, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" ". . . in a small village in southern France, behind the American Front." — July 15, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — July 18, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" Headed "Letter no. 1," all letters to be numbered from now on; "then you will know which ones are missing." — July 25, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — July 28, 1918 — "Somewhere in France"The World War I Letters of Henry W. Straus 4 The company's temporary duty is assembling ambulances that come from the US in pieces. — August 5, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — August 19, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — August 22, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" Folder 2 — September 2, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — September 6, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — September 23, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — October 3, 1918 — "France" — October 11, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" "It is better that we stay here a little longer now, and make sure that this sort of thing shall never happen again. By making the additional sacrifices now, we will secure for our children the right to live in peace." — October 17, 1918 — "France" — October 25, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — October 28, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" Brief note from "a village with nothing but soldiers and ruined houses in it." Folder 3 — November 2, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — November 6, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — November 11, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" HWS heard the previous night of the Armistice, the treaty ending the war. "This is perhaps the most glorious day in history." — November 13, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — November 16, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" — November 29, 1918 — "Somewhere in France" Stars and Stripes says Straus's division will be one of the first sent home. — December 9, 1918 — December 21, 1918 — "Teille – France" — December 24, 1918 — December 27, 1918 — December 29, 1918 — "Montbizot" (near Le Mans) Folder 4 — January 4, 1919 — "Montbizot – Sarthe" — January 5, 1919 — "Montbizot – Sarthe" The World War I Letters of Henry W. Straus 5 ". . . we haven't anything to complain about — only this dreadful monotony, and the restlessness to be going home." — January 10, 1919 — "Montbizot – Sarthe" — January 14, 1919 — January 22, 1919 The division was inspected the previous day by Gen. John Pershing. — January 24, 1919 — January 24, 1919 — "Montbizot – Sarthe" — January 26, 1919 — "Montbizot – Sarthe" Folder 5 — February 4, 1919 — "Montbizot – Sarthe" — February 9, 1919 — "Montbizot – Sarthe" "Your independence was in fact one of the things I most admired about you before we were married. I hate people with such a narrow view of things, as to look down on a woman doing her share of the work . . ." — February 12, 1919 — "Montbizot – Sarthe" — February 16, 1919 — "Le Mans" — February 23, 1919 — "Forwarding Camp, Le Mans – Sarthe" — February 24, 1919 — "Le Mans" — February 28, 1919 — "Le Mans – Sarthe" — March 3, 1919 — "Le Mans – Forwarding Camp" — March 10, 1919 — "Forwarding Camp" — [undated] "Monday" It is difficult to ascertain when this letter was written. Straus refers to getting an upper berth (on the train) after leaving Washington, and suggests Anne stay over Christmas (in New York?) before returning to Baltimore. He says the weather is warming and the snow melting, indicating it is early springtime. Front image: "Unknown US Army Ambulance men 'Somewhere in France' circa 1918." Original source unknown. Located at http://www.usmilitariaforum.com/forums/index.php?/topic/17577-meatwagons-military-ambulances/page__st__20.

Against the backdrop of the ongoing Gaza war and an enraged Arab street, the future of 2,500 U.S. troops stationed in Iraq is once again in question. Despite a full withdrawal in 2011, the government of Iraq "invited" U.S. forces to return in 2014 to combat Daesh, or ISIS. But seven years after the "Caliphate" was pronounced defeated, the multinational Combined Joint Task Force-Operation Inherent Resolve maintains a large military presence in Iraq, ostensibly to "work by, with and through regional partners to militarily defeat the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, in order to enable whole-of-coalition governmental actions to increase regional stability."Despite those laudable intentions, attacks against U.S. military personnel have intensified and so has political pressure to conclude the mission, far beyond similar calls for expulsion following the targeting of Qassim Soleimani in 2020. The presence of foreign forces in general and the U.S. troops in particular is vexing to Iraq with its long history of occupation (although calling 2,500 non-combat forces an occupation is a bit of a stretch), but is also an opportunity, particularly among Iranian-backed political parties and militias, to create a strawman responsible for all of the country's ills.For many Iraqis the counter-ISIS coalition is like the guest who has overstayed his welcome."The presence of U.S. military forces on Iraqi soil has been increasingly causing problems to Iraq and its neighbors; it also gives a pretext to terrorists to resume their attacks on Iraqis," said Dhia Al-Asadi, former minister of state who headed the Al-Ahrar (Sadrist) Bloc in parliament. "These forces should withdraw immediately so that a legitimate, nationalist Iraqi government can take the lead and build its military and security capacity without unsolicited U.S. interference."Yet, not all Iraqis concur with those views."Despite the considerable strength of militia forces in Iraq, surpassing that of the Iraqi national army, their calls for the withdrawal of Americans and allies are primarily rhetorical," said Nahro Zagros, editor in chief of Kurdistan Chronicle and former vice president of Soran University in Erbil. "If the decision rested with the Iraqi populace, the majority would prefer the continued presence of Americans. However, Iraqi affairs are not under Iraqi control but influenced by neighboring powers."According to Falah Mustafa, a close adviser to the president of the Kurdistan Region on Foreign Policy Affairs, "any decision [on the future of the coalition forces] must be based on national consensus.""For the Kurdistan Region, certainly we are part of Iraq and we will abide by any decision that Iraq makes, but one single group of Iraqi society cannot determine this alone, because Iraq is a diverse country. Shias, Sunnis, Kurds, Turkmen, Chaldeans, Assyrians, and Christians, we all need to agree on this issue because it is about the stability, security of this country," he said.While the U.S. has sought to maintain a military presence in Iraq, arguments to keep them there do not stand up to scrutiny. There is an unspoken proposition that Iraq could be used as a launch platform for attacks against Iran or elsewhere, but this is specifically prohibited by the 2008 Strategic Framework Agreement, which remain the foundational document for the Iraq-U.S. relationship. It says, "The United States shall not use Iraqi land, sea, and air as a launching or transit point for attacks against other countries; nor seek or request permanent bases or a permanent military presence in Iraq."Besides, Iraq is not needed for this purpose. The U.S. currently has a major logistical base in Kuwait with over 13,000 army troops, a naval base in Bahrain housing the U.S. Fifth Fleet and Al Udeid Air Base in Doha is the largest military installation in the region with over 8,000 troops. The Persian Gulf can fit a Carrier Battle Group with ease. These, in addition to other bases in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Jordan and Turkey, maintain more than sufficient ground, air and naval assets to challenge any military force in the region. A second argument is the often-stated rhetorical trope that leaving Iraq would be a victory for the Iranians. While it may be a rhetorical victory for Iran, rhetoric should not be the basis for foreign policy. A military withdrawal from Iraq would be seen in Tehran as stabilizing Iran's western borders, but it must be acknowledged that the U.S. seeks the same outcome on its borders. The Monroe Doctrine has been the cornerstone of U.S. hemispheric policy for 200 years, just as Persian influence has driven similar aspirations towards Iraq for over a millennium. Former Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif famously said, "Look at the map. The U.S. military has travelled 10,000 kilometers to dot all our borders with its bases. There is a joke that it is Iran that put itself in the middle of U.S. bases."The U.S. argument conflates influence with interference. The economies and cultures of the two societies are vastly intermingled, shown most clearly with the hundreds of thousands of pilgrims which peacefully cross the borders annually to visit Qom and Najaf. Yet, the fundamental U.S. concern should not be one of Iranian influence but of Iranian interference, of which its insinuation into the political and economic structures will continue, regardless of the U.S. troop presence.Last, some would argue for a continued U.S. troop presence, asserting that the counter-ISIS mission is not finished, and ISIS remains a significant threat to both Iraq and the international community. While there may be some validity to this argument, it begs the question whether the Iraqis need continued foreign assistance or can accomplish this mission unilaterally. A U.S.-Iraq Higher Military Commission has recently been meeting to analyze these and other concerns to determine the rationale for a continued military mission. Mustafa, who previously served as head of KRG's Department of Foreign Relations, said it is important to remember that "this should not be emotional; it should not be affected by other factors.""Iraqis, the U.S. — the relevant people — need to sit down together, discuss and assess the situation on the ground, review the extent of engagement, assess the threats, Iraqi capabilities and determine together the nature and shape of future arrangements and future relations between Iraq and the U.S., and the rest of coalition countries," he said.According to Al-Asadi, "Daesh, like al-Qaida before it, will not cease to exist as a threat not only to Iraq but to the region and the entire world. Names, strategies and means may change, but the masterminds and beneficiaries of such groups will always keep them ready to strike, and sometimes they serve as a hired gun."However, he added: "Iraqi forces are qualified and capable of dealing with this threat. They may need some up-to-date technology, training and honest cooperation with regional and world countries who ought to share the same amount of concern about the growing danger of these terrorist groups."While the need for "up-to-date technology, training and honest cooperation" is important, it could be provided by other nations' forces, contractors or remotely, rather than by the physical presence of U.S. forces.A final argument suggests the continued presence of U.S. forces is an insurance against internal Iraqi threats. According to Zagros, "the most significant danger originates from within Iraq itself, where militia forces persist in attacking fellow Iraqis and opposing factions.""I firmly believe that without the presence of Americans and their allies, Iraq and the broader region face the risk of fragmentation and collapse," he said.Yet, those same militia forces are using the presence of U.S. forces as a casus belli to wage a deadly campaign against the forces of occupation, aligning themselves with the Iranian "Axis of Resistance" to receive equipment, training and funding from the Quds Force. Counterintuitively, the very presence of U.S. troops strengthens the hands of the militias and creates instability, especially when the United States unilaterally targets militia leaders and infringes on Iraqi territorial sovereignty to do so.These four factors, alone, imply that the U.S. troop presence comes at high costs and marginal benefits. The U.S. continues to be painted as an occupier, an aggressor, a foreign agitator and the cause of Iraqi society's near-collapse since the 2003 invasion.As Al-Asadi notes, "Why does the U.S. want to negotiate its withdrawal from Iraq? If they really want to stabilize Iraq and the region, they should withdraw their military troops first, then they can diplomatically negotiate their future relations with Iraq. Given the fragility of the situation and institutional dysfunctionality, we cannot hope for a better situation. The major denominator is the existence of foreign military troops in Iraq."Since October 7, U.S. support for Israel has aggravated the anger, and has brought the question of continued U.S. presence to the fore. While some arguments for remaining may exist, and Iraq is certainly more important than Otto von Bismarck's famous quote that the Balkans are not "worth the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier," the U.S. should reflect, clear-eyed, on the risk to American lives, the provocation to Iran, the almost paternalistic view that the Iraqi security establishment can't succeed against ISIS on its own, or can't find other alternatives, and the significant animosity against U.S. policy throughout the region. The Counter-ISIS Coalition performed brilliantly, but it is time to say, "Mission Accomplished."

Human freedom and prosperity have varied enormously among and within countries and regions and have changed drastically over short periods. Social sciences research has begun to illuminate how norms and cultures, as well as legal, political, economic, and social institutions, affect freedom and prosperity, but our understanding of how and why these institutions change remains meager. The researchers who gathered at the National Academy of Sciences in 2010 for a Sackler Symposium sought to give a kick-start to the study of institutional dynamics.

The papers presented vary both in their research methods and in the questions they address. The methods range from theory to econometric studies to detailed cases studies, each seeking to highlight some aspect of how institutions change and what accounts for the differences in institutions that emerge in different settings.

Two of the papers in this volume are analyses of stochastic dynamic systems. One captures a process of contagion by which the new norms governing bilateral exchange may invade a population and become widespread. The other studies the evolution of authority in a society with far-sighted decision makers, who sometimes rationally allow erosion in their long-term control to promote sufficiently better short-term outcomes.

The first of these is Peyton Young's “The Dynamics of Social Innovation” (1), which studies the evolution of norms to be used in bilateral interactions. Agents in Young's network model correspond to nodes that interact with their immediate neighbors and earn payoffs in each interaction that depend on how each party behaves. The agents experiment and learn, so behavior in the system can evolve. The paper discusses how the topology of the network, characteristics of individual learning processes, and the size of the potential improvement affects whether norms are adopted, and how quickly. It turns out that a critical property that superior norms (ones that leads to higher payoffs for all) must have for “fast” adoption is that it must be possible for all members of some local clusters of nodes to profit by adopting the norm, even when the other agents in the network do not adopt. This determinant in turn depends on the size of the gains to adopting the norm, as well as on the nature of the network. The nature of the learning process matters, too. For example, too much experimentation can cause a local group to unlearn their superior norm before it has a chance to spread into the rest of the network.

The second is “A Political Model of Social Evolution” by Daron Acemoglu, Georgy Egorov, and Konstantin Sonin (2), which studies how undemocratic and authoritarian regimes may become progressively more democratic. In their model, choices are made by a changing set of individual decision makers, who rule according to a voting system. Sometimes expanding participation can lead to greater short-run payoffs at the expense of less control in the longer term, and authoritarian regimes may sometimes accept immediate gains even at the risk of reduced control over the longer run. The model provides a framework for studying how the initial state of the system, the payoffs to different actions, and the nature of voting systems affect long-run outcomes of the system. In particular, outcomes can be history-dependent, and change emerges as the combined result of random events and actual choices by the ruling class.

Four of the papers provide general schemata for thinking about a set of issues, from regional and national political leadership and how it affects the evolution of democracy, to the role of international institutions, to the role of norms in promoting economic development both overall and at different stages in development.

Roger Myerson's “Toward a Theory of Leadership and State-Building” (3) surveys his analyses of the problem of nation building, which has both ancient and modern application. The fundamental issues in Myerson's perspective revolve around problems of leadership. On one hand, to gain followers, new leaders must successfully distribute patronage, particularly in times when and places where following the new leader is dangerous. However, the system also needs to provide discipline for the leader, so that promises are kept once the leader gains power. Additionally, for democracy to thrive, it needs to encourage the development of leaders who can establish the credentials and following needed to challenge the existing authority. The paper develops a wide perspective on the groundwork that needs to be laid for nation building, that is, for promoting the development of systems that can evolve into functioning democracies.

Stephen Krasner's “Changing State Structures: Outside In” (4) considers different situations in which, and channels through which, some states deploy purposive strategies to exercise power over other states. His classification covers (i) contracting with basically voluntary agreement of the state that is subject to the influence, (ii) coercion that forces a weaker state to take a particular action or substantially limits its choice set, (iii) institutional power, whereby the stronger state sets the rules of the game of decision-making in the weaker state, (iv) constitutive power, whereby the stronger state establishes the international system within which the weaker state must operate, and (v) productive power, which alters the identities and capabilities of actors in the weaker state. These provide a useful taxonomy and examples for thinking about the interaction between different countries’ institutions and international institutions and organizations.

“Development, Social Norms, and Assignment to Task” by Marcel Fafchamps (5) traces some broad trends in the dynamics of social norms that are required to support different stages in the process of economic development. Developing economies move to greater specialization of labor, requiring more complex interactions to determine efficient allocation of labor to tasks. In the least-developed economies, production occurs in almost self-contained households where workers must be jacks-of-all-trades. As economies develop, families become the basis for small firms that use and eventually employ labor with specialized skills and come to be supervised by the owner or entrepreneur. Finally, as the volume of market transactions grows, large firms arise, with a managerial hierarchy with delegated authority to supervise workers with longer-term employment contracts. Fafchamps examines how the governance of the transactions with workers needs to differ in the different stages, whether the norms and practices appropriate for different stages can coexist or will clash during the dynamics of development, and what this implies for the prospects of successful and speedy development.

In “Individualism, Innovation, and Long-Run Growth,” Yuriy Gorodnichenko and Gerard Roland (6) provide direct and indirect empirical tests supporting the hypothesis that cultures attaching greater social status to innovators experience higher rates of innovation and economic growth. The direct tests use certain cultural scores as independent variables and growth rates as dependent variables. The indirect tests use genetic distance as an instrument for culture, with closer genetic proximity to the US population implying greater cultural similarity.

The last two papers study the roles of two particular but important institutions of development: law (in opposition to custom) and brokerage (facilitating exchange across boundaries).

“Legal Reform in the Presence of a Living Custom: An Economic Approach,” by Gani Aldashev, Jean-Philippe Platteau, and Sake Wham (7) addresses the ability of statutes that empower traditionally disadvantaged groups, such as women, to promote development-enhancing change, even when the statutes conflict with entrenched social norms. Although full enforcement of such laws is rare, by creating an implicit threat to the traditional authorities—loss of face when their decisions are overruled by higher authorities and reduction in the size of the population over which they rule as the disadvantaged populations find better outside options—formal law can shift the bargaining power of parties and lead to changes in outcomes. The paper constructs a theoretical model and offers examples in support.

Finally, “Stabilizing Brokerage” by Katherine Stovel, Benjamin Golub, and Eva Meyersson Milgrom (8) examines one of the most important and puzzling institutions that promotes change through the exchange of goods, services, information, and practices across an otherwise disconnected social network, from one isolated group to another. Agents who do this are called brokers, and their role is problematic. Each side in the transaction may suspect the broker's integrity or impartiality; therefore, brokerage can be fragile. The paper examines and compares three mechanisms that can counter this problem: (i) isolation of brokers into a distinct social group, separated from the transactors, (ii) complete capture of brokers by one side of the transaction, and (iii) grafting of brokerage functions on to other organizations that have separate motives to develop and sustain a reputation for trustworthiness. The authors analyze theoretical considerations and discuss examples of all three, but the inherent fragility of brokerage creates a natural dynamic in which relatively frequent failures are followed by change.

The variety of approaches, in terms of both questions and methods, highlights the richness of this area of research and indeed made for lively discussion at the conference. We hope this collection of papers will serve to broker ideas across disciplines and eventually to deepen social scientists’ understanding of the process of institutional change.

Aquest treball pretén identificar i analitzar les polítiques públiques de comunicació a l'Equador concretament les que van ser implementades a partir que el país va ingressar a l'anomenat procés de la Revolució Ciutadana, que s'inclou dins de Socialisme de el Segle XXI. Aquestes polítiques van prendre forma des que el mandatari -en aquella època- Eq. Rafael Correa Delgado va assumir el poder presidencial càrrec del durar per tres períodes de 2007 a 2017, una dècada que va estar marcada per nous principis, reformes i aprovació de noves lleis per a Equador . És pertinent estudiar aquestes polítiques perquè han estat motiu de debat per part dels diferents actors socials tant a nivell governamental com a nivell de la societat, dels organismes reguladors i els observatoris o veedurías ciutadanes. Entre les polítiques públiques de comunicació que va impulsar Correa es troben la Reforma a la Constitució de la República de l'Equador (2008) document que va ser modificat i va donar pas a una transformació en el procés de desenvolupament social al país, tenint com a base els lineamientos i principis de l'Bon Viure com a eixos transversals que es van usar en els tres plans de Govern que el president de torn va aplicar al llarg de la seva gestió. Una altra política va ser l'aprovació de la Llei Orgànica de Comunicació (2013) que va generar un llarg debat al voltant dels punts que es van incloure en l'articulat, ja que segons els experts aquesta llei tenia contradiccions a l'hora de la seva execució; però sens dubte va ser i ha estat part clau en matèria de polítiques públiques de comunicació al país. Entenem llavors per polítiques públiques de comunicació a la definició que dóna Luis Ramiro Beltrán, qui ha opinat que els responsables de formular les polítiques de comunicació hauran de vetllar perquè hi hagi una democratització de el sistema de comunicació i hauran de vetllar perquè hi hagi una democratització de el sistema de comunicació i una major participació social com a criteri d'igualtat per als governs. ; Este trabajo pretende identificar y analizar las políticas públicas de comunicación en Ecuador concretamente las que fueron implementadas a partir de que el país ingresó al denominado proceso de la Revolución Ciudadana, que se incluye dentro de Socialismo del Siglo XXI. Dichas políticas tomaron forma desde que el mandatario -en aquella época- Ec. Rafael Correa Delgado asumió el poder presidencial cuyo cargo duró por tres períodos de 2007 al 2017, una década que estuvo marcada por nuevos principios, reformas y aprobación de nuevas leyes para Ecuador. Es pertinente estudiar estas políticas porque han sido motivo de debate por parte de los diferentes actores sociales tanto a nivel gubernamental como a nivel de la sociedad, de los organismos reguladores y los observatorios o veedurías ciudadanas. Entre las políticas públicas de comunicación que impulsó Correa se encuentran la Reforma a la Constitución de la República del Ecuador (2008) documento que fue modificado y dio paso a una transformación en el proceso de desarrollo social en el país, teniendo como base los lineamientos y principios del Buen Vivir como ejes transversales que se usaron en los tres Planes de Gobierno que el presidente de turno aplicó a lo largo de su gestión. Otra política fue la aprobación de la Ley Orgánica de Comunicación (2013) que generó un largo debate en torno a los puntos que se incluyeron en el articulado, ya que según los expertos esta ley tenía contradicciones al momento de su ejecución; pero sin duda fue y ha sido parte clave en materia de políticas públicas de comunicación en el país. Entendemos entonces por políticas públicas de comunicación a la definición que da Luis Ramiro Beltrán, quien opinó que los responsables de formular las políticas de comunicación habrán de velar porque exista una democratización del sistema de comunicación y una mayor participación social como criterio de igualdad para los gobiernos. ; This work aims to identify and analyze public communication policies in Ecuador, specifically those that were implemented after the country entered the so-called process of the Citizen Revolution, which is included within the Socialism of the XXI Century. These policies took shape and strength since the president -at that time- Ec. Rafael Correa Delgado assumed the presidential power whose position lasted for three periods from 2007 to 2017, a decade that was marked by new principles, reforms and approval of new laws for Ecuador. It is pertinent to study these policies because they have been the subject of debate on the part of the different social actors both at the governmental level and at the level of society, regulatory bodies and citizen observatories or oversight bodies. Among the public policies that Correa promoted are the Reform to the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador (2008), a document that was modified and gave way to a transformation in the social development process in the country, based on the guidelines and principles of the Buen Vivir as transversal axes that were used in the three Government Plans that the current president applied throughout his administration. Other policie was the approval of the Organic Law of Communication (2013) generated a long debate around the points that would be included in the articles, since according to those understood this law had contradictions at the time of its execution; but without a doubt it was and has been a key part of public communication policies in this country. Therefore, we understand communication policies as the definition given by Luis Ramiro Beltrán, who believed that those responsible for formulating communication policies should ensure that there is a democratization of the communication system and greater social participation as a criterion of equality for governments.

Con sus luces y sombras, sus renovadas luchas y reivindicaciones y también sus crisis, debilidades, injusticias y exclusiones recurrentes (para una porción ciertamente mayoritaria de la población mundial), podemos ciertamente reconocer que mucho se ha discutido e implementado en poco más de medio siglo en términos de la institucionalización de garantías de acceso "a" y del goce (idealmente pleno e igualitario) "de" los derechos fundamentales (DF). No obstante, es innegable la crisis global actual de la democracia, la paz y de los propios DF, en el contexto del desarrollo in-sostenible pregonado por el capitalismo global y sus lógicas mercantilizadoras, maximizadoras y extractivistas reinantes. Ante estas dificultades, se ha propuesto que una de las expansiones necesarias del constitucionalismo global ha de ser el capítulo relativo a los bienes fundamentales. En este breve ensayo, intentaremos poner de resalto la comunión estratégica que cabe advertir entre los aportes de las epistemologías "del sur" - propias del pensamiento social que "tensiona" el desarrollo - y las mentadas ampliaciones constitucionales. Se plantean algunas bases para repensar una simbiosis crítica entre la Justicia social, la Ambiental y la Ecológica, postulando que el desarrollo de mayores instituciones de garantías (que "desmercantilicen" los derechos y bienes fundamentales, que creen las condiciones necesarias para su armónico desarrollo y que remuevan los obstáculos de sus actuales ataduras y fisuras) exige adoptar "normas de tareas" correlativas, dentro de una visión complementaria y estructural entre el "enfoque de derechos" y el "enfoque de los bienes fundamentales", reforzando en un todo la misión fundamental a cargo del Estado de garantizar la justicia social. ; With its lights and shadows, its renewed struggles and demands and also its recurring crises, weaknesses, injustices and exclusions (for a majority of the world's population), we can recognize that much has been discussed and implemented in little more than half a century in terms of the institutionalization of guarantees of "access to" and the (ideally full and equal) enjoyment "of" fundamental rights (FD). Nevertheless, the current global crisis of democracy, peace and the DF itself is undeniable, in the context of the unsustainable development advocated by global capitalism and its prevailing mercantilizing, maximizing and extractivist logics. Faced with these difficulties, it has been proposed that one of the necessary expansions of global constitutionalism should be the chapter on fundamental goods. In this brief essay, we will try to highlight the strategic communion that can be noticed between the contributions of the "southern" epistemologies - characteristic of the social thought that "stresses" development - and the mentioned constitutional expansions. Some bases are proposed to rethink a critical symbiosis between Social, Environmental and Ecological Justice, postulating that the development of greater guarantee institutions (that taking market out of fundamental rights and goods, that create the necessary conditions for their harmonious development and that remove the obstacles of their current ties and fissures) demands to adopt correlative "task norms", within a complementary and structural vision between the "rights approach" and the "fundamental goods approach", reinforcing in a whole the fundamental mission in charge of the State to guarantee justice, reinforcing in a whole the fundamental mission in charge of the State to guarantee justice. ; Com suas luzes e sombras, suas renovadas lutas e reivindicações e também suas crises, fraquezas, injustiças e exclusões recorrentes (para uma parcela certamente maioritária da população mundial), podemos certamente reconhecer que muito tem sido discutido e implementado em pouco mais de meio século em termos da institucionalização de garantias de acesso "a" e do gozo (idealmente pleno e igualitário) "de" os direitos fundamentais (DF). No entanto, é inegável a atual crise global da democracia, da paz e dos próprios DF, no contexto do desenvolvimento insustentável pregado pelo capitalismo global e suas lógicas mercantilizadoras, maximizadora e extrativista reinante. Diante essas dificuldades, foi proposto que uma das expansões necessárias do constitucionalismo global deve ser o capítulo relativo aos bens fundamentais. Neste breve ensaio, tentaremos enfatizar a comunhão estratégica que deve-se notar entre as contribuições das epistemologias "do sul" - típicas do pensamento social que "tensiona" o desenvolvimento - e as mencionadas expansões constitucionais. Propõem-se algumas bases para repensar uma simbiose crítica entre a Justiça social, Ambiental e a Ecológica, postulando que o desenvolvimento de maiores instituições de garantias (que "desmercantilizem" os direitos e bens fundamentais, que criem as condições necessárias para seu harmonioso desenvolvimento e que eliminem os obstáculos de suas atuais ataduras e fissuras) exige adotar "normas de tarefa" correlatas, dentro de uma visão complementaria e estrutural entre a "abordagem dos direitos" e a "abordagem dos bens fundamentais", reforçando em um todo a missão fundamental carga do Estado de garantir a justiça social. ; Avec ses lumières et ses ombres, ses luttes et ses revendications renouvelées ainsi que ses crises, ses faiblesses, ses injustices et ses exclusions récurrentes pour une partie certainement majoritaire de la population mondiale, nous pouvons certainement reconnaître que beaucoup de l'institutionnalisation des garanties d'accès "à " et de jouissance (idéalement complète et égalitaire) "des" droits fondamentaux. Cependant, la crise mondiale actuelle de la démocratie, de la paix et de ses propres droits fondamentaux est indéniable, dans le contexte d'un développement insoutenable proclamé par le capitalisme mondial et ses logiques commerciales,maximiseurs et extractivistes. Face à ces difficultés, il a été proposé que l'un des développements nécessaires du constitutionnalisme mondial soit le chapitre sur les biens fondamentaux. Dans cet essai, nous tenterons de mettre en évidence la communion stratégique entre les contributions des épistémologies "du Sud" - typiques de la pensée sociale qui "insiste sur le développement" - et les développements constitutionnels susmentionnés. Certaines bases sont proposées pour réfléchir à une symbiose critique entre la justice sociale, environnementale et écologique, postulant le développement d'institutions de garantie qui contribuent à décommercialiser les droits et biens fondamentaux , qui créent les conditions nécessaires à leur développement harmonique et suppriment les obstacles liés à leurs liens et fissures actuels. Cela nécessite l'adoption de normes de tâches corrélatives, dans le cadre d'une vision complémentaire et structurelle entre "approche des droits" et "approche des biens fondamentaux", renforçant ainsi dans l'ensemble la mission fondamentale de l'État de garantir la justice sociale. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

The following article analyzes the dictatorial regimes of the twentieth century, discussing both their homogenous and heterogeneous features. We begin with the premise that their origins were particularly varied, encompassing military coups, populist revolutions, mass movements in the postwar period and even in democracies legitimately accepted by the international community. Our hypothesis is that the degree of mass indoctrination and popular acceptance was highly diverse, not to mention the fact that a dictator's concentrated power is immense, as well as gradual, ranging from authoritarianism to tyranny. Despite their comprehensive military support, dictators had to utilize leadership and oratory skills as well as a strong dose of popular messianization. In subjecting a population to a single indisputable authority, a leader must make continual use of tools of popular acceptance in order to prevent future uprisings. Communism and fascism have been dealt with, however it is important to determine not only what separates them, but also what unites them. ; Los regímenes dictatoriales del s. XX han presentado tanto características homogéneas como heterogéneas. Su origen también fue de lo más variado: golpes militares, revoluciones populares, movimiento de masas en la posguerra y hasta en democracias legítimamente aceptadas por la comunidad internacional. El grado de adoctrinamiento de la masa y aceptación popular fue ampliamente diverso, sin olvidar que el poder concentrado en el dictador es inmenso, pero también gradual, desde el autoritarismo hasta la tiranía. Todos los caudillos han necesitado valerse de habilidades de liderazgo, oratoria y de grandes dosis de mesianización popular aunque contaran con el más completo y mejor respaldo militar a sus espaldas. Cuando el pueblo está sometido bajo una autoridad única e indiscutible, el líder requiere de continuas herramientas de aceptación popular que eviten futuras sublevaciones contra el cacique. El comunismo y el fascismo siempre han estado enfrentados, pero es importante conocer no solo qué les separa, sino también qué les une. ; Cet article analyse les régimes dictatoriaux du XXe siècle aux caractéristiques aussi bien homogènes qu'hétérogènes. Nous sommes partis de la supposition de ce que leur origine a également été des plus variés : coup d'État militaire, révolution populaire, mouvement de masse d'après-guerre et démocratie légitimement acceptée par la communauté internationale. Notre hypothèse est que le degré d'endoctrinement des masses et d'acceptation populaire a lui aussi été des plus divers, sans oublier que le pouvoir concentré dans les mains d'un dictateur est immense, mais également graduel, et peut aller du simple autoritarisme à la tyrannie la plus totale. Les différents caudillos ont ainsi dû faire valoir leur habileté au commandement, leurs qualités oratoires et de fortes doses de messianisation populaire, et ce même lorsqu'ils pouvaient compter sur le soutien sans faille des forces militaires. Lorsque le peuple est soumis à une autorité unique et indiscutable, le leader doit constamment faire usage d'outils d'acceptation populaire à même d'éviter de futurs soulèvements contre le cacique. Le communisme et le fascisme se sont toujours affrontés, mais il est important de connaître non seulement ce qui les sépare, mais également ce qui les unit. ; Este artigo analisa os regimes ditatoriais do século XX que apresentavam tanto características homogêneas como heterogêneas. Partimos da suposição segundo a qual sua origem também foi das mais diversas: golpes militares, revoluções populares, movimento de massas no período pós-guerra e até em democracias legitimamente aceitas pela comunidade internacional. Nossa hipótese é que o grau de doutrinação das massas e de aceitação popular foi bastante diverso, sem esquecer que o poder concentrado nas mãos dos ditadores é imenso, mas igualmente gradual, do mero autoritarismo até a mais cruel tirania. Os ditadores precisaram lançar mão de habilidades de liderança, de talentos oratórios e de grandes doses de messianização popular, mesmo que contassem com o mais completo respaldo militar. Quando o povo está submetido a uma autoridade única e indiscutível, o líder precisa de contínuas ferramentas de aceitação popular no intuito de evitar futuras sublevações contra o cacique. O comunismo e o fascismo sempre se enfrentaram, mas é importante conhecer não somente o que os separa, como também o que os une. ; 本文分æžäº†äºŒå世纪众多独è£æ"¿æƒæ‰€è¡¨çŽ°å‡ºåŒè´¨å'Œå¼'质特å¾ã€'æˆ'们知é"这些独è£æ"¿æƒçš"èµ·æºä¹Ÿæ˜¯å¤šç§å¤šæ ·ï¼šæœ‰äº›æ˜¯é€šè¿‡å†›äº‹æ"¿å˜ä¸Šå°çš"，有çš"是ç»åŽ†äº†æ°'ä¼—é©å'½ï¼Œæœ‰äº›æ˜¯æˆ˜åŽç¾¤ä¼—è¿åŠ¨ä¸­åˆ›å»ºèµ·æ¥çš"，有些是从国际社会接å—çš"æ°'主æ"¿æƒä¸­èœ•å˜è€Œæ¥çš"ã€'æˆ'们çš"认为，å"个独è£æ"¿æƒå¯¹ç¾¤ä¼—çš"æ´—è"'å'Œæ°'众接å—独è£çš"程度是å"ä¸ç›¸åŒçš"，独è£è€…手中çš"æƒåŠ›æ˜¯é€æ­¥å¢žå¤§çš"，是æ¸æ¸çš"从å¨æƒä¸»ä¹‰åˆ°æš´æ"¿ã€'尽管他们拥有最完整å'Œæœ€å¥½çš"军事æ"¯æŒï¼Œæ‹‰ç¾Žåœ°åŒºçš"土皇å¸ä»¬ (caudillos) ä»ç"¶éœ€è¦è¿ç"¨é¢†å¯¼æ‰èƒ½å'Œæ¼"说技巧，æžåŠ›æŠŠè‡ªå·±æ‰"扮为æ•'世主ã€'尽管人æ°'ç"Ÿæ´»åœ¨å"¯ä¸€çš"ï¼Œæ— å¯äº‰è®®çš"æƒå¨ä¹‹ä¸‹ï¼Œç‹¬è£è€…ä»ç"¶éœ€è¦ä¸æ–­èŽ·å¾—æ°'ä¼—çš"æ™®é接å—，以é¿å…人æ°'对独è£è€…å'èµ·å抗ã€'共产主义å'Œæ³•è¥¿æ–¯ä¸»ä¹‰ä¹‹é—´æœ‰ä¸¥æ ¼çš"区分，但是æˆ'们ä¸ä»…è¦çŸ¥é"它们之间çš"区别，还è¦å°†å®ƒä»¬è"系起æ¥è¿›è¡Œåæ€ã€'

The classical model of philosophy has shaped ideas about its nature and aims that were laid in ancient metaphysics, but have been substantially amended by civilizational change. Socialcultural background of philosophy became trends that began to emerge in late medieval culture has particularly flourished there during modern times. Sphere of existence is important for the development of any spiritual phenomenon. For metaphysics it is the idea of humanity, acting as a kind of cultural protest against the domination of religion. This caused criticism of the medieval way of life and thinking. The idea of human revival based on spirit of antiquity has grounded. Disclaimer theological philosophy medieval variant type is as opposed to free philosophizing, coupled with poetry and literature, University dogmatic philosophy. There were a «rediscovery» of Plato, Aristotle reinterpretation. Philosophers explored a problem of human emotions and relationships, considering the person as a whole being, which is inherent in the mind, which cannot be considered without bodily desires and emotions. Change of the values awakened activity of the human person, led its transformation settings concerning himself and the surrounding world. Thus objectively obtained expression and ideological embodiment of civilization in a need of a new type of man - to a much greater extent compared to medieval activity, initiative, freedom, rationality, responsibility. Under the influence of such attitudes changes within religion gradually took place. Through the efforts of thinkers like Luther, Calvin, Munzer there were laid ideas of the Reformation that go far beyond its borders, gaining general cultural nature. The Church was increasingly losing control over everyday human existence. Gradually standards of a free, relaxed life became conventional; requirements of the body, «earthly» spirit demands fulfilling played a huge role. Thought and Culture of the Renaissance reflects the image of real life. In these circumstances, some religious institutions in the sixteenth century tried to revive and sustain the traditional symbols humble, «pure», ascetic life. But it could not curb the rapid process of reappraisal. Rationalist tendency, based on the elements of the ancient perception of the world and man's role in it, influenced religion. Reformation caused profound changes in the spiritual and religious region, the political landscape of Europe and in the economic and social structures. Protestantism that arose in the social sphere leads to the formation of a new ethics that justifies the work in any form of business and that becomes part of the general moral values. This problem is clearly explained in the writings of W. Sombart and M. Weber. ; Класична модель філософії сформувалася під впливом тих уявлень про її сутність і завдання, що були закладені ще в античній метафізиці, але які були істотно доповнені цивілізаційними змінами. Соціокультурним тлом розвитку філософії виступили тенденції, які стали виникати в культурі вже пізнього середньовіччя і особливо розквітли в ній у період Нового часу. Важливе значення для розвитку будь-якого духовного явища має середовище, сфера існування. Для метафізики це ідеї гуманізму, які виступають як своєрідний культурний протест проти панування релігії. Результатом цього стає критика середньовічного способу життя й мислення. Обґрунтовується ідея відродження людини на основі духу античності. Відмова від теологічного варіанта філософії середньовічного типу здійснюється як протиставлення вільного філософування, поєднаного з поезією й літературою, університетській догматичній філософії. Відбувається «перевідкриття» Платона, переосмислюються ідеї Арістотеля. Філософи дослід­жують проблему людських почуттів і взаємин, розглядаючи людину як цілісну істоту, якій властивий розум, котра не може жити поза тілесними бажаннями й афектами. Зміна ціннісних акцентів розбудила активність людської особистості, обумовила перетворення її установок стосовно самої себе й оточуючого світу. Тим самим об'єктивно отримала вираження ідейно-світоглядного втілення потреба цивілізації в людині нового типу – із значно більшою, порівняно із середньовіччям, мірою активності, ініціативи, свободи, розсудливості, відповідальності. Під впливом таких настроїв поступово відбуваються зміни усередині самої релігії. Зусиллями таких мислителів, як Лютер, Кальвін, Мюнцер закладаються ідеї реформації церкви, які виходять далеко за її межі, здобуваючи загальнокультурний характер. Церква починає все більше втрачати контроль над повсякденним існуванням людей. Поступово стверджувалися і все ширше розповсюджувалися норми вільного, розкутого життя; потребам, задоволенням тіла, насолодам «земного» духу відводилася величезна роль. Думка й культура епохи Відродження відображала зміни реального способу життя людей. У цих умовах деякі релігійні інституції в XVІ столітті намагалися оживити й витримати традиційні символи скромного, «чистого», аскетичного життя. Але ці заходи не могли стримати стрімкого процесу переоцінки цінностей. ; Класична модель філософії сформувалася під впливом тих уявлень про її сутність і завдання, що були закладені ще в античній метафізиці, але які були істотно доповнені цивілізаційними змінами. Соціокультурним тлом розвитку філософії виступили тенденції, які стали виникати в культурі вже пізнього середньовіччя і особливо розквітли в ній у період Нового часу. Важливе значення для розвитку будь-якого духовного явища має середовище, сфера існування. Для метафізики це ідеї гуманізму, які виступають як своєрідний культурний протест проти панування релігії. Результатом цього стає критика середньовічного способу життя й мислення. Обґрунтовується ідея відродження людини на основі духу античності. Відмова від теологічного варіанта філософії середньовічного типу здійснюється як протиставлення вільного філософування, поєднаного з поезією й літературою, університетській догматичній філософії. Відбувається «перевідкриття» Платона, переосмислюються ідеї Арістотеля. Філософи дослід­жують проблему людських почуттів і взаємин, розглядаючи людину як цілісну істоту, якій властивий розум, котра не може жити поза тілесними бажаннями й афектами. Зміна ціннісних акцентів розбудила активність людської особистості, обумовила перетворення її установок стосовно самої себе й оточуючого світу. Тим самим об'єктивно отримала вираження ідейно-світоглядного втілення потреба цивілізації в людині нового типу – із значно більшою, порівняно із середньовіччям, мірою активності, ініціативи, свободи, розсудливості, відповідальності. Під впливом таких настроїв поступово відбуваються зміни усередині самої релігії. Зусиллями таких мислителів, як Лютер, Кальвін, Мюнцер закладаються ідеї реформації церкви, які виходять далеко за її межі, здобуваючи загальнокультурний характер. Церква починає все більше втрачати контроль над повсякденним існуванням людей. Поступово стверджувалися і все ширше розповсюджувалися норми вільного, розкутого життя; потребам, задоволенням тіла, насолодам «земного» духу відводилася величезна роль. Думка й культура епохи Відродження відображала зміни реального способу життя людей. У цих умовах деякі релігійні інституції в XVІ столітті намагалися оживити й витримати традиційні символи скромного, «чистого», аскетичного життя. Але ці заходи не могли стримати стрімкого процесу переоцінки цінностей.

Estudo retrospectivo da situação das escolas do campo brasileiras e concepções dos professores de escolas públicas rurais no município de Itapuranga, Goiás, Brasil O objetivo deste estudo foi compreender o contexto que perfaz a educação do campo segundo os professores, no município de Itapuranga-GO, bem como análise retrospectiva quanto ao fechamento de escolas do campo e número de matrículas. A coleta de dados contou com a aplicação de um questionário sobre concepções e conceitos dos professores quanto à estrutura, o transporte, a formação profissional e as transformações na educação na escola do campo em que trabalham. A pesquisa junto aos professores ocorreu em agosto de 2017 e quanto ao número de matrículas e escolas foi realizada no site QEdu e IBGE (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística). No município de Itapuranga tem duas escolas municipais rurais, sendo uma a Escola Municipal Betel e a outra a Escola Municipal Serra Dourada, contendo 8 e 3 professores, respectivamente. Aceitaram participar da pesquisa somente 9, sendo 5 do gênero feminino e 4 do masculino. A idade dos professores varia de 30 a 50 anos. Todos têm graduação em áreas como pedagogia, letras/inglês, matemática e/ou história, e somente um professor tem um curso complementar dentre as áreas visadas pela educação do campo que é agricultura familiar. Constatou-se que o modelo de gestão, os conteúdos, os projetos e a formação de professores das escolas rurais do município seguem o mesmo Projeto Político Pedagógico (PPP) das escolas urbanas e que não há um esforço do poder público e nem dos profissionais para adequar a escola do campo dentro dos princípios estabelecidos. Palavras-chave: Escola Rural, Educação do Campo, Formação dos Profissionais, Matrículas Escolares, Fechamento de Escolas. Retrospective study of the situation of Brazilian countryside schools and conceptions of teachers of rural public schools in the municipality of Itapuranga, Goiás, Brazil ABSTRACT. The aim of this study was to understand the underlying context of the countryside education according to the teachers in the municipality of Itapuranga-GO, as well as retrospective analysis of the closure of the countryside schools and the number of enrollments. Data collection included application of a questionnaire about teachers' conceptions and concepts regarding the structure, transportation, professional training and transformations in education in the school of the countryside in which they work. The survey with the teachers was carried out in August 2017 and the search for the number of enrollments and schools was carried out on the databases of QEdu and IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics). Municipality of Itapuranga has two rural municipal schools, the Betel Municipal School and Serra Dourada Municipal School, containing 08 and 03 teachers, respectively. Only 09 teachers agreed to participate in this study, being 5 of the female and 4 of the male gender. The age of teachers varied from 30 to 50 years. They all have degrees in areas such as Pedagogy, Letters (English), Mathematics and/or History, and only has a complementary course in the field of countryside school, which is in Family Farming. It was verified that the management model, the contents, the projects and the training of teachers of the countryside schools of the municipality follow the same Pedagogical Political Project (PPP) of the urban schools and that there is not an effort of the state and the professionals to adapt the rural schools within established principles. Keywords: Rural school, Countryside education, Training of professionals, School enrollments, Closing schools. Estudio retrospectivo de la situación de las escuelas de campo brasileñas y concepciones de profesores de escuelas públicas rurales en el municipio de Itapuranga, Goiás, Brasil RESUMEN. El objetivo del estudio era comprender el contexto que conforma la educación rural según los docentes, en el municipio de Itapuranga-GO, así como análisis retrospectivos del cierre de escuelas en el campo y el número de inscripciones. La recopilación de datos incluyó la aplicación de un cuestionario sobre las concepciones y conceptos de los docentes sobre la estructura, el transporte, la capacitación profesional y las transformaciones en la educación en la escuela en el país donde trabajan. La investigación con los profesores se realizó en agosto de 2017 y la búsqueda del número de inscripciones y escuelas se realizó en el sitio web de QEdu y IBGE (Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadística). En el municipio de Itapuranga hay 2 escuelas municipales rurales, una es la Escuela Municipal Betel y la Escuela Municipal Serra Dourada, con un total de 8 y 3 maestros, respectivamente. Solo 9 aceptó participar en la investigación, 55.5% (n = 5) de mujeres y 44.5% (n = 4) de hombres. La edad de los maestros varía de 30 a 50 años. Todos tienen títulos en áreas como pedagogía, letras/inglés, matemáticas y/o historia, y solo un maestro tiene un curso complementario entre las áreas a las que apunta la educación rural, que es la agricultura familiar. Se encontró que el modelo de gestión, el contenido, los proyectos y la formación de docentes de las escuelas rurales del municipio siguen el mismo Proyecto Pedagógico Político (PPP) de las escuelas urbanas y que las autoridades públicas o los profesionales no hacen ningún esfuerzo para adaptar la escuela rural dentro de los principios establecidos. Palabras clave: Escuela Rural, Educación Rural, Formación Profesional, Inscripción Escolar, Cierre de Escuelas. ; Estudo retrospectivo da situação das escolas do campo brasileiras e concepções dos professores de escolas públicas rurais no município de Itapuranga, Goiás, Brasil O objetivo deste estudo foi compreender o contexto que perfaz a educação do campo segundo os professores, no município de Itapuranga-GO, bem como análise retrospectiva quanto ao fechamento de escolas do campo e número de matrículas. A coleta de dados contou com a aplicação de um questionário sobre concepções e conceitos dos professores quanto à estrutura, o transporte, a formação profissional e as transformações na educação na escola do campo em que trabalham. A pesquisa junto aos professores ocorreu em agosto de 2017 e quanto ao número de matrículas e escolas foi realizada no site QEdu e IBGE (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística). No município de Itapuranga tem duas escolas municipais rurais, sendo uma a Escola Municipal Betel e a outra a Escola Municipal Serra Dourada, contendo 8 e 3 professores, respectivamente. Aceitaram participar da pesquisa somente 9, sendo 5 do gênero feminino e 4 do masculino. A idade dos professores varia de 30 a 50 anos. Todos têm graduação em áreas como pedagogia, letras/inglês, matemática e/ou história, e somente um professor tem um curso complementar dentre as áreas visadas pela educação do campo que é agricultura familiar. Constatou-se que o modelo de gestão, os conteúdos, os projetos e a formação de professores das escolas rurais do município seguem o mesmo Projeto Político Pedagógico (PPP) das escolas urbanas e que não há um esforço do poder público e nem dos profissionais para adequar a escola do campo dentro dos princípios estabelecidos. Palavras-chave: Escola Rural, Educação do Campo, Formação dos Profissionais, Matrículas Escolares, Fechamento de Escolas. Retrospective study of the situation of Brazilian countryside schools and conceptions of teachers of rural public schools in the municipality of Itapuranga, Goiás, Brazil ABSTRACT. The aim of this study was to understand the underlying context of the countryside education according to the teachers in the municipality of Itapuranga-GO, as well as retrospective analysis of the closure of the countryside schools and the number of enrollments. Data collection included application of a questionnaire about teachers' conceptions and concepts regarding the structure, transportation, professional training and transformations in education in the school of the countryside in which they work. The survey with the teachers was carried out in August 2017 and the search for the number of enrollments and schools was carried out on the databases of QEdu and IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics). Municipality of Itapuranga has two rural municipal schools, the Betel Municipal School and Serra Dourada Municipal School, containing 08 and 03 teachers, respectively. Only 09 teachers agreed to participate in this study, being 5 of the female and 4 of the male gender. The age of teachers varied from 30 to 50 years. They all have degrees in areas such as Pedagogy, Letters (English), Mathematics and/or History, and only has a complementary course in the field of countryside school, which is in Family Farming. It was verified that the management model, the contents, the projects and the training of teachers of the countryside schools of the municipality follow the same Pedagogical Political Project (PPP) of the urban schools and that there is not an effort of the state and the professionals to adapt the rural schools within established principles. Keywords: Rural school, Countryside education, Training of professionals, School enrollments, Closing schools. Estudio retrospectivo de la situación de las escuelas de campo brasileñas y concepciones de profesores de escuelas públicas rurales en el municipio de Itapuranga, Goiás, Brasil RESUMEN. El objetivo del estudio era comprender el contexto que conforma la educación rural según los docentes, en el municipio de Itapuranga-GO, así como análisis retrospectivos del cierre de escuelas en el campo y el número de inscripciones. La recopilación de datos incluyó la aplicación de un cuestionario sobre las concepciones y conceptos de los docentes sobre la estructura, el transporte, la capacitación profesional y las transformaciones en la educación en la escuela en el país donde trabajan. La investigación con los profesores se realizó en agosto de 2017 y la búsqueda del número de inscripciones y escuelas se realizó en el sitio web de QEdu y IBGE (Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadística). En el municipio de Itapuranga hay 2 escuelas municipales rurales, una es la Escuela Municipal Betel y la Escuela Municipal Serra Dourada, con un total de 8 y 3 maestros, respectivamente. Solo 9 aceptó participar en la investigación, 55.5% (n = 5) de mujeres y 44.5% (n = 4) de hombres. La edad de los maestros varía de 30 a 50 años. Todos tienen títulos en áreas como pedagogía, letras/inglés, matemáticas y/o historia, y solo un maestro tiene un curso complementario entre las áreas a las que apunta la educación rural, que es la agricultura familiar. Se encontró que el modelo de gestión, el contenido, los proyectos y la formación de docentes de las escuelas rurales del municipio siguen el mismo Proyecto Pedagógico Político (PPP) de las escuelas urbanas y que las autoridades públicas o los profesionales no hacen ningún esfuerzo para adaptar la escuela rural dentro de los principios establecidos. Palabras clave: Escuela Rural, Educación Rural, Formación Profesional, Inscripción Escolar, Cierre de Escuelas. ; Estudo retrospectivo da situação das escolas do campo brasileiras e concepções dos professores de escolas públicas rurais no município de Itapuranga, Goiás, Brasil O objetivo deste estudo foi compreender o contexto que perfaz a educação do campo segundo os professores, no município de Itapuranga-GO, bem como análise retrospectiva quanto ao fechamento de escolas do campo e número de matrículas. A coleta de dados contou com a aplicação de um questionário sobre concepções e conceitos dos professores quanto à estrutura, o transporte, a formação profissional e as transformações na educação na escola do campo em que trabalham. A pesquisa junto aos professores ocorreu em agosto de 2017 e quanto ao número de matrículas e escolas foi realizada no site QEdu e IBGE (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística). No município de Itapuranga tem duas escolas municipais rurais, sendo uma a Escola Municipal Betel e a outra a Escola Municipal Serra Dourada, contendo 8 e 3 professores, respectivamente. Aceitaram participar da pesquisa somente 9, sendo 5 do gênero feminino e 4 do masculino. A idade dos professores varia de 30 a 50 anos. Todos têm graduação em áreas como pedagogia, letras/inglês, matemática e/ou história, e somente um professor tem um curso complementar dentre as áreas visadas pela educação do campo que é agricultura familiar. Constatou-se que o modelo de gestão, os conteúdos, os projetos e a formação de professores das escolas rurais do município seguem o mesmo Projeto Político Pedagógico (PPP) das escolas urbanas e que não há um esforço do poder público e nem dos profissionais para adequar a escola do campo dentro dos princípios estabelecidos. Palavras-chave: Escola Rural, Educação do Campo, Formação dos Profissionais, Matrículas Escolares, Fechamento de Escolas. Retrospective study of the situation of Brazilian countryside schools and conceptions of teachers of rural public schools in the municipality of Itapuranga, Goiás, Brazil ABSTRACT. The aim of this study was to understand the underlying context of the countryside education according to the teachers in the municipality of Itapuranga-GO, as well as retrospective analysis of the closure of the countryside schools and the number of enrollments. Data collection included application of a questionnaire about teachers' conceptions and concepts regarding the structure, transportation, professional training and transformations in education in the school of the countryside in which they work. The survey with the teachers was carried out in August 2017 and the search for the number of enrollments and schools was carried out on the databases of QEdu and IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics). Municipality of Itapuranga has two rural municipal schools, the Betel Municipal School and Serra Dourada Municipal School, containing 08 and 03 teachers, respectively. Only 09 teachers agreed to participate in this study, being 5 of the female and 4 of the male gender. The age of teachers varied from 30 to 50 years. They all have degrees in areas such as Pedagogy, Letters (English), Mathematics and/or History, and only has a complementary course in the field of countryside school, which is in Family Farming. It was verified that the management model, the contents, the projects and the training of teachers of the countryside schools of the municipality follow the same Pedagogical Political Project (PPP) of the urban schools and that there is not an effort of the state and the professionals to adapt the rural schools within established principles. Keywords: Rural school, Countryside education, Training of professionals, School enrollments, Closing schools. Estudio retrospectivo de la situación de las escuelas de campo brasileñas y concepciones de profesores de escuelas públicas rurales en el municipio de Itapuranga, Goiás, Brasil RESUMEN. El objetivo del estudio era comprender el contexto que conforma la educación rural según los docentes, en el municipio de Itapuranga-GO, así como análisis retrospectivos del cierre de escuelas en el campo y el número de inscripciones. La recopilación de datos incluyó la aplicación de un cuestionario sobre las concepciones y conceptos de los docentes sobre la estructura, el transporte, la capacitación profesional y las transformaciones en la educación en la escuela en el país donde trabajan. La investigación con los profesores se realizó en agosto de 2017 y la búsqueda del número de inscripciones y escuelas se realizó en el sitio web de QEdu y IBGE (Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadística). En el municipio de Itapuranga hay 2 escuelas municipales rurales, una es la Escuela Municipal Betel y la Escuela Municipal Serra Dourada, con un total de 8 y 3 maestros, respectivamente. Solo 9 aceptó participar en la investigación, 55.5% (n = 5) de mujeres y 44.5% (n = 4) de hombres. La edad de los maestros varía de 30 a 50 años. Todos tienen títulos en áreas como pedagogía, letras/inglés, matemáticas y/o historia, y solo un maestro tiene un curso complementario entre las áreas a las que apunta la educación rural, que es la agricultura familiar. Se encontró que el modelo de gestión, el contenido, los proyectos y la formación de docentes de las escuelas rurales del municipio siguen el mismo Proyecto Pedagógico Político (PPP) de las escuelas urbanas y que las autoridades públicas o los profesionales no hacen ningún esfuerzo para adaptar la escuela rural dentro de los principios establecidos. Palabras clave: Escuela Rural, Educación Rural, Formación Profesional, Inscripción Escolar, Cierre de Escuelas. ; Estudo retrospectivo da situação das escolas do campo brasileiras e concepções dos professores de escolas públicas rurais no município de Itapuranga, Goiás, Brasil O objetivo deste estudo foi compreender o contexto que perfaz a educação do campo segundo os professores, no município de Itapuranga-GO, bem como análise retrospectiva quanto ao fechamento de escolas do campo e número de matrículas. A coleta de dados contou com a aplicação de um questionário sobre concepções e conceitos dos professores quanto à estrutura, o transporte, a formação profissional e as transformações na educação na escola do campo em que trabalham. A pesquisa junto aos professores ocorreu em agosto de 2017 e quanto ao número de matrículas e escolas foi realizada no site QEdu e IBGE (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística). No município de Itapuranga tem duas escolas municipais rurais, sendo uma a Escola Municipal Betel e a outra a Escola Municipal Serra Dourada, contendo 8 e 3 professores, respectivamente. Aceitaram participar da pesquisa somente 9, sendo 5 do gênero feminino e 4 do masculino. A idade dos professores varia de 30 a 50 anos. Todos têm graduação em áreas como pedagogia, letras/inglês, matemática e/ou história, e somente um professor tem um curso complementar dentre as áreas visadas pela educação do campo que é agricultura familiar. Constatou-se que o modelo de gestão, os conteúdos, os projetos e a formação de professores das escolas rurais do município seguem o mesmo Projeto Político Pedagógico (PPP) das escolas urbanas e que não há um esforço do poder público e nem dos profissionais para adequar a escola do campo dentro dos princípios estabelecidos. Palavras-chave: Escola Rural, Educação do Campo, Formação dos Profissionais, Matrículas Escolares, Fechamento de Escolas. Retrospective study of the situation of Brazilian countryside schools and conceptions of teachers of rural public schools in the municipality of Itapuranga, Goiás, Brazil ABSTRACT. The aim of this study was to understand the underlying context of the countryside education according to the teachers in the municipality of Itapuranga-GO, as well as retrospective analysis of the closure of the countryside schools and the number of enrollments. Data collection included application of a questionnaire about teachers' conceptions and concepts regarding the structure, transportation, professional training and transformations in education in the school of the countryside in which they work. The survey with the teachers was carried out in August 2017 and the search for the number of enrollments and schools was carried out on the databases of QEdu and IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics). Municipality of Itapuranga has two rural municipal schools, the Betel Municipal School and Serra Dourada Municipal School, containing 08 and 03 teachers, respectively. Only 09 teachers agreed to participate in this study, being 5 of the female and 4 of the male gender. The age of teachers varied from 30 to 50 years. They all have degrees in areas such as Pedagogy, Letters (English), Mathematics and/or History, and only has a complementary course in the field of countryside school, which is in Family Farming. It was verified that the management model, the contents, the projects and the training of teachers of the countryside schools of the municipality follow the same Pedagogical Political Project (PPP) of the urban schools and that there is not an effort of the state and the professionals to adapt the rural schools within established principles. Keywords: Rural school, Countryside education, Training of professionals, School enrollments, Closing schools. Estudio retrospectivo de la situación de las escuelas de campo brasileñas y concepciones de profesores de escuelas públicas rurales en el municipio de Itapuranga, Goiás, Brasil RESUMEN. El objetivo del estudio era comprender el contexto que conforma la educación rural según los docentes, en el municipio de Itapuranga-GO, así como análisis retrospectivos del cierre de escuelas en el campo y el número de inscripciones. La recopilación de datos incluyó la aplicación de un cuestionario sobre las concepciones y conceptos de los docentes sobre la estructura, el transporte, la capacitación profesional y las transformaciones en la educación en la escuela en el país donde trabajan. La investigación con los profesores se realizó en agosto de 2017 y la búsqueda del número de inscripciones y escuelas se realizó en el sitio web de QEdu y IBGE (Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadística). En el municipio de Itapuranga hay 2 escuelas municipales rurales, una es la Escuela Municipal Betel y la Escuela Municipal Serra Dourada, con un total de 8 y 3 maestros, respectivamente. Solo 9 aceptó participar en la investigación, 55.5% (n = 5) de mujeres y 44.5% (n = 4) de hombres. La edad de los maestros varía de 30 a 50 años. Todos tienen títulos en áreas como pedagogía, letras/inglés, matemáticas y/o historia, y solo un maestro tiene un curso complementario entre las áreas a las que apunta la educación rural, que es la agricultura familiar. Se encontró que el modelo de gestión, el contenido, los proyectos y la formación de docentes de las escuelas rurales del municipio siguen el mismo Proyecto Pedagógico Político (PPP) de las escuelas urbanas y que las autoridades públicas o los profesionales no hacen ningún esfuerzo para adaptar la escuela rural dentro de los principios establecidos. Palabras clave: Escuela Rural, Educación Rural, Formación Profesional, Inscripción Escolar, Cierre de Escuelas.

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Kina har gennem det sidste halve århundrede været igennem en drastisk økonomisk udvikling og befolkningstilvækst. Det har medført et enormt pres på landets naturressourcer. I mange områder har det skabt nye udfordringer for, hvordan man bedst håndterer vandressourceforvaltning. Kina har en lang hostorie for storstilede vandprojekter, som dæmninger og kanalsystemer. Det er først for nylig at den kinesiske regering har haft mere fokus på 'bløde' tilgange til vandressourceforvaltning som økonomiske incitamenter og institutionelle metoder. I forbindelse med denne overgang er der blevet formuleret en række politiske dokumenter, der sætter nye mål for at stoppe overforbrug af vandressourcer og forbedre den generelle vandkvalitet. Ét af disse dokumenter er "Water Ten Plan", hvori Haihe flodens opland er et af hovedindsatsområderne. Haihe er et af Kinas syv største flodoplande. Det udgør en stor del af den nordkinesiske slette, North China Plain, der ofte bliver omtalt som "Kinas brødkurv". Her konkurrerer millionbyer med det omkringliggende, intensivt opdyrkede område om de knappe vandressourcer. Dette har medført en kraftig overpumpning af grundvandsmagasinerne. Udover generel knaphed på vand er Haihe også det kinesiske flodopland med den overordnede set værste vandkvalitet. Hydroøkonomiske metoder og koncepter blev anvendt i dette studie på de komplekse vandressourceproblematikker i Haihe. En optimeringsmodel blev formuleret med udgangspunkt i ideen om, at vand besidder en økonomisk værdi. Ved at værdisætte alle former for brug af vand, kunne en socio-økonomisk optimal fordeling af de knappe vandressourcer tilstræbes. Med miljømæssige betingelser for den optimale fordeling af vand kunne værdien af bæredygtig vandressourceforvaltning reflekteres i økonomiske trade-offs og skyggepriser. Den hydroøkonomiske model var tilsigtet en så genkendelig og realistisk repræsentation af vandressourceproblematikkerne i Haihe som muligt. Den hydroøkonomiske optimeringsmodel blev derfor formuleret som ét stort lineært optimeringsproblem med en antagelse om perfekt fremsynethed over fremtidige hydrologiske hændelser. Dette muliggjorde en model, der kunne optimere et stort antal beslutningsvariabler over en lang række tidsskridt, uden at der skulle gås på kompromis med detaljegraden af modelområdet. Ved trinvist at begrænse overpumpningen af grundvandsmagasinerne kunne de økonomiske trade-offs af et bæredygtigt grundvandsforbrug afdækkes. Dette viste de omfattende socio-økonomiske konsekvenser af at standse overpumpningen af grundvand i North China Plain. Udover overpumpning af grundvand blev vandkvalitetsproblematikken også implementeret i modellen. Hver enkelt flod, grundvandsmagasin og vandtilførsler fra andre flodoplande, repræsenteret i modellen, blev angivet deres kendte vandkvalitet. De allokeringer af vand, der ikke havde en tilstrækkelig høj vandkvalitet til at sikre vandkvalitetskravene nedstrøms, blev pålagt en rensningsafgift. På denne måde sikredes alle brugere den nødvendige vandkvalitet. Samtidig kunne den økonomiske effekt af at sikre tilstrækkelig vandkvalitet kortlægges gennem skyggepriser for alle vandressourcer. Modellen blev også brugt til at finde værdien af forskellige tiltag til at imødekomme knapheden og kvaliteten af vandressourcerne. Disse tiltag var kunstig grundvandsinfiltrering og forbedret vandkvalitet af den østlige kanal med vandtilførsler fra Yangtze floden. Under antagelsen af perfekt fremsynethed kan effekterne af uforudsete hændelser, såsom tørke, ikke analyseres. Økonomiske omkostninger og værdien af tiltag vil højst sandsynligt være anderledes, hvis uforudsete hændelser medregnes. Disse hændelser blev simuleret ved at implementere en Model Predictive Control inspireret optimieringsrutine omkring modellen, der muliggjorde en kontinuerlig re-optimering. På denne måde kunne optimeringsproblemet simuleres med varierede grader af fremsynethed. Effekten af fremsynethed for udbyttet af landbrugsafgrøder blev repræsenteret ved at implementere respons i afgrødens endelige udbytte fra vandallokeringer over hele sæsonen. Modellen blev brugt til at evaluere værdien af et foreslået projekt, der ville kunne lede vandtilførsler fra den Gule Flod gennem Guanting reservoir til den vandknappe slette. Værdien af projektet viste sig at være undervurderet under antagelsen af perfekt fremsynethed. Dette understreger vigtigheden af at overveje effekterne af uforudsete hændelser i evalueringen af værdien af vandressourceprojekter. Modellen viste sig at være et brugbart værktøj til at klarlægge de økonomiske effekter relateret til de store vandproblematikker i Haihe: overpumpning af grundvandet og forringet vandkvalitet. De nuværende kinesiske tiltag på vandområdet viser en øget opmærksomhed omkring bæredygtig vandressourceforvaltning af flodoplande. Indsigter fra hydroøkonomiske analyser kan skabe forudsætningerne for at bevæge forvaltningen af de knappe vandressourcer i en mere bæredygtig retning og derved nå de politiske målsætninger. Erfaringerne fra Model Predictive Control optimeringsrutinen kan overføres til ethvert projekt, hvor et dynamisk system evalueres under en forudsætning af perfekt fremsynethed. ; China has experienced rapid economic growth and an increasing population over the past half century, which has put enormous pressure on its natural resources. In many regions, the rising pressure on water resources poses considerable challenges to water management. China has a long tradition of large-scale water infrastructure projects, but not until recently has the government emphasized more 'soft' approaches to water resources management, such as economic incentives and institutional measures. This transition has led to the formulation of several policy documents, which set new goals for capping water use and improving its quality. Among these documents is the Water Ten Plan, which identifies the Haihe River basin as one of the key regions for addressing water scarcity and pollution. The basin is one of the seven major river basins in China, and its plain area is part of the North China Plain, traditionally known as "the food basket of China". It is intensively cultivated, and agricultural irrigation demands compete with megacities and industries for scarce water resources. This has led to an overexploitation of the groundwater resources over the past decades. In addition to water scarcity, the Haihe River basin also presently has the overall worst water quality in the country. Methods and concepts from the field of hydroeconomic analysis were applied to the complex water challenges of the Haihe River basin, and the fundamental view of water possessing an economic value was adopted in an optimization framework. By quantifying the value of water in terms of all of its uses, socio-economic optimal management was pursued. Introducing environmental constraints to the optimization framework reflected the value of sustainable water management in economic trade-offs and shadow prices. The model representation of the Haihe River basin water management problem was intended to be as realistic and as recognizable to the water resources managers as possible. The hydroeconomic optimization model was therefore formulated as one large linear optimization problem, assuming perfect foresight of all future hydrological events. This allowed the model to optimize numerous decision variables over a large number of time steps, without compromising system representation. By incrementally constraining groundwater end-storage, the economic trade-offs from limiting the present groundwater overdraft to long-term sustainable groundwater abstractions was found. This revealed the significant socio-economic impacts of ending groundwater overdraft in the North China Plain. In addition to the groundwater overdraft, the issue of water pollution was also implemented in the model framework. All possible water allocations from Haihe River basin water sources, such as surface water runoff, major groundwater aquifers and inter-basin transfers, were assigned their known water quality standard. Cleaning costs were imposed on water allocations from water sources inferior to downstream water user quality demands. This ensured water allocations with fit-for-purpose quality while quantifying the economic impact of meeting downstream users' requirements. The spatial variation of water availability shadow prices, as an effect of considering water quality, could be mapped out. The model setup was used further to evaluate project benefits from managed aquifer recharge in the plain area as well as improving water quality for inter-basin transfers from the South-to-North Water Transfer Project's eastern line. Under the assumption of perfect foresight, impacts of uncertain future hydrological events, such as droughts, cannot be analyzed. Furthermore, assuming perfect foresight might alter costs and estimated project benefits compared to a system facing uncertain future hydrology. This was addressed by wrapping a model predictive control (MPC)-inspired continuous re-optimization routine around the optimization model. In this way, optimal water management with various levels of future foresight could be simulated. The impact of future foresight on agricultural yields was captured by representing yield response to water allocations. The model framework was used to evaluate the benefits of a proposed water infrastructure project allowing for additional inter-basin transfers from the Yellow River to flow to the plain area via the Guanting reservoir. The estimated project benefits, however, were recognized as being underestimated under an assumption of perfect foresight, which highlights the importance of considering the impacts of assuming perfect foresight in a cost-benefit context. The proposed model framework was shown to provide valuable decision support for the major water challenges of the Haihe River basin: groundwater overdraft and water quality deterioration. Present policies in China exhibit increased awareness of the need for sustainable management of river basin-scale water quantity and quality, and insights from hydroeconomic analyses can be a step towards reaching the political goals of sustainable water resources management. Moreover, experiences with the MPC framework can be transferred to any project benefit evaluation in which a dynamic system is evaluated under perfect foresight.