The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset. CSES Variable List The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module. Themes: MICRO-LEVEL DATA: Identification and study administration variables: weighting factors; election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post-election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election; language of questionnaire. Demography: year and month of birth; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; business association membership, farmers´ association membership; professional association membership; current employment status; main occupation; socio economic status; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; current employment status, occupation, socio economic status, employment type - public or private, and industrial sector of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; number of children in household under the age of 6; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; region of residence; race; ethnicity; rural or urban residence; primary electoral district; country of birth; year arrived in current country. Survey variables: perception of public expenditure on health, education, unemployment benefits, defense, old-age pensions, business and industry, police and law enforcement, welfare benefits; perception of improving individual standard of living, state of economy, government's action on income inequality; respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; vote choice (presidential, lower house and upper house elections) at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the current and the previous election; difference who is in power and who people vote for; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of parties on the left-right-scale and/or an alternative scale; self-assessment on a left-right-scale and an optional scale; satisfaction with democracy; party identification; intensity of party identification, institutional and personal contact in the electoral campaigning, in person, by mail, phone, text message, email or social networks, institutional contact by whom; political information questions; expected development of household income in the next twelve month; ownership of residence, business or property or farm or livestock, stocks or bonds, savings; likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month; spouse likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month. DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA: number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district. MACRO-LEVEL DATA: election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; party of the president and the prime minister before and after the election; number of portfolios held by each party in cabinet, prior to and after the most recent election; size of the cabinet after the most recent election; number of parties participating in election; ideological families of parties; left-right position of parties assigned by experts and alternative dimensions; most salient factors in the election; fairness of the election; formal complaints against national level results; election irregularities reported; scheduled and held date of election; irregularities of election date; extent of election violence and post-election violence; geographic concentration of violence; post-election protest; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement and types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; votes cast; voting procedure; voting rounds; party lists close, open, or flexible; transferable votes; cumulated votes if more than one can be cast; compulsory voting; party threshold; unit for the threshold; freedom house rating; democracy-autocracy polity IV rating; age of the current regime; regime: type of executive; number of months since last lower house and last presidential election; electoral formula for presidential elections; electoral formula in all electoral tiers (majoritarian, proportional or mixed); for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; linked electoral segments; dependent formulae in mixed systems; subtypes of mixed electoral systems; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; fused vote; size of the lower house; GDP growth (annual percent); GDP per capita; inflation, GDP Deflator (annual percent); Human development index; total population; total unemployment; TI corruption perception index; international migrant stock and net migration rate; general government final consumption expenditure; public spending on education; health expenditure; military expenditure; central government debt; Gini index; internet users per 100 inhabitants; mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants; fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants; daily newspapers; constitutional federal structure; number of legislative chambers; electoral results data available; effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties.
From a collection of pamphlets and offprints donated by Fred Newton Scott (1860-1931), Instructor of English at the University of Michigan. ; Mode of access: Internet.
L'albo lapillo Pier Paolo Pasolini nasce il 5 marzo 1922 a Bologna, prima tappa del lungo peregrinare della famiglia Pasolini imposto dalla professione del padre Carlo Alberto, ufficiale dell'esercito. Carlo Alberto appartiene ad una delle più illustri famiglie di Ravenna, i Pasolini Dall'Onda, nobili degli Stati della Chiesa che da sempre assolvono incarichi importanti in Vaticano. Tuttavia il padre, Argobasto, avvia la famiglia alla rovina a causa del gioco d'azzardo, rovina cui contribuirà a sua volta il figlio Carlo Alberto preda della medesima passione. L'aver scialacquato ciò che restava del patrimonio paterno, lo costringe nel 1915 ad abbracciare la vita militare, carriera che sopperiva ad un destino di degradazione economica. Carlo Alberto aderisce al fascismo e al riguardo, Enzo Siciliano addirittura si esprime con queste parole: "il fascismo apparteneva antropologicamente […] alla sua vanità, al suo evidente vitalismo, all'ombrosità del suo sguardo e ancor di più alla sua dissestata configurazione sociale, alla sua aristocrazia di sangue respinta verso le terre desolate della piccola borghesia" . L'angoscia del fallimento e il senso di solitudine che nasce da una passione non ricambiata spinge Carlo Alberto ai vizi perniciosi del vino e del gioco. Il dramma che suscitò nell'animo di Carlo Alberto lo "scandalo" del figlio, tralignò alla follia e unico rifugio, fino alla morte avvenuta nel 1958 per cirrosi epatica, lo trovò nel bere. Pier Paolo Pasolini nasce pochi mesi prima della storica Marcia su Roma, atto che sancisce la salita di Mussolini al potere. Le velleità dirigistiche e di controllo del fascismo coltivato dalla piccola borghesia che credeva di fare del Colpo di Stato delle camicie nere strumento per i propri fini particolari, viene travolta e rigettata. Questo il clima in cui cresce Pier Paolo Pasolini il quale, stabilitosi con la famiglia alla fine degli anni Trenta a Bologna, termina brillantemente gli studi liceali e si iscrive alla facoltà di Lettere. Pasolini amò profondamente il gioco del calcio, ma nella sua forma "pura": incontaminato, non degradato e inquinato come sarà quello reificato dalla società dei consumi, postindustriale, contro cui lancerà i suoi strali. È risaputo che si teneva in forma: aveva il terrore di invecchiare e negli ultimi anni della sua vita andò addirittura in Romania a fare la cura del Gerovital (a cui sottopone anche la madre). La prontezza del corpo fece di lui, come farà notare il suo amico Italo Calvino, uno dei pochi convincenti "descrittori di battaglie" della nostra letteratura recente. L'apparente normalità della sua vita si spezza l'8 settembre 1943, quando con lo storico armistizio, si frantumano le illusioni fasciste e l'Italia si trova allo sbando. Qui Pasolini prosegue la sua attività letteraria. Divenuto partigiano della brigata Osoppo, vicina al Partito D'Azione, cadrà vittima di quell'orribile episodio della Resistenza italiana che passò alla storia come "strage di Porzus", che vide i garibaldini e gli azionisti uniti contro le pretese territoriali sulle terre di confine delle truppe slovene fomentate dalla propaganda nazionalista e sciovinista di Tito. Questa pagina luttuosa e mesta della vita di Pier Paolo è calata nell'età storica dell'antifascismo segnata dal fenomeno della Resistenza, risultato dell'acuirsi del carattere politico-ideologico del conflitto tra il sistema democratico e i totalitarismi nazi-fascisti e che si traduce in una vera e propria resistenza nei confronti degli eserciti occupanti, sia in forma armata che in forma "passiva" (rifiuto del consenso, attività di intelligence e frenetica attività propagandistica di intellettuali e politici esuli). L'evento bellico della Liberazione attraversa e scuote tutta la penisola italiana, dalla Sicilia alle Alpi, lasciando un paese grondante di devastazione e distruzione. Enzo Siciliano parla di un'"ingenua furia romantica" del poeta Pasolini perché nel suo animo alberga il furore pedagogico di chi crede nella pregnante forza educatrice della poesia, della lingua che si fa storia e cultura attraverso il poeta che la plasma forgiando armi imperiture, vivificando una cultura locale in cui i poveri contadini possano riconoscersi e, insieme, superare l'eclissi e l'oblio dell'arcaicità d'espressione e dei costumi. Discutendo una tesi sulle Myricae di Pascoli, si laurea in Lettere a Bologna con Carlo Calcaterra, professore di storia della letteratura italiana che segnerà la formazione di Pasolini insieme a Roberto Longhi, professore di Storia dell'Arte, fondamentale nella successiva passione figurativa del Pasolini regista. È affascinato dal Friuli, a cui dona il suo cuore. Pasolini aderisce nell'ottobre-novembre 1945 all'associazione Patrie tal Friul, il cui programma politico era dichiaratamente autonomista. Nel 1947 Pasolini si iscrive al Pci, diventa segretario della sezione di San Giovanni di Casarsa e per vivere inizia ad insegnare italiano alle scuole medie statali a Valvasone (dopo una breve parentesi in una scuola privata a Versuta). Il paese lasciato in eredità dalla guerra alla nuova classe politica e dirigente è un paese umiliato, stremato, insozzato dalla ferocia sanguinaria della guerra civile, economicamente dipendente dagli aiuti stranieri; un paese che ha perso la sua credibilità all'estero, governato da una classe politica inesperta, conservatrice, che non ha saputo rispondere alle pulsioni modernizzatrici favorendo la sclerotizzazione della frattura tra un nord vivace, propositivo e attivo, e un sud dove ha prevalso l'impulso reazionario che ha favorito il ripristino del vecchio stato, dove le forze dell'ordine e la magistratura sono tutt'altro che convertiti alla democrazia e dove predominano due partiti di massa tra loro antitetici. Il sogno di una cosa viene visto come "lo sfondo mitico e contadino del romanzo "romano" (per) l'epicità del libro che trae sostanza dal senso di avventura che increspa il vivere dei tre protagonisti: soluzione stilistica a cui Pasolini arriva dopo Ragazzi di vita" . La situazione agraria e contadina, soprattutto nel sud Italia, risente fortemente della distruzione e degli sconvolgimenti causati dalla guerra. La manifestazione organizzata dalla Camera del Lavoro a San Vito del Tagliamento per ottenere i miglioramenti che il lodo prometteva agli agricoltori disoccupati e ai mezzadri danneggiati dalla guerra, è rivolta contro quei proprietari terrieri che si sono strenuamente opposti fino a quel momento all'applicazione della legge. La concezione ideologica di Pasolini si incarna in un personaggio del "romanzo" Il sogno di una cosa: una ragazza borghese, Renata, che abiura alle precedenti categorie di pensiero e all'impianto ontologico tipico della sua classe sociale, "che mai gliel'avrebbero perdonato", per farsi marxista. Pasolini dona così forma al suo "inconscio antropologico" (Enzo Siciliano), affidandolo alle parole di questa giovane ma anche a quelle del prete Paolo quando dice, ho notato quanto siano migliori i giovani del popolo da quelli della borghesia: è una superiorità sostanziale e assoluta, che non ammette riserve. Si insinua insidioso anche un altro tratto autobiografico, che lui avvertirà sempre come una colpa soverchiante e per cui i patimenti emotivi si susseguiranno fino alla fine della sua breve esistenza: l'omosessualità. Trauma inconscio che si riverbera nel suo atteggiamento sessuale adulto per cui Pier Paolo cerca "in folle caccia notturna" i ragazzi, stabilendo una distanza netta dalla sua realtà domestica. Muoio nell'odore di una latrina della mia infanzia, legato per sempre alla vita da una vespa che accende nell'aria l'odore dell'Estate. O anche "ciò che più tortura è il "cedere"/mi trovo al mesto bivio del peccato/e cedo […]". Isolato e epurato dal partito comunista -al tempo duro ed ortodosso in materia-, si decide alla partenza con la madre Susanna. Roma. Pasolini rimane pur sempre un "poeta" inteso, alla Elsa Morante, come scrittore che sa dar voce, anche con irriverenza, al proprio daimon, rimanendo fedele alla propria vocazione. Poeta vicino all'espressionismo, rifugge dalla trasposizione della realtà nella letteratura dove esprime invece tutto il suo disagio esistenziale. Nella capitale della neonata Repubblica Italiana, Pasolini arriva con la madre agli albori degli anni Cinquanta. Nel frattempo avrà l'occasione di un nuovo contatto con il cinema quando Mario Soldati lo invita a collaborare alla sceneggiatura, insieme anche a Bassani, del suo film del 1954, La donna del fiume. La prima opera in omaggio alla romanità è del 1955, Ragazzi di vita. Lapalissiano il fine politico: disvelare una realtà taciuta, volutamente emarginata anche geograficamente nelle borgate, nelle appendici da una società apparentemente riemersa dalle ceneri della guerra, sedicente superstite dell'horror vacui della disperazione e della distruzione che tende a celare a se stessa i propri dolori ed i propri mali. Ciò spiega il perché è addirittura la presidenza del Consiglio dei ministri, Antonio Segni, a muoversi scrivendo esso stesso al Procuratore della Repubblica di Milano, bollando il testo come "pornografico". Contro questi perbenisti piccolo borghesi detrattori di Pasolini, politici e non, Gadda (che definisce Ragazzi di vita una "colonna sonora"), Bertolucci, De Robertis, Bigongiari, Carlo Bo, Cassola, Sereni, Anna Banti, Mario Luzi e con loro altri esponenti della cultura del tempo, costituirono quella giuria che a Parma nell'estate del 1955 assegna al "romanzo" il premio "Colombi- Guidotti". Il plurilinguismo a cui è votato Pasolini lo riporta presto sulle scene con un'opera, forse l'unica che- data l'organicità della narrazione- può essere ascritto alla famiglia dei "romanzi", Una vita violenta (1959). È una sorta di manifesto letterario con cui sancisce il suo riavvicinamento al Partito Comunista. Questo è deducibile dalle parole di Pasolini il quale in un'intervista apparsa sulla rivista "Nuovi Argomenti" nel 1959 dirà io credo soltanto nel romanzo "storico" e "nazionale", nel senso di "oggettivo" e "tipico". Emblematico è a questo fine il titolo di una raccolta di undici componimenti poetici in lingua, Le ceneri di Gramsci, "i più intensi e profondi esperimenti poetici di Pasolini […] una vera e propria summa al contempo delle posizioni ideali del poeta e della sua visione del mondo" "una delle partiture più ingannevoli e più strabilianti di tutta l'opera di Pasolini" il cui segreto sta "nei poemi, che nelle intenzioni dovevano esprimere l'angoscia dell'inafferrabilità e dell'impermeabilità del reale, si trasformano in un flusso che riproduce il reale nei suoi tessuti e nelle sue strutture, come il continuum sintattico riproduce il continuum del paesaggio" , composti tra il 1951 e il 1956 e stampati nel 1957, precedente di due anni il romanzo Una vita violenta e intervallato da una collaborazione alla sceneggiatura di Le notti di Cabiria, a cui lo invita Federico Fellini, come revisore della parte dialettale romanesca (per cui si servirà della collaborazione di quello che diventerà uno dei suoi due pupilli e tenero amico, Sergio Citti). In questa raccolta di componimenti l'obiettivo è quello di dare un volto nuovo alla storia italiana e per farlo Pasolini indulge sul passato con brani dedicati alle origini medievali del canto popolare, al periodo classico, romano greco e barbarico, al periodo comunale: il tutto in un clima quasi di attesa, di sospensione del popolo che aspetta da sempre "mai tolto al tempo" (Il canto popolare) e quindi non obnubilato dalla modernità ma vivo, sopravvissuto nel Presente e emarginato, confinato, ghettizzato in vacui solitari e fatiscenti paesi di collina, in tuguri o baracche, in squallidi quartieri periferici che circondano, con ferina purezza e semplicità, le baldanzose, bislacche città frutto del tempo breve. L'occasione è data da una visita di Pasolini al "Cimitero degli Inglesi", accanto a Porta San Paolo a Roma, a ridosso del quartiere popolare il Testaccio, in cui era stato seppellito Gramsci. Pasolini contempla amareggiato la rovina storica, "in esso c'è il grigiore del mondo / la fine del decennio in cui ci appare / tra le macerie finito il profondo / e ingenuo sforzo di rifare la vita / il silenzio, fradicio e infecondo". In questi versi sono condensate tutte le cocenti delusioni che albergano nel cuore del poeta e la sofferenza per la sorte dell'Italia: i dieci anni di dominio della Democrazia Cristiana al potere, il tradimento della Resistenza, il naufragio delle speranze e la perdita degli affetti. Durante lo srotolarsi del poemetto, Gramsci abbandona le vestigia di ideologo e uomo di partito, di padre e diviene per Pasolini "umile fratello", completamente disarmato, non rivoluzionario bensì il Gramsci della sofferenza riflessiva della prigione da cui gemmano pagine di vibrante lirismo e puntigliosa razionalità, lucidità storica e politica. Confinato nella solitudine dalla mordacità dell'uomo e dalla crudeltà della storia. L'interesse è rivolto al giovinetto Gramsci, umiliato e vilipeso, partorito dalla sensibilità del poeta, non al personaggio storico. La protesta è rappresentata dall'essere "diverso", nella poesia come nella vita. Diverso da chi, da cosa? Diverso dai prodotti della mercificazione, dall'omologazione e dalla massificazione che crea e fa subire al popolo inerme e disarmato l'evoluzione della tecnica. Questo non farà che esacerbare ulteriormente le idiosincrasie all'interno del partito dal quale, in seguito agli scandali legati alla sua omosessualità, era stato espulso. Sono gli anni in cui all'interno del partito domina l'intransigenza teologica dei marxisti ("sono inflessibili, sono tetri, / nel loro giudicarti: chi ha il cilicio / addosso non può perdonare. Nel 1958 pubblica L'usignolo della chiesa cattolica, una summa del suo credo marxista intriso soavemente di pietas cristiana. L'attività critica di Pasolini vede la sua prima momentanea sistemazione nella raccolta saggistica del 1960 Passione e ideologia. Un profondo e drastico mutamento del clima culturale occorse negli ultimi anni prima della guerra. Questo nuovo clima non è infondato ma motivato dalla lotta vittoriosa del paese contro il fenomeno fascista e la riconquista che ne derivò della libertà e della democrazia. Il primo numero compare alla fine di settembre del 1945 e, novità, in edicola perché vuole assurgere subito a organo culturale di massa. Chiude la sua attività nel dicembre del 1947. L'editoriale del direttore Una nuova cultura apre il "Politecnico". Contrasti con la redazione e divergenze di vedute fra Vittorini e esponenti di spicco del Partito Comunista, di cui era un giovane neofita, portò alla chiusura dell'organo. I dissapori con i dirigenti comunisti, in particolar modo con Palmiro Togliatti e lo storico Alicata, ruotano intorno al valore che Vittorini attribuisce alla cultura nell'orientamento della storia e nella rinascita della società, compiti che il partito attribuisce più alla politica che alla cultura. La cultura invece non può non svolgersi al di fuori di ogni legge di tattica e di strategia sul piano diretto della storia. Vittorini tende, esecrabilmente, a mettere in discussione il rapporto organico tra intellettuali e partito che dominerà la vita culturale nei decenni successivi caratterizzando la storia della cultura a sinistra dell'Italia; si rifiuta di porre così dei limiti al suo lavoro, di assecondare i diktat del partito e chiude la rivista "Il Politecnico". Il "ceto intellettuale" svolge una funzione di prim'ordine nell'analisi gramsciana, per la formazione del "blocco storico" perché è l'unico che può condurre al cambiamento la società rifondandola. Da qui, la sua idea di "intellettuale organico" per indicare quell'intellettuale che si lega visceralmente ad una classe sociale e al suo destino e istaura un rapporto dialettico con il suo partito. Una tendenza volta a creare una cultura liberale nell'Italia dopo la Liberazione ma, al contempo, attenta ai problemi del socialismo e della democrazia, corrente di pensiero incarnata da Norberto Bobbio. Per ottenere questo fine, è necessaria la comprensione della realtà. Al cinema e nella letteratura il parlato e il dialetto si impongono sovrani. Asor Rosa parla, per introdurre Pasolini, di "apoteosi e crisi del neorealismo" ricordando al lettore che ogni periodo storico-letterario finisce sempre e comunque o per rottura o per eccesso. Quello fascista, ci dice, terminò bruscamente per rottura e si fa strada l'idea che una nuova fase debba aprirsi per rispondere alle speranze degli italiani, anche nel campo del gusto e della poesia. Si scontra allora con le posizioni ufficiali del Partito Comunista che lo accusa tramite la rivista culturale ufficiale del partito, "Il contemporaneo", fondata nel 1954 e diretta da Salinari e Trombadori, di deviare dalla via del realismo inserendo nelle sue opere elementi decadenti, irrazionalistici e vitalistici. Alla "Guerra Fredda" corrisponde una spartizione del mondo in due parti (a cui nel 1962 si aggiungerà una terza realtà che è quella del blocco dei cosiddetti "paesi non allineati" nata alla conferenza di Bandung), simbolicamente indicate nella carta geografica con due colori differenti, il blu per i paesi schierati con gli Stati Uniti e rosso per quelli che gravitano intorno all'Unione Sovietica. In seguito alla Conferenza di Yalta del 1945, che stabilisce la spartizione delle zone di influenza, l'Italia viene inserita nel gioco di alleanze della potenza americana. Nel nostro Paese, il lungo periodo inaugurato dalle elezioni politiche del 1948, che vedono la vittoria di De Gasperi e della Democrazia Cristiana e l'uscita di scena del blocco delle sinistre, viene vissuto in condizioni di sostanziale equilibrio politico: per quarantacinque anni si succederanno governi a guida democristiana il cui percorso è agevolato anche da quella conventio ad excludendum, grazie alla quale vengono respinte come forze di governo, le due frange estreme dello schieramento parlamentare (Msi, erede delle posizioni della Repubblica di Salò, e Pci) . Un Paese ancora impegnato sulla strada della ricostruzione della propria identità, materiale e spirituale. La quasi totalità degli italiani ancora era impegnata, per vivere, nei settori tradizionali- principe ancora l'agricoltura che all'inizio del 1950 assorbe ancora quasi il 50% della popolazione attiva, concentrata con picchi del 56-57% al Sud (Ginsborg) - a cui corrispondeva un basso tenore di vita legato, nel caso dell'agricoltura, all'arretratezza strutturale che rallentava la crescita e la produzione (unica eccezione quella delle aziende agricole, dinamiche, moderne e produttive della Pianura Padana). Ciò è legato sia ad una perdita di autorità del pater familias, per cui il figlio del mezzadro tende a non voler più seguire le orme del padre sia al fatto che il proprietario, dato il crollo dei profitti e gli alti prezzi del mercato, tende a vendere le proprie terre il più delle volte ai mezzadri stessi. Ugualmente nel sud Italia si avvia un processo di vendita di terra che, insieme alla legge del 1948 che stabilisce il sistema di crediti ipotecari rurali rimborsabili in quarant'anni, agevola la piccola proprietà contadina. La fine del protezionismo diede nuova vita all'economia del paese portandolo, quasi obtorto collo, a rimodernarsi. In breve tempo la produzione industriale, così sollecitata al dinamismo, supera quella di tutti gli altri settori e l'Italia da paese agricolo diviene una delle nazioni più progredite del continente. L'"urbanizzazione" cambia il volto del paesaggio umano e sancisce la morte dell'"homo italicus" (Asor Rosa) legato alla proprietà e alla coltivazione della terra, sovverte totalmente i precedenti rapporti di classe con la crescita esponenziale della classe operaia di fabbrica che sarà al centro delle lacerazioni che seguiranno questo primo periodo di ebbrezza e che trova sfogo nella dura politica antisindacale e persecutoria ai danni di operai di dichiarata fede comunista perseguita dalle imprese. Il clima sociale e politico si scalderà velocemente e le lotte, le manifestazioni, le repressioni e la rabbia sociale che questa realtà esacerberà tingeranno di nero molte pagine della storia politico- sociale della Prima Repubblica italiana. Il "miracolo economico" in realtà cova degli squilibri al suo interno. Ginsborg delinea perfettamente questa situazione: il boom si realizzò seguendo una logica tutta sua, rispondendo direttamente al libero gioco delle forze del mercato e dando luogo, come risultato, a profondi scompensi strutturali. Dunque, l'altro lato della medaglia vede quelle declinazioni obliate dalla vitalità del momento, i contraccolpi che cova al suo interno il "boom" e che, accanto al forte spaesamento culturale, genera bisogni difficilmente soddisfacibili, come la domanda aggiuntiva di case, ospedali e scuole essendo più rivolto alla produzione di beni privati, individuali o al massimo familiari a detrimento dei beni pubblici e dei servizi. Fomenta anche rancore sociale accanto alle rivendicazioni di nuovi diritti dei lavoratori, che cominciano a tradursi in fiammate di combattività, a partire dagli scioperi del 1962- che si concluderà con l'episodio tragico di Piazza Statuto - e soprattutto del 1969 con la rivendicazione di uguaglianza di salario e parità normative tra operai e impiegati (lo Statuto dei Lavoratori è del 1970). Le forme governative non sono pronte alla sfida che questi mutamenti sociali mettono in campo. Avvocato seguace della linea dura, della politica "legge e ordine", opportunista nelle sue strategie di alleanze, Tambroni non si schiera apertamente con l'ala destra o sinistra del suo partito e mantiene buoni rapporti sia con i dirigenti missini che del Psi (anche se sarà bollato come uomo di destra non solo per la politica perseguita contro i manifestanti ma perché ottenne la carica di presidente del Consiglio grazie al voto degli esponenti del Msi e dei monarchici). Tambroni risponde alle manifestazioni che si svolgono a Genova, a Roma e in Emilia Romagna nel 1960 in occasione del congresso nazionale dei missini che provocatoriamente annunciano di tenerlo a Genova, una delle patrie della Resistenza, merito riconosciutole istituzionalmente con una medaglia d'oro. La vicenda Tambroni, ci fa notare Ginsborg, ha il merito di chiarire una volta per tutte una costante della storia politica della nostra Repubblica: l'antifascismo è nel dna dell'ideologia egemone per cui qualsiasi velleità autoritaria o liberticida viene osteggiata fisicamente dalla massa e messa al bando. Inoltre questo episodio favorisce un avvicinamento della Dc con i socialisti con la conseguente avanzata delle sinistre alle elezioni. Nel gennaio 1961 viene eletto alla Casa Bianca il democratico John Kennedy che, dopo il rapporto stilato sulla situazione politica italiana da un suo funzionario, decide di appoggiare l'ascesa del Psi con il doppio scopo di oscurare il partito comunista -che aumenta il proselitismo di massa- e al contempo far uscire l'Italia dallo stallo in cui il vuoto riformista l'aveva incatenato. Un papa ieratico, lontano dal sentire della gente. "Riforme mancate e mancata riforma del sistema politico si intrecciano e si alimentano a vicenda, innescando un "cortocircuito perverso" che agisce in profondità, sotto l'apparente bonaccia che va dal superamento della crisi economica all'"esplosione" del 1968" . Togliatti si aprirà al policentrismo politico e culturale e caldeggerà il superamento dello schieramento ideologico dei due blocchi. Stalin è morto nel 1953 e nel corso del XX Congresso del Pcus, che si tenne a Mosca nel febbraio del 1956, il nuovo segretario Nikita Chruscev diffonde il rapporto segreto sui crimini nefandi commessi da Stalin, favorito in questo dal "culto della divinità" a cui aveva piegato non solo la popolazione ma anche tutti i suoi sodales. La tradizione culturale del comunismo italiano ha allora, con Togliatti e la sua necessità di "vie nazionali del socialismo", l'originalità di confondersi con quella liberale. Quest'ultimo aspetto è interessante perché testimonia un processo di unificazione nazionale frutto sia di un maggior intervento scolastico mirato all'aumento del tasso di alfabetizzazione sia dell'incontro di due realtà fino a quel momento agli antipodi, i contadini del sud e la classe operaia del nord. Affermato poeta e emergente cineasta, interviene nel dibattito sui caratteri dell'italiano nell'epoca del "miracolo economico" e dedica alla nuova questione linguistica una conferenza (apparsa sulla rivista "Rinascita" nel dicembre del 1964) dove denuncia un letale sovvertimento del tradizionale assetto dei rapporti comunicativi, inquinati dall'avvento dell'industrializzazione a-morale e selvaggia e alla diffusione sempre più massiccia della televisione che tende ad unificare al ribasso la lingua italiana dalla cui facies scompare, o comunque si erode irreversibilmente, la genuinità di un dialetto che si vede aggredito dai potenti mass media. I dati statistici sono a questo fine utile: nel 1958 solo il 12 percento delle famiglie italiane possiedono un televisore, nel 1965 la percentuale è già salita al 49, allo stesso modo il possesso di un frigorifero passa dal 13 al 55 per cento, quello di una lavatrice dal 3 al 23 mentre gli italiani che posseggono un'automobile passa da 342000 a 4670000. Cambiano le abitudini alimentari e il modo di vestire degli italiani. Tutto ciò avallato dallo Stato e dal suo lassismo, dalla pigrizia e inamovibilità dei governi che nel ventennio 1950-1960 concedono piena libertà all'iniziativa privata. Fu uno dei pionieri della critica serrata e violenta di questo nuovo stato di cose, sociale e politico e ferventi saranno gli attacchi che lancerà dalle pagine di quotidiani, in particolare il "Corriere della Sera". A lacerare il velo delle illusioni saranno, in campo politico-sociale, atti di terrorismo e violenza vigliacca che dopo il preludio sessantottino, dalla Strage di Piazza Fontana del 12 dicembre 1969 darà il via alla "strategia della tensione", allo stragismo nero e al fenomeno delle Br: vicende che tanto avviliranno la nostra democrazia. Il rifiutato è l'irruzione dell'estraneità e della diversità, l'oggetto inerte e passivo del rifiuto. L'essere del rifiutato è la sua povertà e la sua miseria inseparabili e irreparabili. Pasolini con la sua opera poetica, che contempla non solo la scrittura ma anche il cinema ("la lingua scritta della realtà"), offre al suo pubblico un ampio materiale di riflessione sulla figura del rifiutato, dell'emarginato e sulle sue implicazioni sociali, politiche e morali. Negli anni Sessanta la produzione culturale e artistica si sposta sul cinema perché ha una presa maggiore sul pubblico, è più sensibile alla quotidianità e fedele al paese che cambia. L'avventura del cinema lo porterà a viaggiare costantemente negli anni Sessanta. In Alì dagli occhi azzurri, un volume che raccoglie scritti tra il 1950 e il 1965, c'è un racconto in versi che presta il titolo alla raccolta, Profezia (1962-1964) in cui riversa la sua speranza nelle potenzialità rivoluzionarie dei popoli sfruttati del terzo mondo,essi sempre umili/essi sempre deboli/essi sempre timidi/essi sempre infimi/essi sempre colpevoli/essi sempre sudditi/essi sempre piccoli […] deponendo l'onestà/delle religioni contadine, /dimenticando l'onore/della malavita/tradendo il candore/dei popoli barbari, /dietro ai loro Alì/dagli occhi azzurri- usciranno da sotto la terra/per uccidere-/usciranno dal fondo del mare per aggredire/scenderanno dall'alto del cielo per derubare […]distruggeranno Roma/e sulle sue rovine/deporranno il germe/della Storia Antica. Accanto c'è anche il filone politico, di denuncia: Le mani sulla città di Francesco Rosi,1963, affronta il tema della speculazione edilizia a Napoli, o a Elio Petri, Marco Bellocchio (I pugni in tasca, 1965) etc. Accanto a questi registi Pier Paolo Pasolini è spinto al cinema dalla volontà di dare plasticità visiva alla sua immaginazione antropologica e poetica. Il suo è un cinema tutt'altro che consolatorio, non è foriero di speranze ed è colmo di rassegnazione e amarezza, sentimenti maturati in seguito al sopravvenire della crisi delle ideologie e allo sfigurarsi del mondo del "piccole patrie". Una nuova "Bibbia dei poveri". Un cinema che fa dell'intrattenimento piccolo-borghese una sorta di Moloch e che si staglia contro l'ipocrisia dei benpensanti attraverso l'esibizione del sesso senza veli, almeno finché il consumismo non farà della liberazione dai tabù sessuali un suo imperativo, trasformando lo stigmatizzato Pasolini in corifeo della nuova normalità borghese. In Pasolini il cinema si mostra da subito per ciò che è, "passione per la vita", un mezzo per portare la poesia nella realtà attraverso la chiarezza della prosa. "[…] Io amo il cinema perché con il cinema resto sempre al livello della realtà. Sempre del biennio 1968-69 sono La sequenza del fiore di carta e Porcile (a detta dell'autore, il suo film "che più tende al cinema di poesia") mentre successive altre significative produzioni, dall'Edipo Re (1967), a Medea (1969-'70), da la "Trilogia della vita" (stagione 1970-1974) che contempla Il Decameron I racconti di Canterbury Il fiore delle mille e una notte (una trilogia della "mancanza della vita", affermazione disperata di qualcosa che non esiste più) alla quale seguirà un documento scritto nel giugno 1975 (Abiura dalla Trilogia della vita) dove giustifica il suo gesto dell'abiura con la costatazione della scomparsa di quella gioventù capace di libertà e trasgressione a cui quasi lui inneggiava attraverso questi film. L'innocenza che lui aveva perseguito qui è cancellata dal meccanismo di emulazione dei modelli veicolati dalla televisione, figli della società capitalista che tutto ciò che tocca corrompe; alla violenza disarmante e demistificante di Salò o le Centoventi giornate di Sodoma (1975) in cui la rievocazione in chiave sado-masochista di un episodio della Repubblica fascista di Salò fa da metafora della situazione dell'Italia democratico-repubblicana; a cui avrebbe dovuto seguire Porno- Teo- Kolossal, progetto interrotto, insieme al suo romanzo Petrolio, dalla tragica fine dell'autore all'Idroscalo di Ostia. Riservandoci un'analisi più puntuale in un secondo momento, possiamo tuttavia cogliere la sua convinzione che sia in atto un mutamento socio- antropologico devastante, che oscura la prospettiva popolare della Storia spogliandola così del suo carattere "assoluto". Intuibile è, a questo punto, la sua netta condanna del movimento studentesco del 1968, da cui prende le distanze dichiarandosene estraneo perché avvertito come volontà di emancipazione piccolo- borghese. Lo stato d'animo del Pasolini degli ultimi anni è di "disperata vitalità": sa di non essere compreso. I suoi interventi si fanno sempre più numerosi e appassionati, ruotano intorno a ciò che Pasolini dice soggiacere alla base di questa drammatica realtà: l'esiziale vuoto democristiano, partito arroccato nel Palazzo per semplice tornaconto personale, l'inamovibilità del progressismo e gli errori tattici del Pci, la dissoluzione del mondo proletario- contadino. L'ingordigia dei governi di centro- sinistra che dominano la scena dal 1962 al 1968, rende sordi e ciechi i politici di fronte alle esigenze di un'Italia in rapido cambiamento. Le ragioni salienti del movimento studentesco vanno ricercate nelle riforme scolastiche degli anni Sessanta: con l'introduzione (1962) della scuola media dell'obbligo fino ai quattordici anni, si incentiva un livello di istruzione di massa oltre la scuola primaria ma contemporaneamente vengono alla luce le gravi carenze: dalla mancanza dei libri di testo alle gravissime lacune nella preparazione degli insegnanti, mai aggiornati. Il Sessantotto italiano nasce nelle università con la richiesta di un serio esame di coscienza alla cultura. Nel frattempo, nelle maglie comuniste torna in auge il pensiero marxista con la sua attenzione per i coni d'ombra aperti dallo sviluppo economico e la conseguente condizione della classe operaia. A completare il quadro, si aggiungono presto le influenze "terzomondiste" provenienti dall'America del Sud, a partire dalla morte di Che Guevara in Bolivia nel 1967 che diviene così il martire simbolo della rivolta. Siamo nell'autunno del 1967 e investe gli atenei a partire dalla facoltà di sociologia di Trento a cui seguono quelli di Milano, Torino, Pisa. La nuova lettura che viene data nel Sessantotto è libertaria e iconoclastica del materialismo storico. I lasciti saranno vari, non tutti della medesima natura: innegabile il forte impulso alla democratizzazione, alla modernizzazione e alla partecipazione con l'affermazione del primato dell'assemblea a detrimento della delega. Gli atti dimostrativi, provocatori, violenti e il disprezzo per le regole furono alla base del fallimento. Ebbero però l'intuizione della necessità di avere al proprio fianco gli operai, classe sociale sclerotizzata in una situazione intollerabile. La propaganda incendiaria inibisce qualsiasi istanza modernizzatrice, le modalità di rivendicazione sono corrotte da una torsione del marxismo e del leninismo, per cui la coronazione della lotta di classe si può ottenere solo per mezzo di un furore iconoclasta e casinista. Gli anni dal 1968 al 1972 vedranno un susseguirsi di tiepidi e brevi governi di coalizione, perlopiù di centro-sinistra, che tentano di mediare la protesta con una scialba politica riformatrice che favorirà l'istituzione delle Regioni, la regolamentazione del referendum abrogativo; in campo sociale la regolamentazione delle pensioni, la nascita (maggio 1970) per merito del socialista Giacomo Brodolini dello Statuto dei Lavoratori di cui si comincia da subito a fare largo uso, la conclusione della lunga lotta del Lid per l'introduzione del divorzio in Italia, intrapresasi dopo il progetto di legge del 1965 presentato dal socialista Fortuna, il cui iter parlamentare però venne bloccato dalla Democrazia cristiana. Una condizione di assoluta precarietà su cui si abbatterà la più grave crisi economica dopo quella del 1929 e che influirà sulle politiche economiche internazionali per tutti gli anni Settanta, conosciuta come crisi petrolifera perché generata dalla decisione dei paesi dell'Opec di aumentare del 70 per cento il prezzo del petrolio facendolo schizzare alle stelle e mostrando nella sua drammaticità la totale dipendenza dei paesi occidentali dall'esportazione del petrolio. Questa crisi si abbatte su una situazione internazionale già fortemente problematica: la rottura del sistema Bretton Woods con la conseguente incertezza sui mercati finanziari internazionali, la svalutazione del dollaro, l'esplosione dei tassi salariali europei, un eccesso di offerta sul mercato del lavoro e il rapido declino dei profitti. Interessante è l'analisi che fa dei motivi che soggiacciono a questo estremismo della "nuova sinistra" Silvio Lanaro. Si è molto discettato sull'anomalia del "bipartitismo imperfetto", sul blocco ultradecennale del quadro politico e sul "revisionismo" del Pci, accompagnato dalla tattica terzinternazionalista del far terra bruciata alla propria sinistra: e tuttavia non si è posto l'accento sullo scotoma idiomatico di cui soffre chi vive in un paese privo nel lungo periodo di tradizioni liberali, e dunque costretto ad articolare le proprie concettualizzazioni (e le proprie azioni) a seconda di quanto gli offre il mercato delle idee e dei linguaggi. Immediata l'accusa da parte di polizia e governo alle frange anarchiche con l'individuazione dei responsabili nel ballerino Valpreda (che dopo aver trascorso tre anni in galera, solo nel 1985 sarà prosciolto da ogni accusa) e nel ferroviere Pinelli che "cadrà" dalla finestra dell'ufficio del commissario Calabresi durante l'interrogatorio. Alla strage del 12 dicembre e alla tensione successiva si richiamerà il primo documento del Collettivo Politico metropolitano, da cui nasceranno le Brigate Rosse, gruppo che rimarrà isolato fino alle elezioni del 1972, quando il terrorismo si colora anche di rosso con l'incruento ma emblematico sequestro di un dirigente della Sit- Siemens. Nel marzo del 1972, al XIII Congresso del partito, viene eletto segretario Enrico Berlinguer. Alla strage di Piazza Fontana se ne aggiungono presto altre: Piazza della Loggia a Brescia, attentato al treno "Italicus" nel 1974 e attentato alla stazione di Bologna del 2 agosto 1980. L'unico argine, nell'opinione di Berlinguer, sarebbe stata allora una grande alleanza che si concretizzasse politicamente in un accordo con la Dc, presentandolo come una strategia in cui comunisti e cattolici avrebbero condiviso un medesimo codice morale con il quale risollevare le sorti del paese. Questa strategia avrebbe avuto il merito indiscutibile di porre il Pci al centro della scena politica dopo anni di evanescenza. La sensazione che si ha è di essere di fronte alla nemesi del Partito democristiano, come si coglie dall'esigenza pasoliniana di un "Processo etico" al "Potere", ossia al partito che lo ha incarnato, al fine di riscrivere delle regole civili universali e inviolabili. A Pasolini il "coraggio intellettuale della verità" non manca: Io so. Io so i nomi dei responsabili della strage di Milano del 12 dicembre 1969. Io so i nomi dei responsabili della strage di Brescia e di Bologna dei primi mesi del 1974. […] Io so tutti questi nomi e so tutti i fatti (attentati alle istituzioni e stragi) di cui si sono resi colpevoli. Colpa da cui discende la necessità di un processo, un "Processo come metafora" con cui "determinare nel paese una nuova coscienza politica" sancendo definitivamente la fine di "un'epoca millenaria di un certo potere", rendendo preclara una verità fondamentale, "che governare e amministrare bene non significa più governare e amministrare bene in relazione al vecchio potere bensì in relazione al nuovo potere", ossia alle esigenze etiche della collettività civile. Le successive elezioni politiche, 20 giugno 1976 -le prime aperte anche ai giovani tra i 18 e i 21 anni-, confermano la salita del Pci che con il 34,4 per cento dei voti si avvicina alla Dc che resta stabile al 38,7 per cento, grazie alla grande borghesia che fa quadrato intorno al partito (storico l'invito del più famoso giornalista conservatore italiano e direttore del "Giornale Nuovo", Indro Montanelli, a votare Dc "turandosi il naso") mentre il Psi esce indebolito (nel 1976 il segretario De Martino verrà sostituito da un esponente dell'ala destra del partito, Bettino Craxi). I due governi Andreotti che si susseguono tra il 1976 e il 1978 e che includono il Pci nell'area di governo, passeranno alla storia come governi di "solidarietà nazionale" all'interno dei quali si appannerà la diversità comunista, grazie anche all'abilità del fine statista Aldo Moro, che con l'ambiguità e la sottigliezza del suo linguaggio, favorisce il graduale inserimento del Pci nelle logiche del sistema dei partiti, processo vissuto come un tradimento da quegli elettori che avevano riposto vitali speranze in un partito per cui Pasolini spende queste parole: la presenza di un grande partito di opposizione come il Partito Comunista italiano è la salvezza dell'Italia e delle sue povere istituzioni democratiche. A provocare il fallimento della "solidarietà nazionale" è proprio l'assenza del soggetto "nazionale" con cui unanimemente si indica un agglomerato sociale relativamente uniformato da comportamenti e valori comuni. Questo avvenimento scuote le fondamenta del sistema spingendo alla riflessione parte della società civile sull'importanza di beni immateriali usurati fino a quel momento. La presa di coscienza di Berlinguer del fallimento del "compromesso storico", si ha a Genova dove, nel settembre 1978, durante la festa nazionale dell'"Unità" rivolgendosi alla folla dirà che è giunto il momento in cui "si possono e si devono cambiare" gli equilibri politici del paese. Tuttavia, la rottura della solidarietà nazionale segnerà anche il declino del Pci. Nelle manifestazioni giovanili del 1968, diviene inviso agli studenti, e a larga parte del Pci, per la netta posizione che assume. Individua una forte ambiguità nel movimento, all'interno del quale scorge elementi piccolo-borghesi. La polemica contro/il Pci andava fatta nella prima metà/del decennio passato. siamo ovviamente d'accordo con l'istituzione/della polizia.//a Valle Giulia ieri, si è così avuto un frammento/di lotta di classe: e voi cari (benché dalla parte/della ragione) eravate i ricchi/mentre i poliziotti (che erano dalla parte/del torto)erano i poveri. /Un borghese redento deve rinunciare a tutti i suoi diritti, /o bandire dalla sua anima, una volta per sempre/l'idea del potere. Il "perturbatore della quiete" Pasolini, ospite scomodo della cultura italiana, negli ultimi anni della sua vita sente il bisogno cocente di confrontarsi con l'opinione pubblica, atterrito da ciò che vede: un'omologazione incalzante di costumi e moralità cui si doveva celermente fuggire e contro cui doveva lanciare i suoi strali anche a costo di attirarsi critiche aspre, come fu. Nel frattempo, prende a scrivere caustici pamphlet politici nella prima pagina del "Corriere della sera" (possibilità che gli è data dalla successione a Giovanni Spadolini come direttore di Piero Ottone, più liberale e pronto a violare il moderatismo borghese a favore di una più vivace dialettica politica, al cui fine venne creata una "Tribuna aperta"). I bersagli di Pasolini sono il consumismo, l'esercizio democristiano del potere, il permissivismo nei giovani e la linea ufficiale dei comunisti. Il fine è quello di provocare accese polemiche, assumendo anche posizioni inaspettate, come nel caso del referendum sull'aborto del maggio 1974 la cui vittoria viene aspramente criticata da Pasolini perché dissolve definitivamente l'identità contadina, lasciando un vuoto riempito dalla "borghesizzazione", dai valori vacui ed effimeri di un consumismo sfrenato. La vertiginosa salita del Pci alle elezioni amministrative del giugno 1975, offre a un Pasolini galvanizzato da questa novità politica, da quella che sembra una nuova primavera nata da una restaurazione della sinistra -favorito anche dal consenso accordatogli dai ceti medi, i quali sembrano rispondere a quel sentimento di legittimità costituzionale che suscita nei confronti del Pci il terrorismo di destra-, l'occasione per delineare un suo personale progetto di riforma che prevede l'abolizione immediata della scuola media dell'obbligo e della televisione. Nei confronti del successo elettorale comunista però Pasolini tiene un atteggiamento di distacco . I "fascisti di sinistra" dal punto di vista della prassi, sono frange attive all'interno del partito e simili impurità rischiano di far perdere di vista le necessità della Storia. "Io mi sono sempre opposto al Pci con dedizione, aspettandomi una risposta alle mie obiezioni. Accanto alle passioni, l'eros e le abitudini sono recidive. Nei suoi vagabondaggi notturni si riverbera il deragliamento della società italiana. Sarà vittima di aggressioni, conati di violenze e intolleranza fino al triste epilogo: l'alba del 2 novembre 1975 consegna al mondo il corpo di Pasolini abbandonato su un anonimo terreno dell'Idroscalo di Ostia. Ogni società sarebbe stata contenta di avere Pasolini tra le sue fila. Poi abbiamo perso un regista che tutti conoscono, […] ha fatto una serie di film alcuni dei quali sono ispirati al suo realismo che io chiamo romantico ossia, un realismo arcaico, gentile e al tempo stesso misterioso; altri ispirati ai miti, al mito di Edipo ad esempio, poi ancora al mito del sotto-proletariato il quale è apportatore […] di una umiltà che potrebbe portare ad una palingenesi del mondo. Lì si vede questo schema del sottoproletariato. Lo schema dell'umiltà dei poveri Pasolini l'aveva esteso in fondo al Terzo Mondo e alla cultura del Terzo Mondo. […] Allora il saggista era una novità (che) corrispondeva al suo interesse civico e qui si viene ad un altro aspetto di Pasolini cioè, benché fosse uno scrittore con dei frammenti decadentistici, benché fosse estremamente raffinato e manieristico tuttavia aveva un'attenzione profonda per i problemi sociali del suo paese, per lo sviluppo di questo paese. Gli anni del boom economico italiano vedono un'incontrollabile e apparentemente solida crescita industriale a cui si accompagna un decisivo aumento del reddito e il conseguente espandersi dei consumi privati. Questa visione idilliaca è turbata tuttavia da alcune degenerazioni del sistema. La deflagrazione industriale, l'impennata della produzione settoriale e la diffusione del benessere hanno come contraltare una serie di sovvertimenti sociali che si manifestano sempre in maniera più evidente e che vanno dall'abbandono delle terre nel Meridione alla convivenza coatta nelle città industrializzate tra culture antitetiche e sconosciute sino a quel momento l'una all'altra al vuoto etico generato dalla perdita di quei valori diacronici, consolidati e comuni che informavano la vita relazionale. dove non c'è libertà ma un nuovo "dentro": il "penitenziario del consumismo" i cui "personaggi principali" sono i giovani. Il fenomeno della perdita non risarcita dei valori è devastante sui giovani, è l'ipoteca più amara che grava sul loro futuro e la caduta del prestigio irrelato dei valori culturali non poteva non produrre una mutazione antropologica, una crisi. È un sostituto della magia […] Ernesto De Martino lo chiama "paura della perdita della propria presenza" e i primitivi, appunto, riempiono questo vuoto ricorrendo alla magia, che lo spiega e lo riempie. Nel mondo moderno, l'alienazione dovuta al condizionamento della natura è sostituita dall'alienazione dovuta al condizionamento della società: passato il primo momento di euforia (illuminismo, scienza applicata, comodità, benessere, produzione e consumo), ecco che l'alienato comincia a trovarsi solo con se stesso: egli quindi, come il primitivo, è terrorizzato dall'idea della perdita della propria presenza . Alla distruzione anomica del mondo popolare, sottoproletario e delle borgate che favorisce certi fenomeni di alienazione psichica, è imputabile il clima di criminalità brutale che si diffonderà in Italia. La crisi della cultura fa sì, infatti, che molti giovani siano letteralmente ignoranti. La società viene reificata dalla nuova realtà economica. In una lettera al suo amico Alberto Moravia esprime tutto il suo disagio esistenziale, la sua rabbia e la sua disperazione fisica di fronte al cataclisma che sta investendo la società italiana, Il consumismo consiste in un vero e proprio cataclisma antropologico: e io vivo, esistenzialmente, tale cataclisma che, almeno per ora, è pura degradazione: lo vivo nei miei giorni, nelle forme della mia esistenza, nel mio corpo. Nel delineare il profilo strutturale della nuova società edonistica e consumistica si serve molto della descrizione delle relazioni individuali e del significato che queste acquistano. Pasolini parla di "genocidio" richiamandosi a Marx, intendendo dunque una totale sostituzione di valori, il genocidio: ritengo cioè che la distruzione e sostituzione di valori nella società italiana di oggi porti, anche senza carneficine e fucilazioni di massa, alla soppressione di larghe zone della società stessa. Non è del resto un'affermazione totalmente eretica e eterodossa. Oggi l'Italia sta vivendo in maniera drammatica per la prima volta questo fenomeno: larghi strati, che erano rimasti per così dire fuori della storia- la storia del dominio borghese e della rivoluzione borghese- hanno subito questo genocidio, ossia questa assimilazione al modo e alla qualità di vita della borghesia . La dignità della povertà, elemento caratteristico del mondo contadino e che racchiude quasi in una dimensione sacra il mito pasoliniano, si perde nelle borgate romane degli anni Settanta (unica consolazione per lui sarà la realtà contadina del Terzo Mondo). Sentivano l'ingiustizia della povertà, ma non avevano invidia del ricco, dell'agiato. È attratto dal sottoproletariato di cui delinea il profilo in una delle riflessioni fatte nel corso di una serie di incontri tenutesi nel 1975 con il giornalista inglese Peter Dragadze e che lui stesso definisce un "testamento spirituale- intellettuale", mi attrae nel sottoproletariato la sua faccia, che è pulita (mentre quella del borghese è sporca); perché è innocente (mentre quella del borghese è colpevole), perché è pura(mentre quella del borghese è volgare); perché è religiosa (mentre quella del borghese è ipocrita), perché è pazza (mentre quella del borghese è prudente); perché è sensuale (mentre quella del borghese è fredda); perché è infantile (mentre quella del borghese è adulta); perché è immediata (mentre quella del borghese è previdente), perché è gentile (mentre quella del borghese è insolente), perché è indifesa (mentre quella del borghese dignitosa), perché è incompleta (mentre quella del borghese è rifinita), perché è fiduciosa (mentre quella del borghese è dura), perché è tenera (mentre quella del borghese ironica), perché è pericolosa (mentre quella del borghese è molle), perché è feroce (mentre quella del borghese è ricattatoria), perché è colorata (mentre quella del borghese è bianca) . Pasolini non volge la tua attenzione alla caotica realtà del Nord dove le borgate sono popolate da immigrati spuri, fagocitati dal sistema neocapitalista industriale al quale hanno volontariamente aderito abbandonando le loro terre al Sud. Piuttosto trova analogie tra la cultura del sottoproletariato meridionale e la cultura contadina di quello che chiama Terzo Mondo. Individua l'errore dell'Italia nella rapidità del cambiamento e ricorda spesso nei suoi scritti come il passaggio nel secondo dopoguerra dalla società preindustriale agricola e commerciale a quella industriale sia avvenuta in soli venti anni. Il neocapitalismo è includente, unificante, tende ad inglobare creando una "unità del mondo". Tutto questo perché il neocapitalismo coincide insieme con la completa industrializzazione del mondo e con l'applicazione tecnologica della scienza. Sicché l'unità del mondo (ora appena intuibile) sarà un'unità effettiva di cultura, di forme sociali, di beni e di consumi . (Non so quindi cosa farmene di un mondo unificato dal neocapitalismo, ossia da un internazionalismo creato, con la violenza, dalla necessità della produzione e del consumo) . Per Pasolini appare di precipua importanza rifondare i modelli culturali, teorici rinnovando l'analisi marxista e della sinistra del tempo. Il capitalismo cui si riferisce Pasolini non è più quello statico, meno interessato dagli effetti della tecnologia che caratterizzò la prima fase industriale; non a caso lui parla di "neocapitalismo", dominato da una classe borghese almeno potenzialmente egemone, che informa la società dei suoi peculiari valori e caratterizzato, a differenza del vecchio capitalismo, dalla mercificazione della cultura attraverso l'industria culturale e favorito in questo dalla nascita e dalla rapida diffusione su larga scala di mezzi di comunicazione di massa, tra cui domina la televisione. La crescita industriale schizofrenica non permette dunque alle classi sociali di sedimentarsi ma al contrario le obbliga a formarsi in brevissimi lassi temporali. Giulio Sapelli nel suo testo marca la distanza della realtà italiana sia da quella inglese dove, come Engels testimonia nella sua celebre opera del 1845, Condizione della classe operaia in Inghilterra, la formazione del proletariato prende corpo già nell'Ottocento, sia da quella francese e tedesca dove il proletariato è concomitante all'espansione della borghesia. Non siamo di fronte ad una lenta trasformazione culturale, dice Pasolini, ma ad una vera e propria rivoluzione, una "rivoluzione antropologica". Il rifiuto della modernizzazione è assoluto e disperato. La cultura italiana è cambiata nel vissuto, nell'esistenziale, nel concreto. La tolleranza è l'aspetto più atroce della falsa democrazia . Quello messo in atto dall'edonismo interclassista è in realtà un subdolo razzismo che ha il volto della discriminazione per cui l'unico modello accettato è quello della normalità piccolo- borghese veicolato dalla pubblicità. Che viene dunque mimato di sana pianta, senza mediazioni, nel linguaggio fisico- mimico e nel linguaggio del comportamento nella realtà. […] Appunto perché perfettamente pragmatica, la propaganda televisiva rappresenta il momento qualunquistico della nuova ideologia edonistica del consumo: e quindi è enormemente efficace . Ecco allora cosa rimpiange Pasolini, non l' "Italietta" ma l'universo gaio dei contadini e degli operai prima dello Sviluppo. Io credo che non solo sia la salvezza della società: ma addirittura dell'Uomo. Una orrenda "Nuova Preistoria" sarà la condizione del neocapitalismo alla fine dell'antropologia classica, ora agonizzante. L'industrializzazione sulla linea neocapitalistica disseccherà il germe della Storia . È un marxista sui generis Pasolini, non possiede l'elemento principale dei marxisti: la fede nel progresso sociale. "Illuminismo culturale". Il sacro è l'elemento dell'esperienza sottratto alla materialità della vita quotidiana, alla sua relazione immediata con la sfera della vita biologica, e soprattutto con quella della vita raziocinante […] una "sospensione della ragione" che affida l'uomo ad una potenza spirituale più grande e da lui separata […] rappresenta qualcosa di diverso dalla religione, che è diffusa a livello di massa . La crisi della chiesa diventa crisi del sacro. L'ideologia illuministica del capitalismo fa vacillare una delle due uniche possibili resistenze al suo trionfo, l'atavico sentimento cattolico italiano. Richiamandosi al concetto di Engels (Antiduhring, 1878) per cui il socialismo è l'affermazione del passaggio dell'umanità dalla preistoria alla storia, Pasolini ribatte al giudizio espresso dal suo intervistatore Alberto Arbarsino che valuta la diffusione della ricchezza e l'accesso di larghi strati popolari al benessere mai conosciuto prima un fatto positivo perché segna la "liberazione dal bisogno, dalla paura, dal ricatto della fame", con queste parole: Sai cosa mi sembra l'Italia? Un tugurio i cui i proprietari sono riusciti a comprarsi la televisione, e i vicini, vedendo l'antenna, dicono, come pronunciando il capoverso di una legge "Sono ricchi! Stanno bene!". Alla domanda di Arbasino "Tu cosa vedi?", la risposta è illuminante: Due Preistorie: la Preistoria arcaica del Sud, e la Preistoria nuova nel Nord. La consistenza delle due Preistorie (e la lenta fine della Storia, che si identifica ormai soltanto nella razionalità marxista), mi rende un uomo solo, davanti ad una scelta egualmente disperata: perdermi nella preistoria meridionale, africana, nei reami di Bandung, o gettarmi a capofitto nella preistoria del neocapitalismo, nella meccanicità della vita delle popolazioni ad alto livello industriale, nei reami della Televisione. La marxista liberazione dell'uomo non avviene a seguito della serie di cambiamenti che l'avvento della tecnologia mette in atto, non si entra nella Storia ma in una nuova preistoria, quella del cupio dissolvi, dello stillicidio culturale ben rappresentato dalla televisione e voluto dal capitalismo "caro ai liberali", depositari di un'ideologia tipicamente borghese. Tutti i mali del mondo si identificano per me nella borghesia, intendendo naturalmente non il singolo individuo, ma la classe nel suo insieme e per quello che essa rappresenta . Questa borghesia per la prima volta nella storia della società italiana si pone non più come classe dominante, ma come classe egemonica. Per cui si forma una classe borghese avulsa dalle altre, contraddittoria in se stessa perché mentre dovrebbe essere protestante e liberale, nasce nel segno della Controriforma, in un mondo di contadini. Durante un intervento al congresso del partito liberale, delinea il profilo degli "sfruttatori" della seconda rivoluzione industriale, quella tecnologica, consumistica, che non sono più identificabili come coloro che semplicemente producono merci ma "nuova umanità", nuovi rapporti sociali. b) è un medium di massa […] è manipolata per ragioni extra- culturali, e la sua diffusione deve tenere anticipatamente conto del bassissimo livello medio della cultura dei destinatari, a cui si asserve per asservirli. Non può che dire, da intellettuale, "no" alla televisione (eccetto una collaborazione a Tv 7 che accetta perché la ritiene una forma di contestazione alla televisione fatta dall'interno) perché non individua in questo strumento un'autonomia propria, concreta tipica invece del giornalismo o del cinema o dell'insegnamento (in realtà Pasolini individua un momento autonomo della televisione, la "presa diretta", il cui linguaggio però stenta ad affermarsi). L'idiosincrasia di Pasolini è totale, viscerale. È per questo che Pasolini sente su di sé il dovere civico e intellettuale di proporre una radicale riforma al sistema televisivo e al suo "culturame": Bisogna rendere la televisione partitica e cioè, culturalmente, pluralistica. Ogni Partito avrebbe diritto alle sue trasmissioni […], al suo telegiornale […] e dovrebbe gestire anche altri programmi . La televisione inoltre mette in atto un altro cambiamento: avvia un processo di reificazione al ribasso della koinè linguistica. Pasolini si sofferma molto su questo aspetto perché nella sua analisi la lingua è un elemento imprescindibile dal momento che è dall'ordito del linguaggio che si studia la società nella sua immediatezza. L'ethos borghese tende ad essere introiettato dalla nuova società e ad informare di sé lavoro, disciplinamento sociale e selezione culturale. La cultura italiana è cambiata nel vissuto, nell'esistenziale, nel concreto. Il cambiamento consiste nel fatto che la vecchia cultura di classe (con le sue divisioni nette: cultura della classe dominata, o popolare, cultura della classe dominante, o borghese, cultura delle elites) è stata sostituita da una nuova cultura interclassista: che si esprime attraverso il modo di essere degli italiani, attraverso la loro nuova qualità di vita . Il consumismo altro non è che una nuova forma totalitaria- in quanto del tutto totalizzante, in quanto alienante fino al limite estremo della degradazione antropologica, o genocidio (Marx)- e che quindi la sua permissività è falsa: è la maschera della peggior repressione mai esercitata dal potere sulle masse dei cittadini . Afasia intellettuale, falsa tolleranza, interclassismo edonista: questo il risvolto drammatico della nuova società neocapitalistica che si presenta inerme, come un re nudo agli occhi di Pasolini. Il pessimismo storico di Pasolini è totale (" […] sono disperatamente pessimista"). Nei teppisti meridionali non c'è un'inconscia protesta moralistica, ma un'inconscia protesta sociale: essi non appartengono […] alla classe borghese […] ma al popolo o al sottoproletariato […] non commettono reati gratuiti, ma reati ben giustificati dalla necessità economica e dalla diseducazione ambientale . Il più emblematico cambiamento nelle abitudini degli italiani, il più lento ma al contempo più parossistico, riguarda la sessualità, fino ad allora il più forte tabù sociale. Non si può tornare indietro, la tradizione ha ceduto alla modernizzazione, all'edonè consumista: Pasolini è apocalittico. Un'analisi dettagliata e chiara ce la offre Sapelli che ci richiama alla memoria l'"economia delle aspettative" scoperta dai grandi classici dell'economia, tra cui spicca Keynes i cui studi sulla logica del consumo descrivono a livello teorico i mutamenti individuati da Pasolini. Oggi, la mancanza di determinati beni privati porta addirittura ad una sorta di isolamento all'interno della società" . Troppo manichea, la posizione di Pasolini a tratti si lascia andare forse troppo al catastrofismo, la sua visione apocalittica inficia l'oggettività dell'analisi. Turba il sistema produttivo, è di ostacolo all'affermazione del neocapitalismo nelle sue diverse accezioni, "anzitutto l'omosessualità è totalmente distaccata dalla produttività puramente umana, quella della specie, nel senso che influirebbe piuttosto negativamente sullo sviluppo demografico se si generalizzasse" . Questo fomenta il disprezzo di Pasolini verso la borghesia, lo assolutizza. Il borghese non subisce questa anomia, non partecipa della sofferenza della classe proletaria e contadina, del disagio dei borgatari ma al contrario "non hanno fatto altro che aggiornare i loro modelli culturali" per cui può affermare stentoreamente di non nutrire alcuna pena per una classe sociale che non ha fatto altro, come afferma Marx nel Manifesto del 1848, che mostrare la sua natura solipsistica tesa ad assimilare tutto a se stessa. L'assoluta (apparente) libertà sessuale, ossia il libero arbitrio sul nostro corpo, è alla base di un pensiero complesso, se vogliamo anche distorto, di Pasolini che parte dall'analisi della "nuova donna" calata all'interno della rivoluzione delle classi medie: l'essere-nel-mondo è esattamente questo, sperimentare le nuove realtà e "codificarle" per farne, conformisticamente, delle abitudini. Il meccanismo di codificazione normativa che un tempo era della matrona, della padrona di casa, ora è della "nuova donna", istruita e colta, borghese e libera nelle sue scelte politiche e sessuali. Ecco il cambiamento antropologicamente drammatico indicato da Pasolini: la piccola borghesia fa propri i comportamenti tipici della destra più gretta e intollerante. Nel corso di un dibattito con la redazione di "Roma giovani" del 1974 alla domanda sul ruolo del Sessantotto nella sua critica all'alienazione della società capitalistica e di conseguenza sulla costruzione di un nuovo discorso politico e culturale, Pasolini risponde con un secco "no". La scissione avvenuta, per opera della classe dominante, tra "progresso" e "sviluppo" viene imputata da Pasolini anche alla sinistra e alla cultura cattolica le quali avrebbero dovuto assumere su di loro la responsabilità del momento, avvertirne l'urgenza e impegnarsi al fine di tutelare i valori. Questa esortazione si collega ad uno degli interventi più dissacratori e oracolari di Pasolini, intitolato "Bologna, città consumista e comunista", contenuto nelle Lettere Luterane, una raccolta di articoli e saggi politici molto pugnaci e demistificatori del sistema di potere italiano, usciti di volta in volta sul "Corriere della Sera", su "Mondo" e su "Vie Nuove" nel corso del 1975. Nel saggio sopracitato descrive il suo strazio nel constatare come anche sull' Emilia, e sulla sua amata Bologna nello specifico, si sia diffuso lo spettro della modernizzazione capitalistica che con la sua furia distruttrice ha demolito alla base la possibilità (ai suoi occhi un tempo concreta) di realizza
The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset. CSES Variable List The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module. Themes: MICRO-LEVEL DATA: Identification and study administration variables: weighting factors; election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post-election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election; language of questionnaire. Demography: year and month of birth; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; business association membership, farmers´ association membership; professional association membership; current employment status; main occupation; socio economic status; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; current employment status, occupation, socio economic status, employment type - public or private, and industrial sector of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; number of children in household under the age of 6; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; region of residence; race; ethnicity; rural or urban residence; primary electoral district; country of birth; year arrived in current country. Survey variables: perception of public expenditure on health, education, unemployment benefits, defense, old-age pensions, business and industry, police and law enforcement, welfare benefits; perception of improving individual standard of living, state of economy, government's action on income inequality; respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; vote choice (presidential, lower house and upper house elections) at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the current and the previous election; difference who is in power and who people vote for; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of parties on the left-right-scale and/or an alternative scale; self-assessment on a left-right-scale and an optional scale; satisfaction with democracy; party identification; intensity of party identification, institutional and personal contact in the electoral campaigning, in person, by mail, phone, text message, email or social networks, institutional contact by whom; political information questions; expected development of household income in the next twelve month; ownership of residence, business or property or farm or livestock, stocks or bonds, savings; likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month; spouse likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month. DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA: number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district. MACRO-LEVEL DATA: election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; party of the president and the prime minister before and after the election; number of portfolios held by each party in cabinet, prior to and after the most recent election; size of the cabinet after the most recent election; number of parties participating in election; ideological families of parties; left-right position of parties assigned by experts and alternative dimensions; most salient factors in the election; fairness of the election; formal complaints against national level results; election irregularities reported; scheduled and held date of election; irregularities of election date; extent of election violence and post-election violence; geographic concentration of violence; post-election protest; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement and types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; votes cast; voting procedure; voting rounds; party lists close, open, or flexible; transferable votes; cumulated votes if more than one can be cast; compulsory voting; party threshold; unit for the threshold; freedom house rating; democracy-autocracy polity IV rating; age of the current regime; regime: type of executive; number of months since last lower house and last presidential election; electoral formula for presidential elections; electoral formula in all electoral tiers (majoritarian, proportional or mixed); for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; linked electoral segments; dependent formulae in mixed systems; subtypes of mixed electoral systems; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; fused vote; size of the lower house; GDP growth (annual percent); GDP per capita; inflation, GDP Deflator (annual percent); Human development index; total population; total unemployment; TI corruption perception index; international migrant stock and net migration rate; general government final consumption expenditure; public spending on education; health expenditure; military expenditure; central government debt; Gini index; internet users per 100 inhabitants; mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants; fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants; daily newspapers; constitutional federal structure; number of legislative chambers; electoral results data available; effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties.
J'ift. mi pL.»,i.u r»4 CHORUS.-L'-pMee-i-dee-i-da! etc. ff •' i»75 Her voice is clear as a soaring lark's. jjt-J !i! A""herv,it is like those trolley-car sparks! tT'l ilvi i e" '""ss * """1'ly street she flits, >1- '. ft TI The boys u.l have conniption fits I M*- f tyjl Tlic turn of licr head turns all ours. too. ». > Ti TT There s always a strife to sit in her pew- *$>',* ."•Wt J l!! """I.'1' "> make a parson drunk, ftVfy To hear her sing old co-ca-che-lunk I jbf tiUu The above, and three other NEW verses to U-PI-DEE . .' TTTT "I'.'' "P WORDS, catchy, up-to-date, to manv ftb> ill 1! ".j" "' the POP'-'ar OLD FAMILIAK TUNES; be- TT if «Mf s,d"OLD FAVORITES: and also many NEW SONGS. UUi SONGS OF ALL THK COLLEGES. TTtf WV. Copjithi. Price, lr.so. postpaid. imi. jjk'i Jjuj HINDS & NOBLE, Publishers, New York City, it? ft tf Schoalbooks of all publishers at one stare W' MPT THE MERCURY. 9 a day long to be remembered. But when they marched down the street, when they sat on the stage and listened to their own praises, the boy was not there. No one had seen him. He was missing. His mother, in spite of all attempts to shield her, had heard of his troubles and was broken-hearted. But that night, silently as a thief, the boy crept home. Then while his tormentors listened to farmer politicians shout and rage heroic, the boy laid his head on the shoulder of a mother broken-hearted no longer, knowing and caring nothing for his so-called disgrace. The boy, kneeling at his mother's knee, wept, and she, also weeping, knew only now that she had her boy again. Here we leave them. A GLIMPSE OF LIFE. '07. DEATH follows life in every path ; Rest follows toil, peace follows wrath ; Spring follows winter, day follows night; Joy follows sorrow, wrong turns to right. Song breaks the springtime, life floods the earth. Buds fill the forest, flowers spring to birth ; Hope now abideth, hate turns to love, Clouds flee from sunshine, radiant above. Take thou a lesson, take it and go, Scatter thy sunshine, check not its flow ; Shape then your doings, mould them aright, Build thou with vigor, build with thy might. . - IO THE MEKCURV. I HOW DO WOMEN IN GENERAL INFLUENCE POLITICS ? •07. WHEN woman's influence in politics is mentioned imme-diately there comes to our mind the thought of the work of a Harriet Beecher Stowe or of the mothers of the men preeminent in our political history. Certainly the influence of these women was (and we may say, is) far-reaching and bene-ficial. But the woman in general seems to feel that she has very little to do with politics. She concludes that since the right of suffrage is denied her, she is totally absolved from political re-sponsibility. There are two classes of women who deny that they have any appreciable influence with respect to the politics of our country—one of which clamors for the power of the bal-lot as a means of securing such influence, the other does not deign " to bother about politics" but complacently lays the re-sponsibility of our national welfare upon the shoulders of the men. And yet as surely as did the mother of a Washington, a Lincoln or a McKinley, cast a positive influence over the poli-tics of our country, so surely does every mother, whether that influence be beneficial or detrimental. Character is the founda-tion upon which our national welfare rests. We need have no apprehensions of any lack of brains for carrying on our govern-ment, but brains are just as effectual in tearing down as in building up a government. We need men at the ballot-box and in office who are courageous to do what they know to be for the best interests of our country, and such characters are formed largely through the influence of women. Yet, frankly, if we wish to attribute the honesty, couraget and other essentials of noble characters, to the influence and training of women, then we must also admit that they are per-haps responsible for some of the indifference, cowardice, sloth, and greed that are menacing our government. May not a mother who receives into her home those whom she knows to be unworthy or even immoral, merely because they are " so talented " or "come from such a fine old family " or are " so influential," be held in a measure responsible when THE MERCURY. I I her son fawns and cringes to political magnates," at one instant considering the " Boss" the epitome of all evil, and the next, worthy to fold his legs underneath his mahogany." Again, the woman who constantly excuses herself from her duties to church or society, on the ground that she will not be missed or that the organization will get along without her, would doubt-less be surprised at any suggestion that any blame accrued to iher when her sons neglect their privileges of citizenship, if the weather is bad or they are busy on election day or if their party is hopelessly in the minority, do not take the trouble to vote. But woman need not depend alone on this watchful and pains-taking upbuilding of a strong character for her political influence. She may directly teach her children the nature and grandeur of our government and their responsibility for sup-porting its best interests, in short instill in them true patri-otism. Futhermore she may, and very often does, teach them her own political views. Here also comes in the opportunity of the public school teachers, a majority of whom are women, for exercising influ-ence. They come in contact with the children before ignorant prejudices have entirely closed their minds to reason, and while their characters are being formed, so that if the opportunity is .seized no little influence may be theirs. Then too, the power of the pen and of the press is as freely granted to women as to men and the opportunity for influence thus afforded has been recognized and taken advantage of. Even the platform has not been denied them and the woman of hrains, eloquence and patriotism, need not feel herself seriously handicapped in her ambition for influence. Organizations too, exert a certain influence in politics. Il-lustrations of this may be had in the increased agitation of the slavery question by women's anti-slavery leagues, previous to the Civil War; and at present, by the material gain to the Pro-hibition party, resulting from the work of the W. C. T. U. And so, although so little power is granted them, certainly no woman need complain, or even take comfort in, her lack of political influence. For we hold that so great is their influence that we might well feel assured of the future welfare and pros-perity of our country, had we many such women as that Roman matron who was content to be known as "The Mother of the •Gracchi." 12 THE MERCURY. THE UNCERTAINTY OF LIFE. Ci T^fAN born of a woman is of few days and full of ■L JL trouble." Never was this better illustrated than today when life is so complex both in living and dying. Every day we read of some unfortunate hurled to his death by an agency strange and novel. But let us to our story and tell in a simple, straight-forward way how many and sudden are the forms of death. Several years ago in a town near Pittsburg four men lived together like brothers. All had seen life not as it is written in story books but the genuine unadulterated article as it is handed, out to men who toil. The four had seen their days of pros-perity, days of adversity, had been over this broad land from coast to coast and one at least had lived across the " Duck Pond" as they have so fittingly nick-named the Atlantic. Frank Valentine a man of probably thirty-five, slow of speech, quick in action, honest, hard-working and fearless, is the first we will mention. In his youth he had gone West, and there before the railroad had penetrated every hamlet, he had driven stage-coach over sixty of the roughest, steepest and most nerve-destroying miles in these United States. In summer the hot winds from the deserts swept across the plains scorching vege-tation like the hot breath of a furnace; in the winter he braved the blizzards which filled the gulches with snow until only the tallest pine trees showed their evergreen tops above the snowy waste. Many and stirring were the tales he told of privation and want, of men virile and strong. The hearer could see as he spoke the Rockies lifting their snow-crowned peaks thousands of feet in the air, could tremble as he looked into the abyss from the top of the stage coach, could feel the winds as they then swept the pines bearing a message of earth unfurrowed by plow, and forests virgin in their growth. The second of the roommates was Duncan, a Virginian, with his pleasant Southern speech drawling over his " r's," easy-going, gentle in thought and word. He had also wandered far from " Ole Virginy," and his eyes had gazed on much that is denied the stay-at-home. But far and away superior to these two both in age and experience, was the little old Englishman THE MERCURY. *3 Sammy Day. Born of parents who believed that all sport was) the invention of the devil, yet from boyhood up he' had evef. had an absorbing love of things athletic. Himself an athlete of no mean ability, a six day walker, one time champion of England, yet his great charm lay in the fact that for thirty-five years he had followed sport in all its forms. As a trainer of prizefighters, runners, boatpullers and cyclists, he had lived iotr thirty-five years knowing and known to all lovers of sport the country over. His reminiscences of the days when Heenam and Sayers pounded one another down to Fitzsimmons and* Jefferies, in San Francisco, would have filled a book and no small' book at that. Yet in spite of this strenuous life he was still at fifty five a hale and hearty man, ready and able to jump into a 9ix-day race and out-distance men young enough to be his children. The fourth member of the quartet was a boy of eighteen who had been a year in college and disappointed in that had started to see the world. Often of an evening would they sit the little old Englishman and the boy, and go over together the incidents of the Briton's strange career. Sometimes the story would be of England, land of roast beef and misplaced " h's," again of Milwaukee, perhaps of Frisco. But wherever it was there was a charm about the stories which has kept them green in memory and always will. Here on the banks of the muddy Ohio in that smoky, sweating town, they lived those four; not a square from their room ran the P. & L. E., the Little Giant of railroads, just beyond were the mills of iron and steel with their thundering rolls and ponderous hammers which knew not rest night or day, and the river a noisy thoroughfare with its coal barges and steamboats which made the night hideous with their " forty-wildcat-power " whistles Troubles they had none. Honest toil, however dangerous and unpleasant has no terrors; and they lived careless of what a morrow might bring forth. All were hourly in danger of their lives for their work was not the kind in which kid gloves were essential. Three of them never knew when they went in the morning whether they would return that night alive or dead. It was a time of unexampled prosperity and human life was J4 THE MERCURY. the cheapest commodity purchasable. Yet they drank light-hearted all except the boy whom they had nick-named "Johnny the Kid," and him they would not allow to touch, taste or handle. Now the besetting sin of " Sammy the Walker," was drink. Drink he would both to drown his sorrows and to in-crease his joys. While in this condition he fell down stairs one Hay and cut his arm so badly that he almost bled to death. A fjw days later while he lay in bed Duncan and the boy held a little converse with him which was as follows. " Ere's ow hit was" said Sammy. " Hi was going down the steps when they hups and its me hon the heye. The blooming bottles brake hand hi cuts me harm drefful." " Well Sammy" laughed Duncan, " you'll be up against it yet, you'll break your " bloom-ing" neck some day. "Yes" the boy said, "next pay day Duncan you buy a new black suit and I'll buy the flowers, and we'll lay old Sammy away to rest." "Aw me boy," said Sammy, "hi'll live to see ye both hunder ground." Sammy being fifty five and they being twenty eight and eighteen re-spectively, they laughed heartily at the old man's prophecy. But youth is not shielded from death any more than old age. For a few days after that they went about their work almost forgetting the joking prophecy. But one evening as the boy came in swinging his dinner pail he bucked right into Samrtiy at the side door of the hotel. " Ello Jack, ave you eard the news ?" he said " No ? Well Duncan is killed " he said, and the sadness in the old man's voice caused a choking sensation in the boy's throat. "Yes" Sammy said, and the tears welled up in his honest blue eyes, "E was struck by the 10.25 Flyer hand every bone in is body bruck, E just got hoff the freight to give them ha ighball when E was it." The news filled the boy with sorrow for only that morning he and Duncan had wrestled in bed to see which would get up first, and now Duncan lay in the morgue a mass of broken clay. His body was taken to his home in Virginia and never did these friends see his face again. But accidents such as this are common in the Pittsburg district and after a while he was almost forgotten. Nevertheless the boy remembered Sammy's prophecy, and was mighty careful around trains and the like after that. Today the old man is living, so is the boy and time alone will show whether the old man was right in his prediction. - II; ill: THE MERCURY. I 5 SHE was a Christian maiden fair, He was a lad of courage weak, And though he longed, he would not dare To kiss her rosy dimpled cheek. "What would you do," at last he cried, "If I should kiss you on the cheek ?" The flushing Nazarene replied "Like Him, I'd turn the other cheek." B. A. S. '06. MORE FORTUNATE ENDING TO ROMEO AND JULIET. STROHMEIER, '06. SCENE : Churchyard ; Tomb of the Capulets ; Juliet lying in an open bier. Enter Paris and a Page bearing a torch and flowers. PARIS—Give me thy torch and flowers; go and watch. If any man come hither, signal word. {Exit Page.) O fairest maiden of a fair found race, O Venus incarnated Juliet, Thou hope of Paris, pride of Capulet, Lift up the drawbridge of thy eyes and let Me look into their limpid, profound depths; Move thy sweet lips to their delightful office, And charm me with one long divine embrace. My love, my all, O hear me, Juliet; O vain and agonizing fancy, hold. Methinks I ne'er saw death so finely housed. Would I were death that I might live with thee ! Thou'rt made of more celestial clay than man, And death, love-smitten, can not injure thee. Faint roses struggle still upon thy cheeks And dewy freshness lingers with thy corse, Here will I strew these flowers o'er thy form, Intended to bedeck thy bridal bed, turn. I L. 16 THE MERCURY. That they may learn of thee what beauty is And by thy sweetness be alway preserved. {Page signals) A signal that. What interruption now ? Enter Romeo bearing a torch. By the Eternal! It is Romeo, That bloody leech, detested Montague! What makest thou here, thou loathed midnight ghoul? Art thou not satisfied with killing Tybalt ? With driving to her grave fair Juliet ? With striking anguish to a noble house? With stabbing to the heart Verona's peace ? But must thou from thy place of banishment Crawl like a serpent to this sepulchre To mutinous practice on these lifeless forms ? By Heaven ! 'tis too much. I'll have thy life. A churchyard. Ah, thou walk'st to thine own grave. Out upon thee. Montague, thy time has come ! {Draws his sword) ROM.—Peace be to Paris, and put up thy sword. What cause have 1 to free thy surging blood ? I love thee, though thou scorn'st my love, I love thee. Prithee, get thee hence; let me alone; Test not my full endurance. I am mad With desperation and am like to rend Both friend and foe, all who my way oppose. PARIS—Base coward; thou vile sneaking coward, thou ! Thy blade cries shame to thee— I'll hear no more. ROM.—Thy cloak is dearer to me than thy shroud; But since thou put'st a thorn into my flesh My nature strongly bids me pluck it out. {Druws his sword) Lay on. If fight thou wilt, then fight I must And no cessation till the one be dust! (Theyfight{ Juliet awakes. Enter servants to Paris and Romeo. Fighting still. JUL.—O dismal purgatory! Where am I ? What confused noise is this ? {Paris is wounded) i THE MERCURY. 17 Hold, Paris ; marry, what strange freak is this ? Is't judgment day that coffins spew their food ? Behold! see how the living dead arise, Art thou a spectre born of flesh and blood Or art thou what thou seemest, Juliet ? PAR.—Tis Juliet! 'tis she, my life, 'tis she ! Not dead! alive ! Run, boy, tell Capulet; If e'er thou ran, run now; be gone. Exit Servants to Romeo and Paris. JUL.—O, Romeo, thou'rt come and Paris, too, O frightful dreams of death and solitude, The narrow house, black night, vast boundless space. Methought that Paris too had died and sought My soul. Why, Romeo, why stand'st thou dumb ? PARIS.—Dear Juliet, say'st thou thou dreamt me dead ? O dire presage of this fatal night. O agonizing thought; my love returns Arid I must go! My wound, my wound. Tis not o'er wide nor deep, Yet through this mouth death drinks me up apace. 0 Juliet, my precious virtuous one, Permit my waning strength to succor thee. Ah, now thou stand'st in perfect loveliness. Would in the contemplation of thyself 1 could forget away grim Atropos! ROM.—Art thou real Juliet ? Give me thy hand, 'Tis warm and has the touch of Juliet! By heaven, doubting Thomas now believes ! Thy death was but a sleep, and God has tried The deep and concentrate devotion of My love. This dark, damp vault as vile as blackest hell Is now become a paradise to me. Foul smelling vial, spill thyself on earth. My Juliet lives, she lives, she lives ! JUL—O Romeo, that was my all in all, O Paris whom I pledged to substitute, _>-". I 18 THE MERCURY. How can I speak! My mind is but a blank Whereon my future must be writ in blood. 0 Paris, marvel not that Romeo, Should seem so kindly dispositioned toward My welfare. I will tell for thou shalt know; My husband stands before thee, Paris, he And I vowed mutual life devotion ere That fiery Tybalt fell in deadly fray Slain by 'th unwilling hand of Romeo. And this my death was but a drugged sleep To 'scape—O Paris thou art pale as death, 1 cannot tell thee more— PAR.— Enough ! enough ! My reeling brain will bear no more. O death Come quick and end this agony that tears My body and my grieved soul apart Stitch by stitch. (Sinks to the earth) ROM.—O joyous woe, O happy cursed night! Man's freedom is fast bound to fate like kite To boy ; and when th' ecstatic breath of joy Lifts him to soar the azure sky above, Some monstrous woe of fate pulls on the string. Fair Juliet renewed—there is my joy ; Another murder charged to Romeo— There is my grief. JUL.—But, Romeo, remember that the kite Sails only by the strong resisting hand Of him who governs it. And this our life, Were woe unknown, could never feel true joy. ROM.—Thou say'st well. I still hope there be good. But come ; let's hence away. If I am found Within Verona's limits I am nought. Come quick, I hear a noise ! Enter the Prince, Capulet, Lady C, Mantague, Lady 21. and Servants. LADY C.—That cheats the grave. O Juliet my dear where, where is she. My precious daughter, never knew I how --»-»ptf— --■ t -»- THE MERCURY. 19 *> I loved thee till thou failed my presence late. My child, my child, my precious child ! (Embraces Juliet.) CAP.—By Heaven ! Tis a fact. We'll take her straight To church. Where's Paris? Zounds ! upon the floor All bathed in blood ! By God, here's Romeo! That damned Montague. Hi! close the door, We'll keep this rat awhile. PRINCE.—Have peace, good Capulet. Compose yourself. Content thy feelings with rejoicing o'er Thy daughter, Juliet. Let's probe this strange and mystic scene. Who's there? (Enter Friar Lawrence with iron rod.) How now, good friar, wherefore art thou come So oddly armed to this unusual place ? FRIAR.—Good prince, my lord, let me defer reply To a more fitting place. I heard you speak Of probing this mysterious affair. Grant you me hearing and I'll dissipate The mist. This Romeo and Juliet are man and wife And wife— CAP. What sayest thou ? PRINCE. Peace, Capulet. FRIAR L.—Joined in my cell by me in marriage bond The very day that Tybalt met his doom. Then Romeo to banishment was sent, And Juliet pressed hard to marry Paris In sore distress to me came for advice. The matter was indeed most delicate And called for subtle treatment. Wherefore I Proposed a sly concoct of artful drugs' The taking which o'erpowers the drinker eight And forty hours, in which time she must Perforce of custom to the vault be borne. Meantime the news to Romeo I would send Jp- . 20 THE MERCURY. And he by night should come and take her hence Upon the hour of her awaking time. The maiden liked the plan and so 'twas done. But I failed in my word to Romeo And of myself came to unprison her. How Romeo and Paris happen here I know not. This is the truth of Romeo's fair wife And I will answer for it with my life. PRINCE.—Thou hast a name for truthfulness, good friar; Thy story seems a likely one and needs But only be confirmed. y ' I He speaks the truth. Paris.—(faintly) My kinsman, and my friends, give ear to me, Hear what a dying man has to request. First to the prince: my lord, bear no ill will To Romeo that he has here slain me, 'Twas in defence 'gainst my attack he drew His sword. And pardon him ofTybalt's death. I have whereof I know his cause was just. Would'st thou please me, restore good Romeo. O Capulet, O Montague, heads of Two feudal houses, let my last dull sight Behold how enemies can full forgive ; Entomb your grievances where Juliet Has left a casket unemployed. O Romeo and Juliet, my breath, Hard gasping, scarce will drag out slow my words. You have my benediction—fare you well! Friends all, good friends, do not my plea reject. Forgive, forget, love, cherish, and protect. ROM.—Beseech you, father, bury this vile hate. JUL.—For my sake, father, do what Paris bids. MON.—What say you, Capulet? CAP. Good, Montague! They clasp hands. The ladies embrace. Romeo embraces Juliet. 1 '* 1 W*Jf-< ■ - , -. - - THE MERCURY. PAR.—Now heaven take my soul; farewell, farewell! PRINCE.—Our blessing on you tor this deed of good. Like poisoned arrows in our heart have been The feuds of Montague and Capulet. And in the whirling vortex of your wrath That spread to fair Verona's utmost part, Two of our kinsmen perished ere their time. But if that now your peace be well performed The death of Paris is a blessing to our soul. This solemn charge I utter, then adieu : Let Romeo to Juliet be true And likewise Capulet to Montague. 21 (Dies.) WHEN ADAM AND EVE WERE KING AND QUEEN. B. A. S. '06. The Lord made Adam in a day, He did the best he could, And when he hung him up to dr3' He looked and said "'tis good." But Adam was a lonely chap, He pined all day at best, And even when he took a nap He found but little rest. Dame Eve to cheer him up was sent, His helpmate fair and tall, But then where'er poor Adam went He found no rest at all. JL 22 THE MERCURY. DEMOCRACY CAN EXIST WITH SOCIAL DIS-TINCTIONS. H. M. W., '06. IT is rather difficult to determine just what we mean by democracy, which is a term used to denote very many things, or rather very many degrees of the same thing. There are almost as many ideas of what really constitutes democracy as there are people in this grand product of it. We have it defined as "political and social equality in general;" as "a state of society in which no hereditary differences of rank or privilege are recognized." As to the latter part of the defi-nition there is no trouble in verifying it from our own experi-ence or observations. It is the law of our land and virtually rings true. The first part of the definition seems to be more concerned with the spirit of democracy than with the state or condition itself, as is the latter part, but even it slips over the vital point by adding " in general." The " political equality" we pride ourselves as a nation upon having, but the "social equality" is another question—in it we have the spirit of de-mocracy, and that is really the point at issue, for that this nation, the greatest example of democracy, is democratic in every letter of the law, and also that social equality does not really exist in the land, are two indisputable facts. Therefore, shall we conclude that the spirit of democracy cannot exist along with social distinctions simply because of the seeming contradiction in terms, especially when in this su-premely democratic nation two such apparently antagonistic conditions are calmly flourishing side by side ? Yes, this nation is supremely democratic in every letter of the law, but how about the spirit of the law ? Can such a thing exist, or is there such a thing as democracy, pure and simple? And are social distinctions in the way of an ideal state of democracy ? Is there such a thing as democracy—real democracy ? In answer, we may bring up all the so-called democracies of our day and those of the past as illustrations. They all have, or had, broad democratic principles as the bases of their constitu-tions— their foundation, equality in all things. For the posses- "MW" ~*WT- ■'»'/ ^*m •i WtiH1#*M THE MERCURY. 23 sion of which privilege and blessing, men sacrificed their all— home, dear ones, life. But in the very beginning of things there were social distinctions. No movement can progress without a leader. Leaders are men in some degree superiors of those they lead. They are made leaders because men recog-nize their superiority, which their elevation does not dim, but accentuates. It is in the very nature of things—they are made of finer clay than some other men—and " porcelain remains porcelain, and earthen, earthen" whether in democratic or aristocratic surrounding. Environment and heredity are always at work, and while they work, social distinctions must follow as an inevitable re-sult. Would men pay with their life blood for a thing which does not really exist, a mere idle sound, an empty symbol for equality ? What would citizenship mean in our nation today, if it were not for the democratic spirit and life at the very foun-dation ? The inward harmony, the result of real brotherly love, and the outward strength and glory, must have their root in the true democratic spirit at work in the heart, in spite of the superficial, social distinctions which nature herself has drawn. 24 THE MERCURY. MISTAKEN IDENTITY. •06. I. THERE was a small boy named Jeremy Brown, And he had a sister called Sue ; There was a young man named Levery Crown, The sister he came to woo. II. A brave little boy was Jeremy Brown, With burglars he wanted to fight,' So he bought a strong bow and sharp arrows in town, And slept with them every night. III. Young Jeremy's room was on the third floor, Right under was sister Sue's ; One night this brave lad had just started to snore, When a noise woke him up from his snooze. IV. He leaped from his bed, to the window he ran, With his bow and his arrows keen, Approaching the house he beheld a big man, And he wondered what it could mean. V. Something like a big squash the man held in his arm, With a stick stuck into the end, " With dynamite filled," thought the boy with alarm, " To blow up our house he intends!" VI. He fitted an arrow and drew back the bow, Then followed a twang and a whirr, " Ow ! Ow !" yelled the man who was coming below, For he thought he was jagged by a burr. VII. Faster and faster the arrows they flew, One cheek, then another was struck, And madder and madder the poor victim grew As he cursed his abominable luck. THE MERCURY. 25 VIII. He threw down his burden and started to run, Repulsed by his youthful foe ; When safely away he plucked one by one Thejarrows which pained him so. IX. When morning had come and the family had gazed On an object which they had found, This brave little lad was greatly amazed, For a guitar lay smashed on the ground. X. When Levery Crown came to call the next night, A plaster adorned each cheek, But Jeremy Brown did'nt think it quite right When Sue called him a " mean little sneak." ■ ODE TO THH PONY. Friend of our fathers, known of old, Steed of student of every clime, We fain would have thy praises told, Thy foot prints left in sands of tirne. Friend of our fathers, bear us yet, Lest we forget, lest we forget. The college halls grow gray with age, The president and profs depart; Few still live on, save thou and Page— Thou idol of the Freshman's heart, Pride of our course, trot with us yet, Lest we forget, lest we forget. The cribber bold that puts his trust In printed cuff, or pony's word— No tough exam by him is cussed, No vain regret fjom him is heard ; And ages still to come, you bet, Will ride on thee, lest we forget. —Knox College Annual.—" The Gali." THE lyrERcuRY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter VOL. XIII GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1905 No. 1 Editor-in-ch ief HARRIET A. MCGILL, '06 Exchange Editor MARY B. MCGILL, '06 Business Manager H. B. GALBRAITH, '07 Asst. Business Manager THOMAS FAUST, '07 E. VICTOR ROLAND, '07 Associate Editors H. F. SMITH, '07 CLIFFORD HARTMAN, '07 FRANK MOSER, '07 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. ALL HAIL. EDITORIALS. The messenger of the gods enters once more upon the race course of another year. We of a new staff greet for the first time those who will be favored by his visits during the coming months. It has been said that no man can serve two masters, but we have great faith in the ex-ceeding cleverness of the messenger. Through him we hope to please two classes of our patrons; those who desire an in-tellectual journal in which the essay is more or less prominent and others who are crying out for something " in lighter vein." That our task will be difficult cannot be denied. Pardon our inexperience it is against us, but we are going to do our best, profiting by the example of the out-going staff, to whom we offer most hearty congratulations. /- THE MEKCURV. 27 THE PEN AND SWORD. It has been suggested that the " Pen and Sword " prize be given in a dif-ferent way. The competitors handing in to the MERCURY as many contributions during the year as they desire, each man of course retaining the same nom de plume for every produc-tion, and the prize at the end of the year being awarded to him who has done the most satisfactory work altogether. This method would give the competitors as many chances for the prize as they desired and would also be a great help to the MERCURY. It seems worthy of consideration. The articles handed in under these circumstances would be varied, short :stories and poetry being especially welcome, while the only condition laid upon the contributors would be that of original work for the MERCURY. We desire to publish no productions which have been read before a class or the public; twice told tales are rarely interesting. Upon the night of installation the editor had a strange dream which when told in all kind-ness may interest the future friends of the MERCURY. In col-leges as in the best regulated of families we know that accidents sometimes occur, and of course it is but an accident that ours is sometimes used as a shelter for certain kinds of quadrupeds. Unlike all their predecessors however, were those which in a ghostly herd loomed before the eyes of the terrified editor. They were grey in color with eyes of burning fire, and for lack of a better name can be called " Night Mares." Upon these animals rode the editors of our MERCURY'S past, headed by the recent editor who led a riderless horse. The editors seemed to be in a pretty bad condition, their garments were torn and they were bruised from the missiles which an expectant crowd in the distance had only ceased to hurl dur-ing the time when a new editor should mount the waiting steed. On close examination these missiles were found to be produc-tions which the editors of the MERCURY had been forced for various good reasons to reject or re-write, and in dread antici-pation the editor-in-chief awoke. A story with a moral is generally tiresome, how much more 50 must be a dream, yet for protection from a like fate we of 28 THE MERCURY,. the staff want to begin the new year with a statement and s request. We are your friends, contributors; we are also your servants and desire to please you. If the productions which you yield us could be better, could do you more justice, will you not be willing to try again ? Do not be hard on us, for the steed is not easy to mount and the missiles hurt. EXCHANGES. We are glad to see so many exchanges on our table this-month, and have read them all with pleasure. Keep up the good work. We will always welcome you. In this month's issue, the Durry " Mirror" has an attractive cut in red and white. The " Buff and White " publishes an excellent story, " Fay's Crystal," also a good essay on " Sailor life, as it is." The reading matter of the " Juniata Echo " is good but is-not the exchange editor a trifle too critical ? The girls' number of the " Bucknell Mirror " is well gotten up. The poems are especially good. The " Yale Scientific Monthly " has an instructive article on " Modern Railway Signal Practice." We are always glad to-see the " Scientific American " on our table and read " The queerest of animals" with great interest. The "Touchstone" is good. The underclass men seem to be doing the work in this paper. " The Red and Blue " contains some excellent stories and' essays, as do the " Argus " and " Lesbian Herald." We acknowledge with pleasure the receipt of the following papers—" The State Collegian," " The Manitou Messenger,"' "The Dickinsonian," " Grove City Collegian," " The Ursinus- Weekly," "The Student," "The Midland," "The Vialonian " and " The Purple and White." I'ATKONIZE OUK Ain'KKTlSEKS. FURNITURE '.vlaUresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames. Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. IS. IB. Bender 37 B tltlmore St., Gettysburg, Pa. THE STEWART & STEEN CO, Jollege Engravers and (Printers 1024 Arch St., Philadelphia, Pa, MAKERS AND PUBLISHERS OF Commencement, Class Day Invitations and Programs, Class Pins and Buttons in Gold and Other Metals, Wedding Invitations and Announcements, At Home Cards, Reception Cards and Visiting Cards, Visiting Cards—Plate and 50 cards, 75 cents. Special Discount to Students. A Complete Encyclopedia of Amateur Sport Spalding's Official Athletic Almanac FOR 1905. EDITED BY J. E. SULLIVAN (Chief of Department of Physical Culture. Louisiana Purchase Exposition). Should be read by every college student, as it contains the records of all college athletics and all amateur events in this country and abroad. It also contains a complete review of Olympic Games for the official report of Director Sullivan and a resume of the two days devoted to sports in which savages were the only contestants, in which it is proved conclusively that' savages are not the natural born athletics we have heretofore supposed them to be. This is the first time in which the athletic performances of savages have ever been systematically recorded. This is the largest Athletic Almanac ever published, containing 320 pages. Numerous illustrations of prominent athletes and track teams. Price 10 Cents. For sale by all newsdealers and A. G. SPALDING
Das International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) ist ein länderübergreifendes, fortlaufendes Umfrageprogramm, das jährlich Erhebungen zu Themen durchführt, die für die Sozialwissenschaften wichtig sind. Das Programm begann 1984 mit vier Gründungsmitgliedern - Australien, Deutschland, Großbritannien und den Vereinigten Staaten - und ist inzwischen auf fast 50 Mitgliedsländer aus aller Welt angewachsen. Da die Umfragen auf Replikationen ausgelegt sind, können die Daten sowohl für länder- als auch für zeitübergreifende Vergleiche genutzt werden. Jedes ISSP-Modul konzentriert sich auf ein bestimmtes Thema, das in regelmäßigen Zeitabständen wiederholt wird. Details zur Durchführung der nationalen ISSP-Umfragen entnehmen Sie bitte der Dokumentation. Die vorliegende Studie konzentriert sich auf Fragen zu sozialer Ungleichheit.
Quantifying the genetic correlation between cancers can provide important insights into the mechanisms driving cancer etiology. Using genome-wide association study summary statistics across six cancer types based on a total of 296,215 cases and 301,319 controls of European ancestry, here we estimate the pair-wise genetic correlations between breast, colorectal, head/neck, lung, ovary and prostate cancer, and between cancers and 38 other diseases. We observed statistically significant genetic correlations between lung and head/neck cancer (rg = 0.57, p = 4.6 × 10-8), breast and ovarian cancer (rg = 0.24, p = 7 × 10-5), breast and lung cancer (rg = 0.18, p =1.5 × 10-6) and breast and colorectal cancer (rg = 0.15, p = 1.1 × 10-4). We also found that multiple cancers are genetically correlated with non-cancer traits including smoking, psychiatric diseases and metabolic characteristics. Functional enrichment analysis revealed a significant excess contribution of conserved and regulatory regions to cancer heritability. Our comprehensive analysis of cross-cancer heritability suggests that solid tumors arising across tissues share in part a common germline genetic basis. ; he authors in this manuscript were working on behalf of BCAC, CCFR, CIMBA, CORECT, GECCO, OCAC, PRACTICAL, CRUK, BPC3, CAPS, PEGASUS, TRICL- ILCCO, ABCTB, APCB, BCFR, CONSIT TEAM, EMBRACE, GC-HBOC, GEMO, HEBON, kConFab/AOCS Mod SQuaD, and SWE-BRCA. The breast cancer genome-wide association analyses: BCAC is funded by Cancer Research UK [C1287/A16563, C1287/ A10118], the European Union ' s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme (grant numbers 634935 and 633784 for BRIDGES and B-CAST, respectively), and by the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement number 223175 (grant number HEALTH-F2-2009-223175) (COGS). The EU Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme funding source had no role in study design, data collection, data analysis, data interpretation, or writing of the report. Genotyping of the OncoArray was funded by the NIH Grant U19 CA148065, and Cancer UK Grant C1287/ A16563 and the PERSPECTIVE project supported by the Government of Canada through Genome Canada and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (grant GPH-129344) and, the Ministère de lÉconomie, Science et Innovation du Québec through Genome Québec and the PSR-SIIRI-701 grant, and the Quebec Breast Cancer Foundation. Funding for the iCOGS infrastructure came from: the European Community 's Seventh Framework.Programme under grant agreement n° 223175 (HEALTH-F2-2009-223175) (COGS), Cancer Research UK (C1287/A10118, C1287/A10710, C12292/A11174, C1281/A12014, C5047/A8384, C5047/A15007, C5047/A10692, C8197/A16565), the National Institutes of Health (CA128978), and Post-Cancer GWAS initiative (1U19 CA148537, 1U19 CA148065, and 1U19 CA148112 — the GAME-ON initiative), the Department of Defence (W81XWH-10-1-0341), the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) for the CIHR Team in Familial Risks of Breast Cancer, and Komen Foundation for the Cure, the Breast Cancer Research Foundation, and the Ovarian Cancer Research Fund. The DRIVE Consortium was funded by U19 CA148065. The Australian Breast Cancer Family Study (ABCFS) was supported by grant UM1 CA164920 from the National Cancer Institute (USA). The content of this manuscript does not necessarily re fl ect the views or policies of the National Cancer Institute or any of the collaborating centers in the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR), nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the USA Government or the BCFR. The ABCFS was also supported by the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, the New South Wales Cancer Council, the Victorian Health Promotion Foundation (Aus- tralia), and the Victorian Breast Cancer Research Consortium. J.L.H. is a National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Senior Principal Research Fellow. M.C.S. is a NHMRC Senior Research Fellow. The ABCS study was supported by the Dutch Cancer Society [grants NKI 2007-3839; 2009 4363]. The Australian Breast Cancer Tissue Bank (ABCTB) is generously supported by the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, The Cancer Institute NSW and the National Breast Cancer Foundation. The ACP study is funded by the Breast Cancer Research Trust, UK. The AHS study is supported by the intramural research program of the National Institutes of Health, the National Cancer Institute (grant number Z01-CP010119), and the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences (grant number Z01-ES049030). The work of the BBCC was partly funded by ELAN-Fond of the University Hospital of Erlangen. The BBCS is funded by Cancer Research UK and Breast Cancer Now and acknowledges NHS funding to the NIHR Biomedical Research Centre, and the National Cancer Research Network (NCRN). The BCEES was funded by the National Health and Medical Research Council, Australia and the Cancer Council Western Australia and acknowledges funding from the National Breast Cancer Foundation (JS). For the BCFR-NY, BCFR-PA, and BCFR-UT this work was supported by grant UM1 CA164920 from the National Cancer Institute. The content of this manuscript does not necessarily re fl ect the views or policies of the National Cancer Institute or any of the collaborating centers in the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR), nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the US Government or the BCFR. For BIGGS, ES is supported by NIHR Comprehensive Biomedical Research Centre, Guy ' s & St. Thomas ' NHS Foundation Trust in partnership with King ' s College London, United Kingdom. IT is supported by the Oxford Biomedical Research Centre. BOCS is supported by funds from Cancer Research UK (C8620/A8372/A15106) and the Institute of Cancer Research (UK). BOCS acknowledges NHS funding to the Royal Marsden/Institute of Cancer Research NIHR Specialist Cancer Biomedical Research Centre. The BREast Oncology GAlician Network (BREOGAN) is funded by Acción Estratégica de Salud del Instituto de Salud Carlos III FIS PI12/02125/Co fi nanciado FEDER; Acción Estratégica de Salud del Instituto de Salud Carlos III FIS Intrasalud (PI13/01136); Programa Grupos Emergentes, Cancer Genetics Unit, Instituto de Investigacion Biomedica Galicia Sur. Xerencia de Xestion Integrada de Vigo-SERGAS, Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spain; Grant 10CSA012E, Consellería de Industria Programa Sectorial de Investigación Aplicada, PEME I + DeI + D Suma del Plan Gallego de Investigación, Desarrollo e Innovación Tecnológica de la Consellería de Industria de la Xunta de Galicia, Spain; Grant EC11-192. Fomento de la Investigación Clínica Independiente, Ministerio de Sanidad, Servicios Sociales e Igualdad, Spain; and Grant FEDER-Innterconecta. Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad, Xunta de Gali- cia, Spain. The BSUCH study was supported by the Dietmar-Hopp Foundation, the Helmholtz Society and the German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ). The CAMA study was funded by Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (CONACyT) (SALUD-2002- C01-7462). Sample collection and processing was funded in part by grants from the National Cancer Institute (NCI R01CA120120 and K24CA169004). CBCS is funded by the Canadian Cancer Society (grant # 313404) and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research. CCGP is supported by funding from the University of Crete. The CECILE study was supported by Fondation de France, Institut National du Cancer (INCa), Ligue Nationale contre le Cancer, Agence Nationale de Sécurité Sanitaire, de l ' Alimentation, de l ' Environnement et du Travail (ANSES), Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR). The CGPS was supported by the Chief Physician Johan Boserup and Lise Boserup Fund, the Danish Medical Research Council, and Herlev and Gentofte Hospital. The CNIO-BCS was supported by the Instituto de Salud Carlos III, the Red Temática de Investigación Cooperativa en Cáncer and grants from the Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer and the Fondo de Investigación Sanitario (PI11/00923 and PI12/00070). COLBCCC is sup- ported by the German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ), Heidelberg, Germany. D.T. was in part supported by a postdoctoral fellowship from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. The American Cancer Society funds the creation, maintenance, and updating of the CPS-II cohort. The CTS was initially supported by the California Breast Cancer Act of 1993 and the California Breast Cancer Research Fund (contract 97-10500) and is currently funded through the National Institutes of Health (R01 CA77398, UM1 CA164917, and U01 CA199277). Collection of cancer incidence data was supported by the California Department of Public Health as part of the statewide cancer reporting program mandated by California Health and Safety Code Section 103885. H.A.C eceives support from the Lon V Smith Foundation (LVS39420). The University of Westminster curates the DietCompLyf database funded by Against Breast Cancer Registered Charit.No. 1121258 and the NCRN. The coordination of EPIC is fi nancially supported by the European Commission (DG-SANCO) and the International Agency for Research on Cancer. The national cohorts are supported by: Ligue Contre le Cancer, Institut Gustave Roussy, Mutuelle Générale de l ' Education Nationale, Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM) (France); German Cancer Aid, German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ), Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) (Germany); the Hellenic Health Foundation, the Stavros Niarchos Foundation (Greece); Associazione Italiana per la Ricerca sul Cancro-AIRC-Italy and National Research Council (Italy); Dutch Ministry of Public Health, Welfare and Sports (VWS), Netherlands Cancer Registry (NKR), LK Research Funds, Dutch Prevention Funds, Dutch ZON (Zorg Onderzoek Nederland), World Cancer Research Fund (WCRF), Statistics Netherlands (The Neth- erlands); Health Research Fund (FIS), PI13/00061 to Granada, PI13/01162 to EPIC- Murcia, Regional Governments of Andalucía, Asturias, Basque Country, Murcia and Navarra, ISCIII RETIC (RD06/0020) (Spain); Cancer Research UK (14136 to EPIC- Norfolk; C570/A16491 and C8221/A19170 to EPIC-Oxford), Medical Research Council (1000143 to EPIC-Norfolk, MR/M012190/1 to EPIC-Oxford) (United Kingdom). The ESTHER study was supported by a grant from the Baden Württemberg Ministry of Science, Research and Arts. Additional cases were recruited in the context of the VERDI study, which was supported by a grant from the German Cancer Aid (Deutsche Kreb- shilfe). FHRISK is funded from NIHR grant PGfAR 0707-10031. The GC-HBOC (Ger- man Consortium of Hereditary Breast and Ovarian Cancer) is supported by the German Cancer Aid (grant no 110837, coordinator: Rita K. Schmutzler, Cologne). This work was also funded by the European Regional Development Fund and Free State of Saxony, Germany (LIFE - Leipzig Research Centre for Civilization Diseases, project numbers 713- 241202, 713-241202, 14505/2470, and 14575/2470). The GENICA was funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) Germany grants 01KW9975/5, 01KW9976/8, 01KW9977/0, and 01KW0114, the Robert Bosch Foundation, Stuttgart, Deutsches Krebsforschungszentrum (DKFZ), Heidelberg, the Institute for Prevention and Occupational Medicine of the German Social Accident Insurance, Institute of the Ruhr University Bochum (IPA), Bochum, as well as the Department of Internal Medicine, Evangelische Kliniken Bonn gGmbH, Johanniter Krankenhaus, Bonn, Germany. The GEPARSIXTO study was conducted by the German Breast Group GmbH. The GESBC was supported by the Deutsche Krebshilfe e. V. [70492] and the German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ). GLACIER was supported by Breast Cancer Now, CRUK and Biomedical Research Centre at Guy ' s and St Thomas ' NHS Foundation Trust and King ' s College London. The HABCS study was supported by the Claudia von Schilling Foundation for Breast Cancer Research, by the Lower Saxonian Cancer Society, and by the Rudolf- Bartling Foundation. The HEBCS was fi nancially supported by the Helsinki University Central Hospital Research Fund, Academy of Finland (266528), the Finnish Cancer Society, and the Sigrid Juselius Foundation. The HERPACC was supported by MEXT Kakenhi (No. 170150181 and 26253041) from the Ministry of Education, Science, Sports, Culture and Technology of Japan, by a Grant-in-Aid for the Third Term Comprehensive 10-Year Strategy for Cancer Control from Ministry Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan, by Health and Labour Sciences Research Grants for Research on Applying Health Technology from Ministry Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan, by National Cancer Center Research and Development Fund, and " Practical Research for Innovative Cancer Control (15ck0106177h0001) " from Japan Agency for Medical Research and develop- ment, AMED, and Cancer Bio Bank Aichi. The HMBCS was supported by a grant from the Friends of Hannover Medical School and by the Rudolf Bartling Foundation. The HUBCS was supported by a grant from the German Federal Ministry of Research and Education (RUS08/017), and by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research and the Federal Agency for Scienti fi c Organizations for support the Bioresource collections and RFBR grants 14-04-97088, 17-29-06014, and 17-44-020498. ICICLE was supported by Breast Cancer Now, CRUK, and Biomedical Research Centre at Guy ' s and St Thomas ' NHS Foundation Trust and King ' s College London. Financial support for KARBAC was provided through the regional agreement on medical training and clinical research (A.L. F.) between Stockholm County Council and Karolinska Institutet, the Swedish Cancer Society, The Gustav V Jubilee foundation and Bert von Kantzows foundation. The KARMA study was supported by Märit and Hans Rausings Initiative Against Breast Cancer. The KBCP was fi nancially supported by the special Government Funding (E.V. O.) of Kuopio University Hospital grants, Cancer Fund of North Savo, the Finnish Cancer Organizations, and by the strategic funding of the University of Eastern Finland. kConFab is supported by a grant from the National Breast Cancer Foundation, and previously by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), the Queensland Cancer Fund, the Cancer Councils of New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania and South Australia, and the Cancer Foundation of Western Australia. Financial support for the AOCS was provided by the United States Army Medical Research and Materiel Command [DAMD17-01-1-0729], Cancer Council Victoria, Queensland Cancer Fund, Cancer Council New South Wales, Cancer Council South Australia, The Cancer Foundation of Western Australia, Cancer Council Tasmania and the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (NHMRC; 400413, 400281, 199600). G.C.-T. and P.W. are supported by the NHMRC. RB was a Cancer Institute NSW Clinical Research Fellow. The KOHBRA study was partially supported by a grant from the Korea Health Technology R&D Project through the Korea Health Industry Development Institute (KHIDI), and the National R&D Program for Cancer Control, Ministry of Health & Welfare, Republic of Korea (HI16C1127; 1020350; 1420190). LAABC is supported by grants (1RB-0287, 3PB- 0102, 5PB-0018, 10PB-0098) from the California Breast Cancer Research Program. Incident breast cancer cases were collected by the USC Cancer Surveillance Program (CSP) which is supported under subcontract by the California Department of Health. TheCSP is also part of the National Cancer Institute ' s Division of Cancer Prevention and Control Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results Program, under contract number N01CN25403. L.M.B.C. is supported by the ' Stichting tegen Kanker ' . D.L. is supported by the FWO. The MABCS study is funded by the Research Centre for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology " Georgi D. Efremov " and supported by the German Academic Exchange Program, DAAD. The MARIE study was supported by the Deutsche Krebshilfe e.V. [70-2892-BR I, 106332, 108253, 108419, 110826, 110828], the Hamburg Cancer Society, the German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ) and the Federal Ministry of Edu- cation and Research (BMBF) Germany [01KH0402]. MBCSG is supported by grants from the Italian Association for Cancer Research (AIRC) and by funds from the Italian citizens who allocated the 5/1000 share of their tax payment in support of the Fondazione IRCCS Istituto Nazionale Tumori, according to Italian laws (INT-Institutional strategic projects " 5 × 1000 " ). The MCBCS was supported by the NIH grants CA192393, CA116167, CA176785 an NIH Specialized Program of Research Excellence (SPORE) in Breast Cancer [CA116201], and the Breast Cancer Research Foundation and a generous gift from the David F. and Margaret T. Grohne Family Foundation. MCCS cohort recruitment was funded by VicHealth and Cancer Council Victoria. The MCCS was further supported by Australian NHMRC grants 209057 and 396414, and by infrastructure provided by Cancer Council Victoria. Cases and their vital status were ascertained through the Victorian Cancer Registry (VCR) and the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), including the National Death Index and the Australian Cancer Database. The MEC was support by NIH grants CA63464, CA54281, CA098758, CA132839, and CA164973. The MISS study is supported by funding from ERC-2011-294576 Advanced grant, Swedish Cancer Society, Swedish Research Council, Local hospital funds, Berta Kamprad Foun- dation, Gunnar Nilsson. The MMHS study was supported by NIH grants CA97396, CA128931, CA116201, CA140286, and CA177150. MSKCC is supported by grants from the Breast Cancer Research Foundation and Robert and Kate Niehaus Clinical Cancer Genetics Initiative. The work of MTLGEBCS was supported by the Quebec Breast Cancer Foundation, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research for the " CIHR Team in Familial Risks of Breast Cancer " program – grant # CRN-87521 and the Ministry of Economic Development, Innovation and Export Trade – grant # PSR-SIIRI-701. MYBRCA is funded by research grants from the Malaysian Ministry of Higher Education (UM.C/HlR/MOHE/ 06) and Cancer Research Malaysia. MYMAMMO is supported by research grants from Yayasan Sime Darby LPGA Tournament and Malaysian Ministry of Higher Education (RP046B-15HTM). The NBCS has been supported by the Research Council of Norway grant 193387/V50 (to A.-L. Børresen-Dale and V.N. Kristensen) and grant 193387/H10 (to A.-L. Børresen-Dale and V.N. Kristensen), South Eastern Norway Health Authority (grant 39346 to A.-L. Børresen-Dale and 27208 to V.N. Kristensen) and the Norwegian Cancer Society (to A.-L. Børresen-Dale and 419616 - 71248 - PR-2006-0282 to V.N. Kristensen). It has received funding from the K.G. Jebsen Centre for Breast Cancer Research (2012-2015). The NBHS was supported by NIH grant R01CA100374. Biological sample preparation was conducted the Survey and Biospecimen Shared Resource, which is supported by P30 CA68485. The Northern California Breast Cancer Family Registry (NC- BCFR) and Ontario Familial Breast Cancer Registry (OFBCR) were supported by grant UM1 CA164920 from the National Cancer Institute (USA). The content of this manu- script does not necessarily re fl ect the views or policies of the National Cancer Institute or any of the collaborating centers in the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR), nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the USA Government or the BCFR. The Carolina Breast Cancer Study was funded by Komen Foundation, the National Cancer Institute (P50 CA058223, U54 CA156733, and U01 CA179715), and the North Carolina University Cancer Research Fund. The NGOBCS was supported by Grants-in-Aid for the Third Term Comprehensive Ten-Year Strategy for Cancer Control from the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare of Japan, and for Scienti fi c Research on Priority Areas, 17015049 and for Scienti fi c Research on Innovative Areas, 221S0001, from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology of Japan. The NHS was supported by NIH grants P01 CA87969, UM1 CA186107, and U19 CA148065. The NHS2 was supported by NIH grants UM1 CA176726 and U19 CA148065. The OBCS was supported by research grants from the Finnish Cancer Foundation, the Academy of Finland (grant number 250083, 122715 and Center of Excellence grant number 251314), the Finnish Cancer Foundation, the Sigrid Juselius Foundation, the University of Oulu, the University of Oulu Support Foundation, and the special Governmental EVO funds for Oulu University Hospital-based research activities. The ORIGO study was supported by the Dutch Cancer Society (RUL 1997- 1505) and the Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (BBMRI- NL CP16). The PBCS was funded by Intramural Research Funds of the National Cancer Institute, Department of Health and Human Services, USA. Genotyping for PLCO was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the National Institutes of Health, NCI, Division of Cancer Epidemiology and Genetics. The PLCO is supported by the Intramural Research Program of the Division of Cancer Epidemiology and Genetics and supported by contracts from the Division of Cancer Prevention, National Cancer Institute, National Institutes of Health. The POSH study is funded by Cancer Research UK (grants C1275/ A11699, C1275/C22524, C1275/A19187, C1275/A15956, and Breast Cancer Campaign 2010PR62, 2013PR044. PROCAS is funded from NIHR grant PGfAR 0707-10031. The RBCS was funded by the Dutch Cancer Society (DDHK 2004-3124, DDHK 2009-4318). The SASBAC study was supported by funding from the Agency for Science, Technology and Research of Singapore (A*STAR), the US National Institute of Health (NIH) and the Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation. The SBCGS was supported primarily by NIH grants R01CA64277, R01CA148667, UMCA182910, and R37CA70867. Biological sample preparation was conducted the Survey and Biospecimen Shared Resource, which is supported by P30 CA68485. The scienti fi c development and funding of this project were, in part, supported by the Genetic Associations and Mechanisms in Oncology (GAME- ON) Network U19 CA148065. The SBCS was supported by Shef fi eld Experimental Cancer Medicine Centre and Breast Cancer Now Tissue Bank. The SCCS is supported by a grant from the National Institutes of Health (R01 CA092447). Data on SCCS cancer cases used in this publication were provided by the Alabama Statewide Cancer Registry; Kentucky Cancer Registry, Lexington, KY; Tennessee Department of Health, Of fi ce of Cancer Surveillance; Florida Cancer Data System; North Carolina Central Cancer Registry, North Carolina Division of Public Health; Georgia Comprehensive Cancer Registry; Louisiana Tumor Registry; Mississippi Cancer Registry; South Carolina Central Cancer Registry; Virginia Department of Health, Virginia Cancer Registry; Arkansas Department of Health, Cancer Registry, 4815 W. Markham, Little Rock, AR 72205. The Arkansas Central Cancer Registry is fully funded by a grant from National Program of Cancer Registries, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Data on SCCS cancer cases from Mississippi were collected by the Mississippi Cancer Registry which participates in the National Program of Cancer Registries (NPCR) of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). The contents of this publication are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the of fi cial views of the CDC or the Mississippi Cancer Registry. SEARCH is funded by Cancer Research UK [C490/A10124, C490/ A16561] and supported by the UK National Institute for Health Research Biomedical Research Centre at the University of Cambridge. The University of Cambridge has received salary support for PDPP from the NHS in the East of England through the Clinical Academic Reserve. SEBCS was supported by the BRL (Basic Research Laboratory) program through the National Research Foundation of Korea funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (2012-0000347). SGBCC is funded by the NUS start- up Grant, National University Cancer Institute Singapore (NCIS) Centre Grant and the NMRC Clinician Scientist Award. Additional controls were recruited by the Singapore Consortium of Cohort Studies-Multi-ethnic cohort (SCCS-MEC), which was funded by the Biomedical Research Council, grant number: 05/1/21/19/425. The Sister Study (SIS- TER) is supported by the Intramural Research Program of the NIH, National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences (Z01-ES044005 and Z01-ES049033). The Two Sister Study (2SISTER) was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the NIH, National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences (Z01-ES044005 and Z01-ES102245), and, also by a grant from Susan G. Komen for the Cure, grant FAS0703856. SKKDKFZS is supported by the DKFZ. The SMC is funded by the Swedish Cancer Foundation. The SZBCS was supported by Grant PBZ_KBN_122/P05/2004. The TBCS was funded by The National Cancer Institute, Thailand. The TNBCC was supported by a Specialized Program of Research Excellence (SPORE) in Breast Cancer (CA116201), a grant from the Breast Cancer Research Foundation, a generous gift from the David F. and Margaret T. Grohne Family Foundation. The TWBCS is supported by the Taiwan Biobank project of the Institute of Biomedical Sciences, Academia Sinica, Taiwan. The UCIBCS component of this research was supported by the NIH [CA58860, CA92044] and the Lon V Smith Foundation [LVS39420]. The UKBGS is funded by Breast Cancer Now and the Institute of Cancer Research (ICR), London. ICR acknowledges NHS funding to the NIHR Bio- medical Research Centre. The UKOPS study was funded by The Eve Appeal (The Oak Foundation) and supported by the National Institute for Health Research University College London Hospitals Biomedical Research Centre. The US3SS study was supported by Massachusetts (K.M.E., R01CA47305), Wisconsin (P.A.N., R01 CA47147) and New Hampshire (L.T.-E., R01CA69664) centers, and Intramural Research Funds of the National Cancer Institute, Department of Health and Human Services, USA. The USRT Study was funded by Intramural Research Funds of the National Cancer Institute, Department of Health and Human Services, USA. The WAABCS study was supported by grants from the National Cancer Institute of the National Institutes of Health (R01 CA89085 and P50 CA125183 and the D43 TW009112 grant), Susan G. Komen (SAC110026), the Dr. Ralph and Marian Falk Medical Research Trust, and the Avon Foundation for Women. The WHI program is funded by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, the US National Institutes of Health and the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHSN268201100046C, HHSN268201100001C, HHSN268201100002C, HHSN268201100003C, HHSN268201100004C, and HHSN271201100004C). This work was also funded by NCI U19 CA148065-01. D.G.E. is supported by the all Manchester NIHR Biomedical research center Manchester (IS-BRC- 1215-20007). HUNBOCS, Hungarian Breast and Ovarian Cancer Study was supported by Hungarian Research Grant KTIA-OTKA CK-80745, NKFI_OTKA K-112228. C.I. received support from the Nontherapeutic Subject Registry Shared Resource at George- town University (NIH/NCI P30-CA-51008) and the Jess and Mildred Fisher Center for Hereditary Cancer and Clinical Genomics Research. K.M. is supported by CRUK C18281/ A19169. City of Hope Clinical Cancer Community Research Network and the Hereditary Cancer Research Registry, supported in part by Award Number RC4CA153828 (PI: J Weitzel) from the National Cancer Institute and the of fi ce of the Directory, National Institutes of Health. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the of fi cial views of the National Institutes of Health. The colorectal cancer genome-wide association analyses: Colorectal Transdisciplinary Study (CORECT): The content of this manuscript does not necessarily re fl ect the views or policies of the National Cancer Institute or any of the collaborating centers in the CORECT Consortium, nor does mention of trade names, commercial products or organizations imply endor- sement by the US Government or the CORECT Consortium. We are incredibly grateful for the contributions of Dr. Brian Henderson and Dr. Roger Green over the course of this study and acknowledge them in memoriam. We are also grateful for support from Daniel and Maryann Fong. ColoCare: we thank the many investigators and staff who made thisHHSN268201600001C, HHSN268201600002C, HHSN268201600003C, and HHSN26 8201600004C. The head and neck cancer genome-wide association analyses: The study was supported by NIH/NCI: P50 CA097190, and P30 CA047904, Canadian Cancer Society Research Institute (no. 020214) and Cancer Care Ontario Research Chair to R.H. The Princess Margaret Hospital Head and Neck Cancer Translational Research Program is funded by the Wharton family, Joe ' s Team, Gordon Tozer, Bruce Galloway and the Elia family. Geoffrey Liu was supported by the Posluns Family Fund and the Lusi Wong Family Fund at the Princess Margaret Foundation, and the Alan B. Brown Chair in Molecular Genomics. This publication presents data from Head and Neck 5000 (H&N5000). H&N5000 was a component of independent research funded by the UK National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) under its Programme Grants for Applied Research scheme (RP-PG-0707-10034). The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. Human papillomavirus (HPV) in H&N5000 serology was supported by a Cancer Research UK Programme Grant, the Integrative Cancer Epidemiology Programme (grant number: C18281/A19169). National Cancer Institute (R01-CA90731); National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences (P30ES10126). The authors thank all the members of the GENCAPO team/The Head and Neck Genome Project (GENCAPO) was supported by the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) (Grant numbers 04/12054-9 and 10/51168-0). CPS-II recruitment and maintenance is supported with intramural research funding from the American Cancer Society. Genotyping per- formed at the Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR) was funded through the U.S. National Institute of Dental and Craniofacial Research (NIDCR) grant 1 × 01HG007780- 0. The University of Pittsburgh head and neck cancer case-control study is supported by National Institutes of Health grants P50 CA097190 and P30 CA047904. The Carolina Head and Neck Cancer Study (CHANCE) was supported by the National Cancer Institute (R01-CA90731). The Head and Neck Genome Project (GENCAPO) was supported by the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) (Grant numbers 04/ 12054-9 and 10/51168-0). The authors thank all the members of the GENCAPO team. The HN5000 study was funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) under its Programme Grants for Applied Research scheme (RP-PG-0707-10034), the views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. The Toronto study was funded by the Canadian Cancer Society Research Institute (020214) and the National Cancer Institute (U19-CA148127) and the Cancer Care Ontario Research Chair. The alcohol-related cancers and genetic susceptibility study in Europe (ARCAGE) was funded by the Eur- opean Commission ' s 5th Framework Program (QLK1-2001-00182), the Italian Associa- tion for Cancer Research, Compagnia di San Paolo/FIRMS, Region Piemonte, and Padova University (CPDA057222). The Rome Study was supported by the Associazione Italiana per la Ricerca sul Cancro (AIRC) IG 2011 10491 and IG2013 14220 to S.B., and Fon- dazione Veronesi to S.B. The IARC Latin American study was funded by the European Commission INCO-DC programme (IC18-CT97-0222), with additional funding from Fondo para la Investigacion Cienti fi ca y Tecnologica (Argentina) and the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (01/01768-2). We thank Leticia Fernandez, Instituto Nacional de Oncologia y Radiobiologia, La Habana, Cuba and Sergio and Rosalina Koifman, for their efforts with the IARC Latin America study São Paulo center. The IARC Central Europe study was supported by European Commission ' s INCO- COPERNICUS Program (IC15- CT98-0332), NIH/National Cancer Institute grant CA92039, and the World Cancer Research Foundation grant WCRF 99A28. The IARC Oral Cancer Multicenter study was funded by grant S06 96 202489 05F02 from Europe against Cancer; grants FIS 97/0024, FIS 97/0662, and BAE 01/5013 from Fondo de Investigaciones Sanitarias, Spain; the UICC Yamagiwa-Yoshida Memorial International Cancer Study; the National Cancer Institute of Canada; Associazione Italiana per la Ricerca sul Cancro; and the Pan-American Health Organization. Coordination of the EPIC study is fi nancially supported by the European Commission (DG-SANCO) and the International Agency for Research on Cancer. The lung cancer genome-wide association analyses: Transdisciplinary Research for Cancer in Lung (TRICL) of the International Lung Cancer Consortium (ILCCO) was supported by (U19-CA148127, CA148127S1, U19CA203654, and Cancer Prevention Research Institute of Texas RR170048). The ILCCO data harmonization is supported by Cancer Care Ontario Research Chair of Population Studies to R. H. and Lunenfeld-Tanenbaum Research Institute, Sinai Health System. The TRICL-ILCCO OncoArray was supported by in-kind genotyping by the Centre for Inherited Disease Research (26820120008i-0-26800068-1). The CAPUA study was supported by FIS-FEDER/Spain grant numbers FIS-01/310, FIS-PI03-0365, and FIS- 07-BI060604, FICYT/Asturias grant numbers FICYT PB02-67 and FICYT IB09-133, and the University Institute of Oncology (IUOPA), of the University of Oviedo and the Ciber de Epidemiologia y Salud Pública. CIBERESP, SPAIN. The work performed in the CARET study was supported by the National Institute of Health/National Cancer Insti- tute: UM1 CA167462 (PI: Goodman), National Institute of Health UO1-CA6367307 (PIs Omen, Goodman); National Institute of Health R01 CA111703 (PI Chen), National Institute of Health 5R01 CA151989-01A1(PI Doherty). The Liverpool Lung project is supported by the Roy Castle Lung Cancer Foundation. The Harvard Lung Cancer Study was supported by the NIH (National Cancer Institute) grants CA092824, CA090578, CA074386. The Multi-ethnic Cohort Study was partially supported by NIH Grants CA164973, CA033619, CA63464, and CA148127. The work performed in MSH-PMH study was supported by The Canadian Cancer Society Research Institute (020214), Ontario Institute of Cancer and Cancer Care Ontario Chair Award to R.J.H. and G.L. and the Alan Brown Chair and Lusi Wong Programs at the Princess Margaret Hospital Foundation. NJLCS was funded by the State Key Program of National Natural Science ofChina (81230067), the National Key Basic Research Program Grant (2011CB503805), the Major Program of the National Natural Science Foundation of China (81390543). The Norway study was supported by Norwegian Cancer Society, Norwegian Research Council. The Shanghai Cohort Study (SCS) was supported by National Institutes of Health R01 CA144034 (PI: Yuan) and UM1 CA182876 (PI: Yuan). The Singapore Chinese Health Study (SCHS) was supported by National Institutes of Health R01 CA144034 (PI: Yuan) and UM1 CA182876 (PI: Yuan). The work in TLC study has been supported in part the James & Esther King Biomedical Research Program (09KN-15), National Institutes of Health Specialized Programs of Research Excellence (SPORE) Grant (P50 CA119997), and by a Cancer Center Support Grant (CCSG) at the H. Lee Mof fi tt Cancer Center and Research Institute, an NCI designated Comprehensive Cancer Center (grant number P30- CA76292). The Vanderbilt Lung Cancer Study — BioVU dataset used for the analyses described was obtained from Vanderbilt University Medical Center ' s BioVU, which is supported by institutional funding, the 1S10RR025141-01 instrumentation award, and by the Vanderbilt CTSA grant UL1TR000445 from NCATS/NIH. Dr. Aldrich was supported by NIH/National Cancer Institute K07CA172294 (PI: Aldrich) and Dr. Bush was sup- ported by NHGRI/NIH U01HG004798 (PI: Crawford). The Copenhagen General Population Study (CGPS) was supported by the Chief Physician Johan Boserup and Lise Boserup Fund, the Danish Medical Research Council and Herlev Hospital. The NELCS study: Grant Number P20RR018787 from the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR), a component of the National Institutes of Health (NIH). The Kentucky Lung Cancer Research Initiative was supported by the Department of Defense [Congressionally Directed Medical Research Program, U.S. Army Medical Research and Materiel Com- mand Program] under award number: 10153006 (W81XWH-11-1-0781). Views and opinions of, and endorsements by the author(s) do not re fl ect those of the US Army or the Department of Defense. This research was also supported by unrestricted infrastructure funds from the UK Center for Clinical and Translational Science, NIH grant UL1TR000117 and Markey Cancer Center NCI Cancer Center Support Grant (P30 CA177558) Shared Resource Facilities: Cancer Research Informatics, Biospecimen and Tissue Procurement, and Biostatistics and Bioinformatics. The M.D. Anderson Cancer Center study was supported in part by grants from the NIH (P50 CA070907, R01 CA176568) (to X.W.), Cancer Prevention & Research Institute of Texas (RP130502) (to X. W.), and The University of Texas MD Anderson Cancer Center institutional support for the Center for Translational and Public Health Genomics. The deCODE study of smoking and nicotine dependence was funded in part by a grant from NIDA (R01- DA017932). The study in Lodz center was partially funded by Nofer Institute of Occupational Med- icine, under task NIOM 10.13: Predictors of mortality from non-small cell lung cancer — fi eld study. Genetic sharing analysis was funded by NIH grant CA194393. The research undertaken by M.D.T., L.V.W., and M.S.A. was partly funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR). The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. M.D.T. holds a Medical Research Council Senior Clinical Fellowship (G0902313). The work to assemble the FTND GWAS meta-analysis was supported by the National Institutes of Health (NIH), National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) grant number R01 DA035825 (Prin- cipal Investigator [PI]: DBH). The study populations included COGEND (dbGaP phs000092.v1.p1 and phs000404.v1.p1), COPDGene (dbGaP phs000179.v3.p2), deCODE Genetics, EAGLE (dbGaP phs000093.vs.p2), and SAGE. dbGaP phs000092.v1.p1). See Hancock et al. Transl Psychiatry 2015 (PMCID: PMC4930126) for the full listing of funding sources and other acknowledgments. The Resource for the Study of Lung Cancer Epidemiology in North Trent (ReSoLuCENT)study was funded by the Shef fi eld Hospitals Charity, Shef fi eld Experimental Cancer Medicine Centre and Weston Park Hospital Cancer Charity. The ovarian cancer genome-wide association analysis: The Ovarian Cancer Association Consortium (OCAC) is supported by a grant from the Ovarian Cancer Research Fund thanks to donations by the family and friends of Kathryn Sladek Smith (PPD/RPCI.07). The scienti fi c development and funding for this project were in part supported by the US National Cancer Institute GAME-ON Post-GWAS Initiative (U19-CA148112). This study made use of data generated by the Wellcome Trust Case Control consortium that was funded by the Wellcome Trust under award 076113. The results published here are in part based upon data generated by The Cancer Genome Atlas Pilot Project established by the National Cancer Institute and National Human Genome Research Institute (dbGap accession number phs000178.v8.p7). The OCAC OncoArray genotyping project was funded through grants from the U.S. National Institutes of Health (CA1X01HG007491-01 (C.I.A.), U19-CA148112 (T.A.S.), R01-CA149429 (C.M.P.), and R01-CA058598 (M.T.G.); Canadian Institutes of Health Research (MOP-86727 (L.E.K.) and the Ovarian Cancer Research Fund (A.B.). The COGS project was funded through a European Commission ' s Seventh Framework Programme grant (agreement number 223175 - HEALTH-F2-2009-223175) and through a grant from the U.S. National Insti- tutes of Health (R01-CA122443 (E.L.G)). Funding for individual studies: AAS: National Institutes of Health (RO1-CA142081); AOV: The Canadian Institutes for Health Research (MOP-86727); AUS: The Australian Ovarian Cancer Study Group was supported by the U.S. Army Medical Research and Materiel Command (DAMD17-01-1-0729), National Health & Medical Research Council of Australia (199600, 400413 and 400281), Cancer Councils of New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South Australia and Tas- mania and Cancer Foundation of Western Australia (Multi-State Applications 191, 211, and 182). The Australian Ovarian Cancer Study gratefully acknowledges additional support from Ovarian Cancer Australia and the Peter MacCallum Foundation; BAV: ELAN Funds of the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg; BEL: National Kankerplan; BGS: Breast Cancer Now, Institute of Cancer Research; BVU: Vanderbilt CTSA grant from the National Institutes of Health (NIH)/National Center for Advancing Translational SciencesNCATS) (ULTR000445); CAM: National Institutes of Health Research Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre and Cancer Research UK Cambridge Cancer Centre; CHA: Innovative Research Team in University (PCSIRT) in China (IRT1076); CNI: Instituto de Salud Carlos III (PI12/01319); Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (SAF2012); COE: Department of Defense (W81XWH-11-2-0131); CON: National Institutes of Health (R01-CA063678, R01-CA074850; and R01-CA080742); DKE: Ovarian Cancer Research Fund; DOV: National Institutes of Health R01-CA112523 and R01-CA87538; EMC: Dutch Cancer Society (EMC 2014-6699); EPC: The coordination of EPIC is fi nancially supported by the European Commission (DG-SANCO) and the International Agency for Research on Cancer. The national cohorts are supported by Danish Cancer Society (Denmark); Ligue Contre le Cancer, Institut Gustave Roussy, Mutuelle Générale de l ' Education Nationale, Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM) (France); German Cancer Aid, German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ), Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) (Germany); the Hellenic Health Foundation (Greece); Associazione Italiana per la Ricerca sul Cancro-AIRC-Italy and National Research Council (Italy); Dutch Ministry of Public Health, Welfare and Sports (VWS), Netherlands Cancer Registry (NKR), LK Research Funds, Dutch Prevention Funds, Dutch ZON (Zorg Onderzoek Nederland), World Cancer Research Fund (WCRF), Statistics Netherlands (The Netherlands); ERC-2009-AdG 232997 and Nordforsk, Nordic Centre of Excellence programme on Food, Nutrition and Health (Norway); Health Research Fund (FIS), PI13/00061 to Granada, PI13/01162 to EPIC-Murcia, Regional Governments of Andalucía, Asturias, Basque Country, Murcia and Navarra, ISCIII RETIC (RD06/0020) (Spain); Swedish Cancer Society, Swedish Research Council and County Councils of Skåne and Västerbotten (Sweden); Cancer Research UK (14136 to EPIC- Norfolk; C570/A16491 and C8221/A19170 to EPIC-Oxford), Medical Research Council (1000143 to EPIC-Norfolk, MR/M012190/1 to EPIC-Oxford) (United Kingdom); GER: German Federal Ministry of Education and Research, Programme of Clinical Biomedical Research (01 GB 9401) and the German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ); GRC: This research has been co- fi nanced by the European Union (European Social Fund — ESF) and Greek national funds through the Operational Program " Education and Lifelong Learn- ing " of the National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF) — Research Funding Program of the General Secretariat for Research & Technology: SYN11_10_19 NBCA. Investing in knowledge society through the European Social Fund; GRR: Roswell Park Cancer Institute Alliance Foundation, P30 CA016056; HAW: U.S. National Institutes of Health (R01- CA58598, N01-CN-55424, and N01-PC-67001); HJO: Intramural funding; Rudolf- Bartling Foundation; HMO: Intramural funding; Rudolf-Bartling Foundation; HOC: Helsinki University Research Fund; HOP: Department of Defense (DAMD17-02-1-0669) and NCI (K07-CA080668, R01-CA95023, P50-CA159981 MO1-RR000056 R01- CA126841); HUO: Intramural funding; Rudolf-Bartling Foundation; JGO: JSPS KAKENHI grant; JPN: Grant-in-Aid for the Third Term Comprehensive 10-Year Strategy for Cancer Control from the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare; KRA: This study (Ko-EVE) was supported by a grant from the Korea Health Technology R&D Project through the Korea Health Industry Development Institute (KHIDI), and the National R&D Program for Cancer Control, Ministry of Health & Welfare, Republic of Korea (HI16C1127; 0920010); LAX: American Cancer Society Early Detection Professorship (SIOP-06-258-01-COUN) and the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS), Grant UL1TR000124; LUN: ERC-2011-AdG 294576-risk factors cancer, Swedish Cancer Society, Swedish Research Council, Beta Kamprad Foundation; MAC: National Institutes of Health (R01-CA122443, P30-CA15083, P50-CA136393); Mayo Foundation; Minnesota Ovarian Cancer Alliance; Fred C. and Katherine B. Andersen Foundation; Fraternal Order of Eagles; MAL: Funding for this study was provided by research grant R01- CA61107 from the National Cancer Institute, Bethesda, MD, research grant 94 222 52 from the Danish Cancer Society, Copenhagen, Denmark; and the Mer- maid I project; MAS: Malaysian Ministry of Higher Education (UM.C/HlR/MOHE/06) and Cancer Research Initiatives Foundation; MAY: National Institutes of Health (R01- CA122443, P30-CA15083, and P50-CA136393); Mayo Foundation; Minnesota Ovarian Cancer Alliance; Fred C. and Katherine B. Andersen Foundation; MCC: Cancer Council Victoria, National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (NHMRC) grants number 209057, 251533, 396414, and 504715; MDA: DOD Ovarian Cancer Research Program (W81XWH-07-0449); MEC: NIH (CA54281, CA164973, CA63464); MOF: Mof fi tt Cancer Center, Merck Pharmaceuticals, the state of Florida, Hillsborough County, and the city of Tampa; NCO: National Institutes of Health (R01-CA76016) and the Department of Defense (DAMD17-02-1-0666); NEC: National Institutes of Health R01- CA54419 and P50-CA105009 and Department of Defense W81XWH-10-1-02802; NHS: UM1 CA186107, P01 CA87969, R01 CA49449, R01-CA67262, UM1 CA176726; NJO: National Cancer Institute (NIH-K07 CA095666, R01-CA83918, NIH-K22-CA138563, and P30-CA072720) and the Cancer Institute of New Jersey; If Sara Olson and/or Irene Orlow is a co-author, please add NCI CCSG award (P30-CA008748) to the funding sources; NOR: Helse Vest, The Norwegian Cancer Society, The Research Council of Norway; NTH: Radboud University Medical Centre; OPL: National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) of Australia (APP1025142) and Brisbane Women ' s Club; ORE: OHSU Foundation; OVA: This work was supported by Canadian Institutes of Health Research grant (MOP-86727) and by NIH/NCI 1 R01CA160669-01A1; PLC: Intramural Research Program of the National Cancer Institute; POC: Pomeranian Medical Uni- versity; POL: Intramural Research Program of the National Cancer Institute; PVD: Canadian Cancer Society and Cancer Research Society GRePEC Program; RBH: National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia; RMH: Cancer Research UK, Royal Marsden Hospital; RPC: National Institute of Health (P50-CA159981, R01-CA126841); SEA: Cancer Research UK (C490/A10119 C490/A10124); UK National Institute forHealth Research Biomedical Research Centres at the University of Cambridge; SIS: NIH, National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences, Z01-ES044005 and Z01-ES049033; SMC: The bbSwedish Research Council-SIMPLER infrastructure; the Swedish Cancer Foundation; SON: National Health Research and Development Program, Health Canada, grant 6613-1415-53; SRO: Cancer Research UK (C536/A13086, C536/A6689) and Imperial Experimental Cancer Research Centre (C1312/A15589); STA: NIH grants U01 CA71966 and U01 CA69417; SWE: Swedish Cancer foundation, WeCanCureCancer and VårKampMotCancer foundation; SWH: NIH (NCI) grant R37-CA070867; TBO: National Institutes of Health (R01-CA106414-A2), American Cancer Society (CRTG-00-196-01- CCE), Department of Defense (DAMD17-98-1-8659), Celma Mastery Ovarian Cancer Foundation; TOR: NIH grants R01-CA063678 and R01 CA063682; UCI: NIH R01- CA058860 and the Lon V Smith Foundation grant LVS39420; UHN: Princess Margaret Cancer Centre Foundation-Bridge for the Cure; UKO: The UKOPS study was funded by The Eve Appeal (The Oak Foundation) and supported by the National Institute for Health Research University College London Hospitals Biomedical Research Centre; UKR: Cancer Research UK (C490/A6187), UK National Institute for Health Research Biomedical Research Centres at the University of Cambridge; USC: P01CA17054, P30CA14089, R01CA61132, N01PC67010, R03CA113148, R03CA115195, N01CN025403, and Cali- fornia Cancer Research Program (00-01389V-20170, 2II0200); VAN: BC Cancer Foun- dation, VGH & UBC Hospital Foundation; VTL: NIH K05-CA154337; WMH: National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, Enabling Grants ID 310670 & ID 628903. Cancer Institute NSW Grants 12/RIG/1-17 & 15/RIG/1-16; WOC: National Science Centren (N N301 5645 40). The Maria Sklodowska-Curie Memorial Cancer Center and Institute of Oncology, Warsaw, Poland. The University of Cambridge has received salary support for PDPP from the NHS in the East of England through the Clinical Academia Reserve. The prostate cancer genome-wide association analyses: we pay tribute to Brian Henderson, who was a driving force behind the OncoArray project, for his vision and leadership, and who sadly passed away before seeing its fruition. We also thank the individuals who participated in these studies enabling this work. The ELLIPSE/ PRACTICAL (http//:practical.icr.ac.uk) prostate cancer consortium and his collaborating partners were supported by multiple funding mechanisms enabling this current work. ELLIPSE/PRACTICAL Genotyping of the OncoArray was funded by the US National Institutes of Health (NIH) (U19 CA148537 for ELucidating Loci Involved in Prostate Cancer SuscEptibility (ELLIPSE) project and X01HG007492 to the Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR) under contract number HHSN268201200008I). Additional analytical support was provided by NIH NCI U01 CA188392 (F.R.S.). Funding for the iCOGS infrastructure came from the European Community ' s Seventh Framework Pro- gramme under grant agreement n° 223175 (HEALTH-F2-2009-223175) (COGS), Cancer Research UK (C1287/A10118, C1287/A 10710, C12292/A11174, C1281/A12014, C5047/ A8384, C5047/A15007, C5047/A10692, and C8197/A16565), the National Institutes of Health (CA128978) and Post-Cancer GWAS initiative (1U19 CA148537, 1U19 CA148065, and 1U19 CA148112; the GAME-ON initiative), the Department of Defense (W81XWH-10-1-0341), the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) for the CIHR Team in Familial Risks of Breast Cancer, Komen Foundation for the Cure, the Breast Cancer Research Foundation, and the Ovarian Cancer Research Fund. This work was supported by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, European Commission ' s Seventh Framework Programme grant agreement n° 223175 (HEALTH-F2-2009-223175), Cancer Research UK Grants C5047/A7357, C1287/A10118, C1287/A16563, C5047/ A3354, C5047/A10692, C16913/A6135, C5047/A21332 and The National Institute of Health (NIH) Cancer Post-Cancer GWAS initiative grant: No. 1 U19 CA148537-01 (the GAME-ON initiative). We also thank the following for funding support: The Institute of Cancer Research and The Everyman Campaign, The Prostate Cancer Research Founda- tion, Prostate Research Campaign UK (now Prostate Action), The Orchid Cancer Appeal, The National Cancer Research Network UK, and The National Cancer Research Institute (NCRI) UK. We are grateful for support of NIHR funding to the NIHR Biomedical Research Centre at The Institute of Cancer Research and The Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust. The Prostate Cancer Program of Cancer Council Victoria also acknowledge grant support from The National Health and Medical Research Council, Australia (126402, 209057, 251533, 396414, 450104, 504700, 504702, 504715, 623204, 940394, and 614296), VicHealth, Cancer Council Victoria, The Prostate Cancer Foun- dation of Australia, The Whitten Foundation, PricewaterhouseCoopers, and Tattersall ' s. E.A.O., D.M.K., and E.M.K. acknowledge the Intramural Program of the National Human Genome Research Institute for their support. The BPC3 was supported by the U.S. National Institutes of Health, National Cancer Institute (cooperative agreements U01- CA98233 to D.J.H., U01-CA98710 to S.M.G., U01-CA98216 to E.R., and U01-CA98758 to B.E.H., and Intramural Research Program of NIH/National Cancer Institute, Division of Cancer Epidemiology and Genetics). CAPS GWAS study was supported by the Swedish Cancer Foundation (grant no 09-0677, 11-484, 12-823), the Cancer Risk Prediction Center (CRisP; www.crispcenter.org ), a Linneus Centre (Contract ID 70867902) fi nanced by the Swedish Research Council, Swedish Research Council (grant no K2010-70 × - 20430-04-3, 2014-2269). The Hannover Prostate Cancer Study was supported by the Lower Saxonian Cancer Society. PEGASUS was supported by the Intramural Research Program, Division of Cancer Epidemiology and Genetics, National Cancer Institute, National Institutes of Health. RAPPER was supported by the NIHR Manchester Bio- medical Research Center, Cancer Research UK (C147/A25254, C1094/A18504) and the EUs7Framework Programme Grant/Agreement no 60186. Overall: this research has been conducted using the UK Biobank Resource (application number 16549). NHS is supported by UM1 CA186107 (NHS cohort infrastructure grant), P01 CA87969, and R01 CA49449. NHSII is supported by UM1 CA176726 (NHSII cohort infrastructure grant),and R01-CA67262. A.L.K. is supported by R01 MH107649. We would like to thank the participants and staff of the NHS and NHSII for their valuable contributions as well as the following state cancer registries for their help: AL, AZ, AR, CA, CO, CT, DE, FL, GA, ID, IL, IN, IA, KY, LA, ME, MD, MA, MI, NE, NH, NJ, NY, NC, ND, OH, OK, OR, PA, RI, SC, TN, TX, VA, WA, WY. The authors assume full responsibility for analyses and interpretation of these data. ; Sí
The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset.
CSES Variable List The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module.
Themes:
MICRO-LEVEL DATA:
Identification and study administration variables: weighting factors; election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post-election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election; language of questionnaire.
Demography: year and month of birth; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; business association membership, farmers´ association membership; professional association membership; current employment status; main occupation; socio economic status; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; current employment status, occupation, socio economic status, employment type - public or private, and industrial sector of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; number of children in household under the age of 6; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; region of residence; race; ethnicity; rural or urban residence; primary electoral district; country of birth; year arrived in current country.
Survey variables: perception of public expenditure on health, education, unemployment benefits, defense, old-age pensions, business and industry, police and law enforcement, welfare benefits; perception of improving individual standard of living, state of economy, government's action on income inequality; respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; vote choice (presidential, lower house and upper house elections) at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the current and the previous election; difference who is in power and who people vote for; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of parties on the left-right-scale and/or an alternative scale; self-assessment on a left-right-scale and an optional scale; satisfaction with democracy; party identification; intensity of party identification, institutional and personal contact in the electoral campaigning, in person, by mail, phone, text message, email or social networks, institutional contact by whom; political information questions; expected development of household income in the next twelve month; ownership of residence, business or property or farm or livestock, stocks or bonds, savings; likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month; spouse likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month.
DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA: number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district.
MACRO-LEVEL DATA: election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; party of the president and the prime minister before and after the election; number of portfolios held by each party in cabinet, prior to and after the most recent election; size of the cabinet after the most recent election; number of parties participating in election; ideological families of parties; left-right position of parties assigned by experts and alternative dimensions; most salient factors in the election; fairness of the election; formal complaints against national level results; election irregularities reported; scheduled and held date of election; irregularities of election date; extent of election violence and post-election violence; geographic concentration of violence; post-election protest; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement and types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; votes cast; voting procedure; voting rounds; party lists close, open, or flexible; transferable votes; cumulated votes if more than one can be cast; compulsory voting; party threshold; unit for the threshold; freedom house rating; democracy-autocracy polity IV rating; age of the current regime; regime: type of executive; number of months since last lower house and last presidential election; electoral formula for presidential elections; electoral formula in all electoral tiers (majoritarian, proportional or mixed); for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; linked electoral segments; dependent formulae in mixed systems; subtypes of mixed electoral systems; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; fused vote; size of the lower house; GDP growth (annual percent); GDP per capita; inflation, GDP Deflator (annual percent); Human development index; total population; total unemployment; TI corruption perception index; international migrant stock and net migration rate; general government final consumption expenditure; public spending on education; health expenditure; military expenditure; central government debt; Gini index; internet users per 100 inhabitants; mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants; fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants; daily newspapers; constitutional federal structure; number of legislative chambers; electoral results data available; effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties.
Für weitere Informationen zur Variablenliste siehe die Dokumentation (Codebook) des CSES Module 1-3 Harmonized Trend File. Informationen zum Inhalt können den Studiennummern ZA5179 CSES Module 1 Full Release, ZA5180 CSES Module 2 Full Release, und ZA5181 CSES Module 3 Full Release entnommen werden.
Das International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) ist ein länderübergreifendes, fortlaufendes Umfrageprogramm, das jährlich Erhebungen zu Themen durchführt, die für die Sozialwissenschaften wichtig sind. Das Programm begann 1984 mit vier Gründungsmitgliedern - Australien, Deutschland, Großbritannien und den Vereinigten Staaten - und ist inzwischen auf fast 50 Mitgliedsländer aus aller Welt angewachsen. Da die Umfragen auf Replikationen ausgelegt sind, können die Daten sowohl für länder- als auch für zeitübergreifende Vergleiche genutzt werden. Jedes ISSP-Modul konzentriert sich auf ein bestimmtes Thema, das in regelmäßigen Zeitabständen wiederholt wird. Details zur Durchführung der nationalen ISSP-Umfragen entnehmen Sie bitte der Dokumentation. Die vorliegende Studie konzentriert sich auf Fragen zu politischen Einstellungen und der Rolle der Regierung.
The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset.
CSES Variable Table The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module.
Themes:
MICRO-LEVEL DATA:
Identification and study administration variables: weighting factors; election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post-election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election; language of questionnaire.
Demography: year and month of birth; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; business association membership, farmers´ association membership; professional association membership; current employment status; main occupation; socio economic status; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; current employment status, occupation, socio economic status, employment type - public or private, and industrial sector of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; number of children in household under the age of 6; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; region of residence; race; ethnicity; rural or urban residence; primary electoral district; country of birth; year arrived in current country.
Survey variables: perception of public expenditure on health, education, unemployment benefits, defense, old-age pensions, business and industry, police and law enforcement, welfare benefits; perception of improving individual standard of living, state of economy, government's action on income inequality; respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; vote choice (presidential, lower house and upper house elections) at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the current and the previous election; difference who is in power and who people vote for; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of parties on the left-right-scale and/or an alternative scale; self-assessment on a left-right-scale and an optional scale; satisfaction with democracy; party identification; intensity of party identification, institutional and personal contact in the electoral campaigning, in person, by mail, phone, text message, email or social networks, institutional contact by whom; political information questions; expected development of household income in the next twelve month; ownership of residence, business or property or farm or livestock, stocks or bonds, savings; likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month; spouse likelihood to find another job within the next twelve month.
DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA: number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district.
MACRO-LEVEL DATA: election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; party of the president and the prime minister before and after the election; number of portfolios held by each party in cabinet, prior to and after the most recent election; size of the cabinet after the most recent election; number of parties participating in election; ideological families of parties; left-right position of parties assigned by experts and alternative dimensions; most salient factors in the election; fairness of the election; formal complaints against national level results; election irregularities reported; scheduled and held date of election; irregularities of election date; extent of election violence and post-election violence; geographic concentration of violence; post-election protest; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement and types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; votes cast; voting procedure; voting rounds; party lists close, open, or flexible; transferable votes; cumulated votes if more than one can be cast; compulsory voting; party threshold; unit for the threshold; freedom house rating; democracy-autocracy polity IV rating; age of the current regime; regime: type of executive; number of months since last lower house and last presidential election; electoral formula for presidential elections; electoral formula in all electoral tiers (majoritarian, proportional or mixed); for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; linked electoral segments; dependent formulae in mixed systems; subtypes of mixed electoral systems; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; fused vote; size of the lower house; GDP growth (annual percent); GDP per capita; inflation, GDP Deflator (annual percent); Human development index; total population; total unemployment; TI corruption perception index; international migrant stock and net migration rate; general government final consumption expenditure; public spending on education; health expenditure; military expenditure; central government debt; Gini index; internet users per 100 inhabitants; mobile phone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants; fixed telephone lines per 100 inhabitants; daily newspapers; constitutional federal structure; number of legislative chambers; electoral results data available; effective number of electoral and parliamentary parties.
Das Modul wurde als Nachwahl-Befragung durchgeführt. Die daraus resultierenden Daten werden mit Daten über das Abstimmungsverhalten, demographischen Daten, und Variablen auf Wahlkreis- und Länderebene in einem einzelnen Datensatz bereitgestellt.
CSES Variable List Eine Liste aller Variablen wird auf der Webseite des CSES bereitgestellt. Sie verdeutlicht, welche Inhalte über das CSES verfügbar sind und erlaubt es die Inhalte über verschiedene Module des CSES zu vergleichen.
Themen:
INDIVIDUALDATEN:
Technische Variablen: Gewichtungsvariablen; Art der Wahl; Erhebungsmodus; Geschlecht des Interviewers; Datum der Datenerhebung; Wahlkreis des Befragten; Anzahl der Tage zwischen Wahltag und Interview.
Demographie: Alter; Geschlecht; Bildung; Familienstand; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft anderer Haushaltsmitglieder; Mitgliedschaft in einem Berufsverband; Erwerbsstatus; Beruf; sozioökonomischer Status; Beschäftigungsform (öffentlicher oder privater Sektor, industrieller Sektor); Erwerbsstatus des Partners; Beruf des Partners; sozioökonomischer Status des Partners; Beschäftigungsform (öffentlicher oder privater Sektor, industrieller Sektor) des Partners; Haushaltseinkommen; Anzahl Personen im Haushalt; Anzahl Kinder unter 18 im Haushalt; Kirchgangshäufigkeit; Religiosität; Konfessionsmitgliedschaft; Haushaltssprache; Rasse; ethnische Zugehörigkeit; Wohnort; ländliches oder städtisches Wohnumfeld.
Befragungsvariablen: Politische Partizipation während des letzten Wahlkampfes (Überzeugungsarbeit, Wahlkampfaktivitäten) und Häufigkeit politischer Partizipation; Kontakt zu einem Kandidaten oder einer Partei während des Wahlkampfes; Wahlbeteiligung bei der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl; Wahlentscheidung (Präsidentschafts-, Unterhaus und Oberhauswahlen ) in der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl; Befragter hat bei der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl Stimme für bevorzugten Kandidaten abgegeben; wichtigste Themen der Wahl; Beurteilung der Problemlösungskompetenz der Regierung; Demokratiezufriedenheit; Einstellung zu ausgewählten Aussagen: Es macht einen Unterschied, wer an der Macht ist und für wen die Menschen stimmen, Demokratie ist besser als andere Regierungsformen; Beurteilung der Leistung der vom Befragten bei der letzten Wahl gewählten Partei; Beurteilung der Vertretung von Wähleransichten bei den Wahlen; Partei und Spitzenpolitiker, die am besten für die Meinung des Befragten stehen; Parteiidentifikation; Intensität der Parteiidentifikation; Sympathie–Skalometer für ausgewählte Parteien; Einstufung von Parteien und Spitzenpolitikern auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum; politische Partizipation während der letzten fünf Jahre (Politikerkontakte, Teilnahme an einer Demonstration, Zusammenarbeit mit Gleichgesinnten); Respektieren von individueller Freiheit und Menschenrechten; Einschätzung der Verbreitung von Korruption im Land; Selbsteinstufung auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum; politische Informiertheit.
WAHLKREISDATEN: Anzahl der zu vergebenden Sitze im Wahlkreis; Anzahl der Kandidaten im Wahlkreis; Anzahl der Parteilisten; Prozentanteil der Parteien (Wahlergebnis); Wahlbeteiligung im Wahlkreis.
LÄNDERDATEN:
Wahlergebnisse der Parteien bei der aktuellen Parlamentswahl (Unterhaus / Oberhaus); Anteil der von den Parteien erhaltenen Sitze im Unterhaus; Anteil der von den Parteien erhaltenen Sitze im Oberhaus; Wahlbeteiligung; Anzahl der von jeder Partei gehalten Kabinettsposten vor und nach der letzten Wahl; Gründungsjahr der Parteien; ideologische Parteifamilien; Fraktionszugehörigkeit der Parteien im Europäischen Parlament und Zugehörigkeit zu einer internationalen Organisation; vor und nach der Wahl nicht repräsentierte bedeutende Parteien; Links-Rechts- Position der Parteien; durch Experten zugeordnete Links-Rechts-Position der Parteien und alternative Dimensionen des Parteienwettbewerbs; Konsens über Platzierung auf weiteren Dimensionen des Parteienwettbewerbs; bedeutendste Faktoren bei der Wahl; Konsens über das Ranking der Einflussfaktoren; Möglichkeit zu Wahlbündnissen im Wahlkampf; existierende Wahlbündnisse; Zahl der gewählten gesetzgebenden Kammern, für Unter- und Oberhäuser wurde codiert: Anzahl der Wahlsegmente, Anzahl der Hautwahlbezirke, Anzahl der Sitze, Größenordnung des Bezirks (Anzahl der aus jedem Bezirk gewählten Mitglieder), Anzahl der sekundären und tertiären Wahlkreise, Wahlpflicht; Anzahl abgegebener Stimmen; Abstimmungsverfahren; Stimmen übertragbar; Stimmen kumulierbar; Parteischwelle; Wahlformel; Parteilisten geschlossen, offen oder flexibel; Möglichkeit von Koalitionen; Mehrparteien-Vermerke auf Stimmzetteln; Unterstützung der verbündeten Partei; gemeinsame Parteilisten; Anforderungen für gemeinsame Parteilisten; Art der Koalitionsvereinbarungen; Staatsoberhaupt (Regimetyp); im Falle mehrerer Runden: Auswahl des Staatsoberhauptes; Direktwahl des Staatsoberhauptes und Verfahren der direkten Wahl; Schwelle für Erstrundensieg; Verfahren der Kandidatenauswahl in der Finalrunde; einfache Mehrheit oder absolute Mehrheit für den Wahlsieg in der 2. Runde; Jahr der Präsidentschaftswahl (vor oder nach den Parlamentswahlen); Prozess bei indirekter Wahl des Staatsoberhauptes; im Falle eines Wahlmänner-Gremiums: Auswahl der Wahlmänner, Beratungs- und Abstimmungsverfahren; wenn durch Gesetzgeber: gesetzgebende Kammern; Abstimmungsverfahren; verfassungsrechtliche Befugnisse des Staatoberhauptes; Stellung des Regierungsoberhauptes; Befugnisse des Ministerpräsidenten; Methoden der Auflösung des Kabinetts; Auflösung der Legislative vor den planmäßigen Wahlen; Auflösung der Legislative durch: Staatsoberhaupt, Regierungschef, Mehrheit der Legislative, Kombination; Einschränkungen bei der Auflösung der Legislative; die zweite Kammer der Legislative (Wahlverfahren, Zusammensetzung, ausschließliche Gesetzgebungsbefugnisse, Machtbefugnisse über das Kabinett); föderale Verfassungsstruktur, zentralstaatliche Macht über Peripherie.
Das Modul wurde als Nachwahl-Befragung durchgeführt. Die daraus resultierenden Daten werden mit Daten über das Abstimmungsverhalten, demographischen Daten, und Variablen auf Wahlkreis- und Länderebene in einem einzelnen Datensatz bereitgestellt. CSES Variable List Eine Liste aller Variablen wird auf der Webseite des CSES bereitgestellt. Sie verdeutlicht, welche Inhalte über das CSES verfügbar sind und erlaubt es die Inhalte über verschiedene Module des CSES zu vergleichen. Themen: INDIVIDUALDATEN: Technische Variablen: Gewichtungsvariablen; Art der Wahl; Erhebungsmodus; Geschlecht des Interviewers; Datum der Datenerhebung; Wahlkreis des Befragten; Anzahl der Tage zwischen Wahltag und Interview. Demographie: Alter; Geschlecht; Bildung; Familienstand; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft anderer Haushaltsmitglieder; Mitgliedschaft in einem Berufsverband; Erwerbsstatus; Beruf; sozioökonomischer Status; Beschäftigungsform (öffentlicher oder privater Sektor, industrieller Sektor); Erwerbsstatus des Partners; Beruf des Partners; sozioökonomischer Status des Partners; Beschäftigungsform (öffentlicher oder privater Sektor, industrieller Sektor) des Partners; Haushaltseinkommen; Anzahl Personen im Haushalt; Anzahl Kinder unter 18 im Haushalt; Kirchgangshäufigkeit; Religiosität; Konfessionsmitgliedschaft; Haushaltssprache; Rasse; ethnische Zugehörigkeit; Wohnort; ländliches oder städtisches Wohnumfeld. Befragungsvariablen: Politische Partizipation während des letzten Wahlkampfes (Überzeugungsarbeit, Wahlkampfaktivitäten) und Häufigkeit politischer Partizipation; Kontakt zu einem Kandidaten oder einer Partei während des Wahlkampfes; Wahlbeteiligung bei der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl; Wahlentscheidung (Präsidentschafts-, Unterhaus und Oberhauswahlen ) in der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl; Befragter hat bei der aktuellen und der letzten Wahl Stimme für bevorzugten Kandidaten abgegeben; wichtigste Themen der Wahl; Beurteilung der Problemlösungskompetenz der Regierung; Demokratiezufriedenheit; Einstellung zu ausgewählten Aussagen: Es macht einen Unterschied, wer an der Macht ist und für wen die Menschen stimmen, Demokratie ist besser als andere Regierungsformen; Beurteilung der Leistung der vom Befragten bei der letzten Wahl gewählten Partei; Beurteilung der Vertretung von Wähleransichten bei den Wahlen; Partei und Spitzenpolitiker, die am besten für die Meinung des Befragten stehen; Parteiidentifikation; Intensität der Parteiidentifikation; Sympathie–Skalometer für ausgewählte Parteien; Einstufung von Parteien und Spitzenpolitikern auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum; politische Partizipation während der letzten fünf Jahre (Politikerkontakte, Teilnahme an einer Demonstration, Zusammenarbeit mit Gleichgesinnten); Respektieren von individueller Freiheit und Menschenrechten; Einschätzung der Verbreitung von Korruption im Land; Selbsteinstufung auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum; politische Informiertheit. WAHLKREISDATEN: Anzahl der zu vergebenden Sitze im Wahlkreis; Anzahl der Kandidaten im Wahlkreis; Anzahl der Parteilisten; Prozentanteil der Parteien (Wahlergebnis); Wahlbeteiligung im Wahlkreis. LÄNDERDATEN: Wahlergebnisse der Parteien bei der aktuellen Parlamentswahl (Unterhaus / Oberhaus); Anteil der von den Parteien erhaltenen Sitze im Unterhaus; Anteil der von den Parteien erhaltenen Sitze im Oberhaus; Wahlbeteiligung; Anzahl der von jeder Partei gehalten Kabinettsposten vor und nach der letzten Wahl; Gründungsjahr der Parteien; ideologische Parteifamilien; Fraktionszugehörigkeit der Parteien im Europäischen Parlament und Zugehörigkeit zu einer internationalen Organisation; vor und nach der Wahl nicht repräsentierte bedeutende Parteien; Links-Rechts- Position der Parteien; durch Experten zugeordnete Links-Rechts-Position der Parteien und alternative Dimensionen des Parteienwettbewerbs; Konsens über Platzierung auf weiteren Dimensionen des Parteienwettbewerbs; bedeutendste Faktoren bei der Wahl; Konsens über das Ranking der Einflussfaktoren; Möglichkeit zu Wahlbündnissen im Wahlkampf; existierende Wahlbündnisse; Zahl der gewählten gesetzgebenden Kammern, für Unter- und Oberhäuser wurde codiert: Anzahl der Wahlsegmente, Anzahl der Hautwahlbezirke, Anzahl der Sitze, Größenordnung des Bezirks (Anzahl der aus jedem Bezirk gewählten Mitglieder), Anzahl der sekundären und tertiären Wahlkreise, Wahlpflicht; Anzahl abgegebener Stimmen; Abstimmungsverfahren; Stimmen übertragbar; Stimmen kumulierbar; Parteischwelle; Wahlformel; Parteilisten geschlossen, offen oder flexibel; Möglichkeit von Koalitionen; Mehrparteien-Vermerke auf Stimmzetteln; Unterstützung der verbündeten Partei; gemeinsame Parteilisten; Anforderungen für gemeinsame Parteilisten; Art der Koalitionsvereinbarungen; Staatsoberhaupt (Regimetyp); im Falle mehrerer Runden: Auswahl des Staatsoberhauptes; Direktwahl des Staatsoberhauptes und Verfahren der direkten Wahl; Schwelle für Erstrundensieg; Verfahren der Kandidatenauswahl in der Finalrunde; einfache Mehrheit oder absolute Mehrheit für den Wahlsieg in der 2. Runde; Jahr der Präsidentschaftswahl (vor oder nach den Parlamentswahlen); Prozess bei indirekter Wahl des Staatsoberhauptes; im Falle eines Wahlmänner-Gremiums: Auswahl der Wahlmänner, Beratungs- und Abstimmungsverfahren; wenn durch Gesetzgeber: gesetzgebende Kammern; Abstimmungsverfahren; verfassungsrechtliche Befugnisse des Staatoberhauptes; Stellung des Regierungsoberhauptes; Befugnisse des Ministerpräsidenten; Methoden der Auflösung des Kabinetts; Auflösung der Legislative vor den planmäßigen Wahlen; Auflösung der Legislative durch: Staatsoberhaupt, Regierungschef, Mehrheit der Legislative, Kombination; Einschränkungen bei der Auflösung der Legislative; die zweite Kammer der Legislative (Wahlverfahren, Zusammensetzung, ausschließliche Gesetzgebungsbefugnisse, Machtbefugnisse über das Kabinett); föderale Verfassungsstruktur, zentralstaatliche Macht über Peripherie.
Das International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) ist ein länderübergreifendes, fortlaufendes Umfrageprogramm, das jährlich Erhebungen zu Themen durchführt, die für die Sozialwissenschaften wichtig sind. Das Programm begann 1984 mit vier Gründungsmitgliedern - Australien, Deutschland, Großbritannien und den Vereinigten Staaten - und ist inzwischen auf fast 50 Mitgliedsländer aus aller Welt angewachsen. Da die Umfragen auf Replikationen ausgelegt sind, können die Daten sowohl für länder- als auch für zeitübergreifende Vergleiche genutzt werden. Jedes ISSP-Modul konzentriert sich auf ein bestimmtes Thema, das in regelmäßigen Zeitabständen wiederholt wird. Details zur Durchführung der nationalen ISSP-Umfragen entnehmen Sie bitte der Dokumentation. Die vorliegende Studie konzentriert sich auf Fragen zu politischen Einstellungen und der Rolle der Regierung.
Das International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) ist ein länderübergreifendes, fortlaufendes Umfrageprogramm, das jährlich Erhebungen zu Themen durchführt, die für die Sozialwissenschaften wichtig sind. Das Programm begann 1984 mit vier Gründungsmitgliedern - Australien, Deutschland, Großbritannien und den Vereinigten Staaten - und ist inzwischen auf fast 50 Mitgliedsländer aus aller Welt angewachsen. Da die Umfragen auf Replikationen ausgelegt sind, können die Daten sowohl für länder- als auch für zeitübergreifende Vergleiche genutzt werden. Jedes ISSP-Modul konzentriert sich auf ein bestimmtes Thema, das in regelmäßigen Zeitabständen wiederholt wird. Details zur Durchführung der nationalen ISSP-Umfragen entnehmen Sie bitte der Dokumentation. Die vorliegende Studie konzentriert sich auf Fragen zu politischen Einstellungen und der Rolle der Regierung.