Suchergebnisse

International audience ; The southern regions of France with a Mediterranean climate are known for their summer droughts, which led to the construction of large hydraulic works (Canal de Provence, Canal du Bas-Rhône Languedoc.) shortly after the Second World War. The function of these works is to extend the perimeter of the zones where water shortages can be avoided because of massive local resources such as the Rhône. This is the case, for example, of the Gard rhodanien irrigated by the CNABRL. Beyond these perimeters, on the karstic foothills of the south-eastern edge of the Massif Central, on the garrigue plateaus for example, aquifers, such as that of the Lez spring in Montpellier, can be used. Further upstream from the tributaries of the Rhone, such as the Ardèche, the Cèze, the Gardon, the Hérault. and therefore in the Cévennes (l. s.), which are largely devoid of aquifers, the question of water resources during the dry summer phase is central. It is obviously old, but had been "solved", in part, by the installation of a micro-hydraulic (béal.) during the past centuries. Some of these equipments have become patrimonial, but they do not correspond (when they are still operational) to the local water needs, even taking into account the deep transformation of agriculture (reduction of the activity, labelled productions: onion, apple.). By turning to tourism (a major consumer of water and water landscapes), this region is affected by increasing difficulties due to the increase in demand, regulations that pay greater attention to the good ecological status of rivers (volume of water that can be drawn) and climate change. The latter, at least in terms of factors such as temperature, plays an obvious role, especially since these mountains have experienced a rural exodus (production of wastelands and wastelands), then the transition to all oil (abandonment of wood heating) and finally the closure of coal mines (end of afforestation wood .) which have led to a decrease in withdrawals and therefore a biological recovery, reforestation or, at least, a very significant overgrowth of the slopes. All this leads to an increase of the real evapotranspiration (ETR) which reduces the available water supply, even without clear variations linked to climate change, of the precipitated volumes which remain however very variable from one year to another. With this in mind, the local EPTBs (and the Rhone-Mediterranean-Corsica Water Agency) wanted to know with precision (which the national network does not provide) the flows of the Cevennes rivers during these summer phases. This has led to the installation of about fifteen hydrometric low-water stations since 2015 in the Cévennes upstream basins (of the base) of the Cèze and the Gardon. This approach was carried out within the paradigmatic framework of an involved science that associates, managers, politicians, the population and researchers. This background was developed in the so-called HydroPop program (2017 - 2020) which will be mentioned here only as a reminder. This being said, the production of high resolution data from about fifteen stations generates a significant and constantly growing mass of information. This led to the creation of a relational database called HydroSec. The first objective of this database is to keep all the information from the measurements made by the probes (pressure, temperature.) to the data that can be used in the study of different issues (flows.). This tool being globally available, the next step consisted in defining the drought no longer as a strict hydrological phenomenon (low water), but as a societal problem (tension between the anthropic water supply and demand on a territory - a municipality, a canton, etc. - in a given time: week, month). Some elements of this research posture will be analyzed in the proposed paper, in particular the fact that this epistemological choice allows to consider the level and the evolution of the tension on the water resource from probabilities determined on the variables of the supply and on those of the anthropic demand. It is therefore no longer a question of making the classic mass balances, but of combining probability distributions, of working on conditional probabilities (knowing the probability of A, what is the probability of B? Knowing the level of precipitation, of such and such a variable, what is the probability that the pressure on the water resource in such and such a canton, at such and such a time, will be high?) This approach naturally leads to a Bayesian framework. We will therefore present a Bayesian conceptual model that is currently being developed. This implies the selection of natural (rain, temperature, flow.) and anthropic (irrigation, AEP, recreational water.) variables to be probabilized. However, these variables must be, can be, transformed before being injected into the Bayesian model, in the Bayesian networks which are the structural tools (acyclic graph.) for calculating the concatenations of the probability distributions. In other words, it seems useful, upstream of Bayesian calculations on conditional probabilities, to develop particular models or calculations in order to have, in the probability distributions, information as specific and operational as possible. In this state of mind, we have modeled the periods without rainfall under a certain threshold (0 mm, 1 mm, 3 mm.), but also worked on the phase of low flows and proposed what we call GraviSec scales (of severity of the drought) which give a local account (for a river section), by a system of color code and notes, of the level of the flow of a river according to the paraetian statistical analysis which can be made of the available data and relating to the previous years. The text will develop this new methodology tested in the HydroPop program. In the end, the objective is therefore to make available to the managers of Mediterranean mountain basins, initially, a tool -1- for the conservation of all the field information collected, and -2- for the processing of this information, for example, to evaluate the tension on the water resource, but it could be many other facets of these mountain territories through specific modules. We can think for example of the possibilities of water storage, etc.With this in mind, the local EPTBs (and the Rhone-Mediterranean-Corsica Water Agency) wanted to know precisely (what the national network does not provide) the flows of the Cevennes rivers during these summer phases. This led to the installation of about fifteen hydrometric stations of low water since 2015 in the Cévennes upstream basins (of base) of the Cèze and the Gardon. This approach was carried out within the paradigmatic framework of an involved science that associates, managers, politicians, the population and researchers. This background was developed in the so-called HydroPop program (2017 - 2020) which will be mentioned here only as a reminder. This being the case, the production of high resolution data from about fifteen stations generates a large and constantly growing mass of information. This has led to the creation of a relational database called HydroSec. The first objective of this database is to keep all the information from the measurements made by the probes (pressure, temperature.) to the data that can be used in the study of different issues (flows.). This tool being globally available, the next step consisted in defining the drought no longer as a strict hydrological phenomenon (low water), but as a societal problem (tension between the anthropic water supply and demand on a territory - a municipality, a canton, etc. - in a given time: week, month). Some elements of this research posture will be analyzed in the proposed paper, in particular the fact that this epistemological choice allows to consider the level and the evolution of the tension on the water resource from probabilities determined on the variables of the supply and on those of the anthropic demand. It is therefore no longer a question of making the classic mass balances, but of combining probability distributions, of working on conditional probabilities (knowing the probability of A, what is the probability of B? Knowing the level of precipitation, of such and such a variable, what is the probability that the pressure on the water resource in such and such a canton, at such and such a time, will be high?) This approach naturally leads to a Bayesian framework. We will therefore present a Bayesian conceptual model that is currently being developed. This implies the selection of natural (rain, temperature, flow.) and anthropic (irrigation, AEP, recreational water.) variables to be probabilized. However, these variables must be, can be, transformed before being injected into the Bayesian model, in the Bayesian networks which are the structural tools (acyclic graph.) for calculating the concatenations of the probability distributions. In other words, it seems useful, upstream of Bayesian calculations on conditional probabilities, to develop particular models or calculations in order to have, in the probability distributions, information as specific and operational as possible. In this state of mind, we have modeled the periods without rainfall under a certain threshold (0 mm, 1 mm, 3 mm.), but also worked on the phase of low flows and proposed what we call GraviSec scales (of severity of the drought) which give a local account (for a river section), by a system of color code and notes, of the level of the flow of a river according to the paraetian statistical analysis which can be made of the available data and relating to the previous years. The text will develop this new methodology tested in the HydroPop program. In the end, the objective is therefore to make available to the managers of Mediterranean mountain basins, initially, a tool -1- for the conservation of all the field information collected, and -2- for the processing of this information, for example, to evaluate the tension on the water resource, but it could be many other facets of these mountain territories through specific modules. We can think for example of the possibilities of water storage, etc. ; Les régions méridionales de la France sous climat méditerranéen sont connues pour leurs sécheresses estivales qui ont conduit à la réalisation d'imposants aménagements hydrauliques (Canal de Provence, Canal du Bas-Rhône Languedoc…) peu après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ces ouvrages ont pour fonction d'étendre le périmètre des zones où les pénuries d'eau peuvent être évitées en raison de ressources massives de proximité comme le Rhône. C'est le cas, par exemple, du Gard rhodanien irrigué par la CNABRL. Au-delà de ces périmètres, sur le piémont karstique du rebord sud-est du Massif central, sur des plateaux de garrigues par exemple, des aquifères, comme celui de la source du Lez à Montpellier, peuvent être sollicités. Plus en amont des affluents du Rhône que sont l'Ardèche, la Cèze, le Gardon, l'Hérault… et donc en Cévennes (l. s.), très largement dépourvues de formations aquifères, la question de la ressource en eau, lors de la phase sèche d'été, est centrale. Elle est évidemment ancienne, mais avait été « résolue », en partie, par l'installation d'une micro hydraulique (béal…) lors des siècles passés. Certains de ces équipements sont devenus patrimoniaux, mais ne correspondent (quand ils sont encore opérationnels) en rien aux besoins en eaux locaux, même en prenant en compte la transformation profonde de l'agriculture (réduction del'activité, productions labellisées : oignon, pomme…). En se tournant entre autres choses vers le tourisme (fort consommateur d'eau et de paysages hydriques) cette région se voit affectée par des difficultés croissantes en raison de l'augmentation de la demande, de réglementations qui portent une attention plus forte au bon état écologique des rivières (volumes prélevables…) et en fonction du changement climatique. Celui-ci, au moins au niveau de facteurs comme la température, joue un rôle évident d'autant plus que ces montagnes ont connu un exode rural (production de déprises etde friches), puis le passage au tout pétrole (abandon du chauffageau bois) et enfin la fermeture des mines de charbon (fin des bois de boisement…) qui ont induit une baisse des prélèvements et donc une remontée biologique, une reforestation ou, au moins, un embroussaillement très important des versants. Tout ceci conduit donc à un accroissement de l'évapotranspiration réelle (ETR) qui réduit d'autant l'offre disponible en eau, même sans variations claires liées au changement climatique, des volumes précipités qui restent toutefois très variables d'une année sur l'autre. Fort de ce constat les EPTB locaux (et l'Agence de l'eau Rhône Méditerranée – Corse) ont souhaité connaitre avecprécision (ce que ne fournit par le réseau national) les débits des rivières cévenoles lors de ces phases estivales. Ceci a conduit à l'installation d'une quinzaine de stations hydrométriques d'étiage depuis 2015 dans les bassins amont cévenols (de socle) de la Cèze et du Gardon. Cette démarche a été réalisée dans le cadre paradigmatique d'une science impliquée qui associe, les gestionnaires, les politiques, la population et les chercheurs. Cet arrière-plan a été développé dans le programme dit HydroPop (2017 – 2020) qui ne sera ici évoqué que pour mémoire. Cela étant, la production de données à haute résolution d'unequinzaine de stations génère une masse d'informationsimportante et en accroissement constant. Ceci a conduit à imaginer une base de données relationnelle dite HydroSec. Celleci a pour objectif premier de conserver l'intégralité de l'information depuis les mesures faites par les sondes (Pression, température…) jusqu'aux données exploitables dans l'étude de différentes questions (débits…). Cet outil étant globalement disponible, l'étape suivante a consisté à définir la sécheresse non plus comme un strict phénomène hydrologique (basses eaux), mais comme un problème sociétal (tension entre l'offre et la demande anthropique en eau sur un territoire — une commune, un canton, etc. — en un temps donné : semaine, mois). Certains éléments de cette posture de recherche seront analysés dans la communication proposée, en particulier le fait que ce choix épistémologique permet d'envisager le niveau et l'évolution de la tension sur la ressource en eau à partir de probabilités déterminées sur les variables de l'offre et sur celles de la demande anthropique. Il n'est donc plus question de faire les classiques bilans de masse, mais de conjoindre des distributions de probabilité, de travailler sur des probabilités conditionnelles (sachant la probabilité de A, quelle est la probabilité de B ? Connaissant le niveau des précipitations, de telle ou telle variable, quelle est la probabilité que la tension sur la ressource en eau dans tel canton, à tel moment, soit forte ?). Cette approche conduit tout naturellement à se placer dans un cadre bayésien. On fera donc la présentation d'une modélisation conceptuelle bayésienne en cours de développement informatique. Ceci implique de sélectionner des variables naturelles (pluie, température, débit…) et anthropiques (irrigation, AEP, eau ludique…) à probabiliser. Toutefois ces variables doivent être, peuvent être, transformées avant d'être injectées dans le modèle bayésien, dans les réseaux bayésiens qui sont les outils structurels (graphe acyclique…) de calcul des concaténations des distributions de probabilité. En d'autres termes, il apparait utile, en amont des calculs bayésiens sur les probabilités conditionnelles, de développer des modélisations ou des calculs particuliers afin de disposer, dans les distributions de probabilité, d'informations aussi spécifiques et opérationnelles que possible. Dans cet état d'esprit nous avons modélisé les périodes sans pluies sous un certain seuil (0 mm, 1 mm, 3 mm…), mais aussi avons travaillé sur la phase de bas débits et proposé ce que nous appelons des échelles GraviSec (de gravité de la sécheresse) qui rendent compte localement (pour un tronçon de rivière), par un système de code couleurs et de notes, du niveau du débit d'une rivière en fonction de l'analyse statistique parétienne qui peut être faite des données disponibles et relatives aux années précédentes. Le texte développera cette nouvelle méthodologie testée dans le programme HydroPop. Au final l'objectif est donc de mettre à disposition des gestionnaires de bassins de montagnes méditerranéennes, dans un premier temps, un outil -1-de conservation de l'intégralité de l'information de terrain collectée, et -2- de traitement de cette information, pour, par exemple, évaluer la tension sur la ressource en eau, mais ce pourrait être bien d'autres facettes de ces territoires de montagne au travers de modules spécifiques. On peut penser par exemple aux possibilités de stockage d'eau, etc.Fort de ce constat les EPTB locaux (et l'Agence de l'eau Rhône Méditerranée – Corse) ont souhaité connaitre avec précision (ce que ne fournit par le réseau national) les débits des rivières cévenoles lors de ces phases estivales. Ceci a conduit à l'installation d'une quinzaine de stations hydrométriques d'étiage depuis 2015 dans les bassins amont cévenols (de socle) de la Cèze et du Gardon. Cette démarche a été réalisée dans le cadre paradigmatique d'une science impliquée qui associe, les gestionnaires, les politiques, la population et les chercheurs. Cet arrière-plan a été développé dans le programme dit HydroPop (2017 – 2020) qui ne sera ici évoqué que pour mémoire. Cela étant, la production de données à haute résolution d'une quinzaine de stations génère une masse d'informations importante et en accroissement constant. Ceci a conduit à imaginer une base de données relationnelle dite HydroSec. Celle ci a pour objectif premier de conserver l'intégralité de l'information depuis les mesures faites par les sondes (Pression, température…) jusqu'aux données exploitables dans l'étude de différentes questions (débits…). Cet outil étant globalement disponible, l'étape suivante a consisté à définir la sécheresse non plus comme un strict phénomène hydrologique (basses eaux), mais comme un problème sociétal (tension entre l'offre et la demande anthropique en eau sur un territoire — une commune, un canton, etc. — en un temps donné : semaine, mois). Certains éléments de cette posture de recherche seront analysés dans la communication proposée, en particulier le fait que ce choix épistémologique permet d'envisager le niveau et l'évolution de la tension sur la ressource en eau à partir de probabilités déterminées sur les variables de l'offre et sur celles de la demande anthropique. Il n'est donc plus question de faire les classiques bilans de masse, mais de conjoindre des distributions de probabilité, de travailler sur des probabilités conditionnelles (sachant la probabilité de A, quelle est la probabilité de B ? Connaissant le niveau des précipitations, de telle ou telle variable, quelle est la probabilité que la tension sur la ressource en eau dans tel canton, à tel moment, soit forte ?). Cette approche conduit tout naturellement à se placer dans un cadre bayésien. On fera donc la présentation d'une modélisation conceptuelle bayésienne en cours de développement informatique. Ceci implique de sélectionner des variables naturelles (pluie, température, débit…) et anthropiques (irrigation, AEP, eau ludique…) à probabiliser. Toutefois ces variables doivent être, peuvent être, transformées avant d'être injectées dans le modèle bayésien, dans les réseaux bayésiens qui sont les outils structurels (graphe acyclique…) de calcul des concaténations des distributions de probabilité. En d'autres termes, il apparait utile, en amont des calculs bayésiens sur les probabilités conditionnelles, de développer des modélisations ou des calculs particuliers afin de disposer, dans les distributions de probabilité, d'informations aussi spécifiques et opérationnelles que possible. Dans cet état d'esprit nous avons modélisé les périodes sans pluies sous un certain seuil (0 mm, 1 mm, 3 mm…), mais aussi avons travaillé sur la phase de bas débits et proposé ce que nous appelons des échelles GraviSec (de gravité de la sécheresse) qui rendent compte localement (pour un tronçon de rivière), par un système de code couleurs et de notes, du niveau du débit d'une rivière en fonction de l'analyse statistique parétienne qui peut être faite des données disponibles et relatives aux années précédentes. Le texte développera cette nouvelle méthodologie testée dans le programme HydroPop. Au final l'objectif est donc de mettre à disposition des gestionnaires de bassins de montagnes méditerranéennes, dans un premier temps, un outil -1- de conservation de l'intégralité de l'information de terrain collectée, et -2- de traitement de cette information, pour, par exemple, évaluer la tension sur la ressource en eau, mais ce pourrait être bien d'autres facettes de ces territoires de montagne au travers de modules spécifiques. On peut penser par exemple aux possibilités de stockage d'eau, etc.

Barranquilla, a city located in an intertropical geographical latitude on the left bank of the Magdalena's River mouth, is constituted as a conglomerate of pieces due to its urbanization processes. Processes that began an accelerated urban development during the first decades of the 20th century, without an Urban Plan for the management of its vast territory. In the absence of this, bourgeois neighborhoods are drawn up to allocate European Immigrants by the time that other informal neighborhoods appear spontaneously to allocate local and regional immigrants. Among the bourgeois neighborhoods, El Prado neighborhood stands out, developed according to the urbanistic principles of the Modern Movement, following the Garden City model, it constitutes the main urban landmark of the city in the 20th century. That is how El Prado is planned with a continuous urban layout and built in each of its properties, houses, and buildings of architectural styles like those built in the north American and British cities. Among these buildings, which are now patrimonial, stands out: the construction of fifty-four isolated houses for the Barranquilla elite, the El Prado Hotel and the opening of the Country Club. The passing of time has generated functional transformations in the El Prado neighborhood that have modified its symbols and imaginaries. However, the declaration as an Asset of National Cultural Interest, through Resolution 0087 on February 2, 2005, has prevented the structural modification of its architectural heritage pieces, front gardens, courtyards, and most of the plant species, as well as the urban layout. Nowadays there are a confluence of integrated and complementary manifestations that can be lived in the neighborhood and are conjugated with cultural activities developed in the urban space, activities that are linked with cultural and artistic scenarios which by the passing of the time have been set up in the neighborhood. This confluence has generated a synergy between the Garden City model, the typical daily residential life of the Caribbean that inhabits part of the architectural heritage, the culture hosted in heritage buildings and the wide open public spaces, reaffirming the living as a condition to be considered from the heritage understanding as a matter of future. An understanding that, also puts in value the human manifestations that are less recognized, since with it, the territory acquires other potentials. This is how the initiative of the Museo Vivo El Prado promotes this value as a process of urban regeneration. The potential value of the living, structured under the concept of Museum, through the process of urban regeneration, includes the El Prado neighborhood as a territory of key opportunities in cultural management and innovation, through the startup of other economic models that exclude the possibility of gentrification. That is how this research is immersed to an in-depth study of urban regeneration, the understanding of the image of the city as a piece of art and the research on the significance of museums in different instances. Concretizing this way, the conception of the Living Museum as the meaning of urban space that firstly, does not take its collection out of context, but in opposition, is generated around itself, taking advantage of the dynamic, symbiotic, socially balanced spatial and cultural systems in which democratic and spontaneous dynamics that develop, grounds and support an economic, natural and cultural equilibrated system. It is not a matter of creating an untouchable inert environment, but to allowing actions and relationships between visitors and inhabitants that enhance those dynamics.This is how The Museo Vivo El Prado, proposed as a cultural and creative innovation district, will not only generate impact and economic retribution, but it will also make possible the transformation of collective imaginaries, founding their identities and consolidating their image. That will be favored by its initial urban planning energized by the ways of living that happens in this heritage environment, letting it being recognized as its "own brand", from the territorial marketing, in terms of recognition and promotion within the city, by the incentive of the 'Orange economy' that is one of the Colombian National Government goalsIn this way, the Museo Vivo El Prado is projected from the understanding of the heritage as a matter of future, standing apart from the traditional concept of a museum, this is, as a static, inert and inanimate concept that takes out the collection of its context and uses the buildings as a supports for other artwork. In Opposition the Museo vivo El Prado places the concept of the museum in the dimension of urban management and regeneration combined with creative economy processes, to be handed over to a democratic, public, open-air space. That is how the urban space is the museum itself, its limits are the territory on which the heritage is administratively placed and the sky as its upper border. ; Barranquilla, ciudad ubicada en una latitud geográfica intertropical en el margen izquierdo de la desembocadura del Río Magdalena, se constituye como un conglomerado de trozos debido a sus procesos de urbanización. Procesos que inician un desarrollo urbano acelerado durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX, sin contar con un Plan Urbanístico para la ordenación de su vasto territorio. En ausencia de ello, se trazan, por un lado, barrios burgueses para alojar las migraciones europeas y por el otro, gracias a ese desarrollo, aparecen de manera espontánea, los barrios informales consolidados debido a la migraciones locales y regionales. Entre los barrios burgueses se distingue el Barrio El Prado, desarrollado a partir de los principios urbanísticos del Movimiento Moderno, siguiendo el modelo de Ciudad Jardín, constituyéndose de esta manera, como el principal hito urbano de la ciudad en siglo XX. Es así como el Prado se caracterizó por la continuidad de su trazado y por erigir sobre cada uno de sus terrenos, edificaciones de estilos arquitectónicos equiparables a las que se construían en ciudades norteamericanas e inglesas de la época. Entre estas edificaciones, hoy patrimoniales se destacan la construcción de cincuenta y cuatro viviendas aisladas para la élite de Barranquilla, el Hotel El Prado y la puesta en funcionamiento del Country club. El transcurrir del tiempo ha generado en el Barrio El Prado transformaciones funcionales que fueron modificando sus símbolos e imaginarios. Sin embargo, su declaratoria como Bien de Interés Cultural de carácter Nacional, a través de la Resolución 0087 el 2 de febrero de 2005, ha impedido la modificación estructural de sus piezas arquitectónicas patrimoniales, antejardines, patios y la mayoría de las especies vegetales, así como tampoco el trazado urbano. Actualmente en el barrio se vive una confluencia de manifestaciones integradas y complementarias, partiendo de aquellas propias del uso residencial en el Caribe, conjugadas con el desarrollo de actividades culturales en el espacio público, las cuales se articulan con escenarios culturales y artísticos que, con el tiempo se han establecido en el barrio. Esta confluencia ha generado una sinergia entre el modelo de Ciudad Jardín, la cotidianidad residencial propia del Caribe que habita parte del patrimonio arquitectónico, la cultura alojada en edificios patrimoniales y sus amplios espacios públicos, reafirmando lo vivo como una condición a considerar desde un patrimonio comprendido como cuestión de futuro. Una comprensión que, también pone en valor las manifestaciones humanas poco reconocidas, ya que con ello el territorio adquiere otros potenciales. Es así como la iniciativa del Museo Vivo El Prado potencia este valor como proceso de regeneración urbana.El potencial valor de lo vivo, estructurado bajo el concepto de Museo, mediante el proceso de regeneración urbana, comprende al Barrio El Prado como un territorio de oportunidades clave en la gestión cultural y de innovación, mediante la puesta en marcha de otros modelos económicos, que excluyan la posibilidad de gentrificación. De esta manera esta investigación se sumerge en una profundización sobre estudios de regeneración urbana, la comprensión de la imagen de la ciudad como obra de arte y la investigación sobre la significación de museo en distintas instancias. Concretando de esta forma, la concepción de Museo Vivo como la definición de espacio urbano que, en primera instancia no saca su colección del contexto, sino que, por el contrario, genera la colección en torno a ella, tomando partida del sistema espacial, cultural dinámico, simbiótico, socialmente equilibrado, en el cual se desarrollan dinámicas democráticas y espontáneas que fundamentan y sustentan un sistema de equilibrios económicos, naturales y culturales. No se trata de crear un medio inerte intocable, sino de permitir acciones y relaciones entre visitantes y habitantes que potencien esas dinámicas.Es así como El Museo Vivo El Prado, propuesto como un distrito de innovación cultural y creativo, no solo generará impacto y retribución económica, sino que posibilitará la transformación de imaginarios colectivos, fundamentando sus identidades y consolidando su imagen. Lo cual se verá favorecido por su planificación urbana inicial y dinamizadas por las formas de habitar que discurren en este entorno patrimonial, pudiéndose reconocer como una "marca propia", desde el marketing territorial en cuanto a su reconocimiento y promoción dentro de la ciudad a partir del fomento de la economía naranja, la cual es una de las metas del Gobierno Nacional Colombiano.De este modo el Museo Vivo El Prado, se proyecta a partir de la comprensión del patrimonio como una cuestión de futuro, separándose de la concepción tradicional de museo, esto es, una concepción estática, inerte, inanimada, que saca la colección de su contexto y que utiliza los edificios como soportes para otras artes. Por el contrario, el Museo Vivo El Prado Ubica el concepto de museo en la dimensión de la gestión y regeneración urbana conjugada con procesos de economía creativa, para ser entregadas a un espacio democrático, de uso público, libre y al aire libre. Es así como el espacio urbano es el propio museo, sus límites, el territorio sobre el cual se posa el patrimonio administrativamente definido y el cielo como su confín superior. ; Barranquilla, ciutat situada a una latitud geogràfica intertropical al marge esquerre de la desembocadura de el Riu Magdalena, es constitueix com un conglomerat de trossos a causa dels seus processos d'urbanització. Processos que inicien un desenvolupament urbà accelerat durant les primeres dècades de segle XX, sense comptar amb un Pla Urbanístic per a l'ordenació del seu vast territori. En absència d'això, es tracen, d'una banda, barris burgesos per allotjar les migracions europees i de l'altra, gràcies a aquest desenvolupament, apareixen de manera espontània, els barris informals consolidats a causa de la migracions locals i regionals.Entre els barris burgesos es distingeix el Barri El Prat, desenvolupat a partir dels principis urbanístics de el Moviment Modern, seguint el model de Ciutat Jardí, constituint-se d'aquesta manera, com el principal fita urbana de la ciutat en segle XX. És així com el Prat es va caracteritzar per la continuïtat del seu traçat i per erigir sobre cadascun dels seus terrenys, edificacions d'estils arquitectònics equiparables a les que es construïen en ciutats nord-americanes i angleses de l'època. Entre aquestes edificacions, avui patrimonials es destaquen la construcció de cinquanta-quatre habitatges aïllats per a l'elit de Barranquilla, l'Hotel El Prado i la posada en funcionament del Country club.El transcórrer de el temps ha generat en el Barri El Prat transformacions funcionals que van ser modificant els seus símbols i imaginaris. No obstant això, la seva declaratòria com a Bé d'Interès Cultural de caràcter Nacional, a través de la Resolució 0087 el 2 de febrer de 2005, ha impedit la modificació estructural de les seves peces arquitectòniques patrimonials, antejardins, patis i la majoria de les espècies vegetals, així com tampoc el traçat urbà. Actualment al barri es viu una confluència de manifestacions integrades i complementàries, partint d'aquelles pròpies de l'ús residencial al Carib, conjugades amb el desenvolupament d'activitats culturals a l'espai públic, les quals s'articulen amb escenaris culturals i artístics que, amb el temps s'han establert al barri. Aquesta confluència ha generat una sinergia entre el model de Ciutat Jardí, la quotidianitat residencial pròpia de l'Carib que habita part de el patrimoni arquitectònic, la cultura allotjada en edificis patrimonials i els seus amplis espais públics, reafirmant el viu com una condició a considerar des d'un patrimoni comprès com a qüestió de futur. Una comprensió que, també posa en valor les manifestacions humanes poc reconegudes, ja que amb això el territori adquireix altres potencials. És així com la iniciativa del Museu Viu El Prat potencia aquest valor com a procés de regeneració urbana.El potencial valor del que viu, estructurat sota el concepte de Museu, mitjançant el procés de regeneració urbana, comprèn a el Barri El Prat com un territori d'oportunitats clau en la gestió cultural i d'innovació, mitjançant la posada en marxa d'altres models econòmics, que excloguin la possibilitat de gentrificació. D'aquesta manera aquesta investigació es submergeix en un aprofundiment sobre estudis de regeneració urbana, la comprensió de la imatge de la ciutat com a obra d'art i la investigació sobre la significació de museu en diferents instàncies. Concretant d'aquesta manera, la concepció de Museu Viu com la definició d'espai urbà que, en primera instància no treu la seva col·lecció de l'context, sinó que, per contra, genera la col·lecció entorn d'ella, prenent partida de sistema espacial, cultural dinàmic, simbiòtic, socialment equilibrat, en el qual es desenvolupen dinàmiques democràtiques i espontànies que fonamenten i sustenten un sistema d'equilibris econòmics, naturals i culturals. No es tracta de crear un mitjà inert intocable, sinó de permetre accions i relacions entre visitants i habitants que potenciïn aquestes dinàmiques.És així com El Museu Viu El Prat, proposat com un districte d'innovació cultural i creatiu, no només generarà impacte i retribució econòmica, sinó que possibilitarà la transformació d'imaginaris col·lectius, fonamentant les seves identitats i consolidant la seva imatge. La qual cosa es veurà afavorit per la seva planificació urbana inicial i dinamitzades per les formes d'habitar que discorren en aquest entorn patrimonial, podent-se reconèixer com una "marca pròpia", des del màrqueting territorial pel que fa al seu reconeixement i promoció dins de la ciutat a partir del foment de l'economia taronja, la qual és una de les metes de Govern Nacional Colombià.D'aquesta manera el Museu Viu El Prat, es projecta a partir de la comprensió de el patrimoni com una qüestió de futur, separant-se de la concepció tradicional de museu, és a dir, una concepció estàtica, inert, inanimada, que treu la col·lecció del seu context i que utilitza els edificis com a suports per a altres arts. Per contra, el Museu Viu El Prat Situa el concepte de museu en la dimensió de la gestió i regeneració urbana conjugada amb processos d'economia creativa, per a ser lliurades a un espai democràtic, d'ús públic, lliure i a l'aire lliure. És així com l'espai urbà és el propi museu, els seus límits, el territori sobre el qual es posa el patrimoni administrativament definit i el cel com el seu confí superior.

Moving back to the land is, from different perspectives, a fascinating topic that has been on stage since the sixties. Since then, new forms of rurality have become an upcoming phenomenon on the media, still today we often hear of unexpected success of rural entrepreneurs who reinvented their life, they represent their triumph as reaction to market failure and city-life depression. From a sociological point of view, it is an exciting counter-cultural subject. How to study neo-rurality nowadays? Speaking in contemporary terms, we can talk about changes in rurality, taking Rural Social Innovation as our approach. As we'll see, social innovation is as appropriate as ambiguous when it comes to the research implementation, lacking in the specificity of the definition. Therefore, I decided to integrate the conceptual framework with two more solid theoretical approaches: social capital and moral market, which may analytically help understand and investigate the topic. From that, a research question rises, followed by an intense fieldwork. Let's go step by step, starting by introducing the study. a) The topic: Neo-rurality In the first chapter I explain the topic. Rurality studies connect different disciplines: sociology (marginality, mobility, market dynamics); geography (distance and periphery); policies and normative discourse (inner areas and rurality). 'Back-to-the-land' generally refers to the adoption of agriculture as a full-time vocation by people who have come from non-agricultural lifestyles or education. Originated in the 1960s, it situates back-to-the-landers as part of broader counterculture practices (Belasco, 2006). The back-to-the-land movement of the 1960s and 70s is often framed in relation to general cultural currents that encouraged "dropping out" of mainstream society in search of alternatives. "Multiplying fivefold between 1965 and 1970" writes Belasco (1989: 76) of communal back-to-the-land projects, "3,500 or so country communes put the counterculture into group practice". During the 1970s, the "protestant neo-ruralism" (neoruralismo protestatario, Merlo, 2006) conceives rural areas as the place where an alternative way of life can be experienced through the creation of an alternative agricultural production process. That approach refuses completely the Green Revolution (GR) paradigm (Shiva, 2016). Later, the development of alternative agricultural production was embedded in the agro-ecological paradigm, then absorbed by the global industrial system through the creation of organic certifications. Such a process of integration has developed a new critical reflection on food production and market relations. Neo-rurality is the frame that collects different approaches which are changing rural areas on different levels. It calls for attention to the relation between environmental issues, rural crisis and territorial issues (Ferraresi, 2013). Neo-rural farmers try a new model that is economically, socially and environmentally sustainable, protects biodiversity and promotes local quality food. In fact, production of quality food is key for the activation of practices and community relationships within the horizon of agro-ecological values. In Italy, pioneers of the alternative movements came from different backgrounds: the radical left, the ecologist movement and the anti-conformist or alternative movements. Also, a pioneering phase was characterized by a multiplicity of regional-level and often unconnected initiatives (Fonte, Cucchi, 2015). Ferraresi (2013) describes 'Neo-rurality' as a new, social and complex economy. Born partly in response to expansion of industrial food and partly due to the survival of some systems that resisted to conversion, we see emerging new or resurgent forms of production, trade and consumption, latterly conceptualised by academics as 'Alternative Agro-Food Networks' (AAFNs) or 'Alternative Food Networks' (AFNs). Movements become key players in the definition of new market places (Friedmann, 2005). Food movements act as an engine of awareness in consumption, and address issues that are core for social and media consensus, for instance health, environment, quality of life (Goodman, 1999), and also social justice and fair trade (Elzen et al., 2010). A second important effect of AAFNs is the empowerment of consumers, a leverage on citizenship action for the transformation of consumption behaviours into political action (Goodman, DuPuis, 2002). Exponents of neo-rural economy, as part of AAFNs, have promoted participation in alternative infrastructures contrasting the conventional market system, developing specific organisational forms, negotiating new forms of collaborative economy (Kostakis, Bauwens, 2014). They thus blur the distinction between public sphere and private sphere (Tormey, 2007). The AAFNs, as shown in the article by Murano and Forno (2017), has three main drivers shaping the form of development of this type of collective action: 1. Greater citizen awareness around economic, social and environmental sustainability issues; 2. The loss of purchasing power within important portions of the middle class, due to the increasing unemployment rates following the recession which started in 2007-2008; 3. General loss of meaning, due to the consumerism and the depletion of social relations, along with the decoupling of GDP growth and happiness (as suggested by the paradox Easterlin, 1974), people's search for a meaning in their life (Castells, Caraça, Cardoso, 2012) which seems to have been lost in a consumer society threatened by an economic, environmental and social crisis (D'Alisa et al., 2015). Tradition of local governance studies focuses on central areas, hi-tech districts, city-regions, overlooking the role of less industrialized areas, that actually represent two thirds of Italy. Northern Italy has been considered as a cluster of industrial development. Given current globalization forces, taking for granted recent government interest in undeveloped areas, inner areas have a stake in getting involved in wider market dynamics and renewed resources. An important contribution to the EU debate on territorial marginalisation has been provided by the Italian government's innovative approach to 'Inner Areas' (DPS, 2014). The government mapped all municipalities and categorized them according to their degree of remoteness from services, consistently with criteria that the debate on Foundational Economy indicates as key factors of spatial (in)justice. The emerging picture offers a polycentric connotation of the Italian territory. The geography of the inner peripheries includes mountain and coastal areas, as well as hilly and lowland areas, but provides no conclusive evidence to establish correlations between morphological conditions and degree of remoteness. The second chapter is dedicated to theoretical approaches: Rural Social Innovation, Social Capital and Sociology of Markets. b) Rural Social Innovation The neo-rurality phenomenon is strictly connected to Rural Social Innovation. Social innovation is a term on everyone's lips, indicating change and development, including social effects. Social Innovation is not specifically mentioned in literature on regional development, but in the more nuanced models we find that most important features are trust among actors, informal ties and untraded interdependencies between actors, which are key factors determining positive differentials in economic performance. Rural Social Innovation is helpfully used in many studies (Bock, 2012). Still, even though it is currently a very relevant phenomenon, Social Innovation itself is a critic concept, it is both one of the most common and ant the most unclear concepts nowadays. Because of its credits to local development, social networks and economic outcomes, I decided to use two more analytical sociological concepts to understand the phenomenon: social capital and sociology of markets. c) Social Capital Individuals generally pursue major life events—marriage, occupational choice—as part of a social network or group. As an exemplum, engaging in the creation of a new firm is generally done in a network of social relationships (Aldrich, 2005; Reynolds, 1991; Thornton, 1999); in that sense entrepreneurship can be considered a social phenomenon, rather than solely one of individual career choice. Social capital is a conscious use of embeddedness, the use of relations and resources for a purpose. According to Coleman (1988), social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity but a variety of different entities, with two elements in common: they all consist of some aspects of social structures, and they facilitate certain actions of actors within the structure. Coleman refers to the social structure that enables access to resources. Additionally, we can also recall Bourdieu, who sees social capital as the aggregate of actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition. And Putnam pointing at three components: moral obligation and norms; social values (trust); and social networks (voluntary association). d) Sociology of Markets The structure of markets can be reduced to its minimal components, that are a buyer and two sellers which compete according to some defined rules (Aspers, 2006b). Relations among actors can be of exchange, as between buyers and sellers, or of competition, as between producers. In the structure of markets, people also mobilize beliefs, ethics, values and views of the common good to talk about the effects of market processes (Boltanski, Thevenot, 2006). As pointed in the recent book published by Granovetter "Society and Economy" (2017:28) The fact that people seek simultaneously economic and non-economic goals is an unprecedented challenge for that economic analysis that focuses only on one of the two horns, as for sociology that focuses only on the other. Current theories of action in social sciences offer little knowledge of how individuals mix these goals. We can therefore recall Zelizer (2007) highlighting that economists and sociologists face a common presumption: the twinned stories of separate spheres and hostile worlds. Separate spheres indicate a distinction between two arenas, one for rational economic activity, a sphere of calculation and efficiency, and one for personal relations, a sphere of sentiment and solidarity. The companion doctrine of hostile worlds affirms that contact between the spheres generates contamination and disorder: economic rationality degrades intimacy, and close relationships obstruct efficiency. Moral economy is based on this attack on the common presumption. According to these considerations on ways that shape relationships and market, the main question that rises is: "Are values and social relationship separate from the market?". e) The Research During my PhD studies I worked on an answer to this question. In the third chapter I present the case of alternative agro-food movements and neo-rurality in urban and inner areas in the region of Campania (southern Italy). The study is based on qualitative research design, composed of fieldwork and interviews, undertaken in Campania during 2014-2016, where inner and central areas are the scenery of innovative development processes, founded on structural and territorial resources, as well as on individual and social capitals. Here I present you with a quote from an Italian journalist, Alessandro Leogrande, recalling the most important anthropologist of southern Italy, Ernesto Demartino: In a complex society, old elements and new elements continue to coexist, traits of modernity and traits of archaisms, pre-Christian segments and post-Christian segments, or entirely de-Christianised ones. It seems to me that the [Italian] South of these years, precisely in the light of a Demartino's analysis, fully returns the overlapping of these various layers. (Leogrande, 2016) I wish you a pleasant journey throughout my pages, at the discovery of neo-rural dynamics in southern Italy, a special place for meeting contradictions, traces of ancient and futuristic art, holy and desacralized behaviours, traditional and innovative practices.

Authors' IntroductionSimilar to race, class, and gender, the body is an important signifier that shapes identity, social processes, and life outcomes. In our article, we examine the individual and institutional rewards conferred upon physically attractive individuals and the social stigma and discrimination experienced by the less physically attractive. This body hierarchy is tied in part to the performance of beauty work, including attempts to transform and/or manipulate one's hair, make‐up, and body shape or size. We explore these beauty work practices, highlight the gendered nature of this body hierarchy, and situate these practices in debates about agency and cultural structure. Are beauty conformists 'cultural dopes' who buy into an oppressive patriarchal beauty culture that creates docile bodies? Or, are these individuals 'savvy cultural negotiators' who participate in beauty work practices to reap material and psychological rewards?Authors recommendsBordo, Susan. 2003. Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture & the Body. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.A series of essays that examine Western body culture, including media images, weight loss practices, reproduction, psychology, medicine, and eating disorders. In her analysis, Bordo adopts a postmodern feminist interpretation, problematizing the female body as a cultural construct.Davis, Kathy. 1991. 'Remaking the She‐Devil: A Critical Look at Feminist Approaches to Beauty'. Hypatia, 6, 21–43.Drawing on interviews with Dutch cosmetic surgery patients, Davis examines how women account for their decisions to participate in cosmetic surgery and how they view it in light of surgery outcomes. She argues that women actively pursue cosmetic surgery for instrumental reasons including regaining control of their lives, feeling normal, and/or righting the wrong of an ongoing suffering.Dellinger, Kirsten and Christine L. Williams. 1997. 'Makeup at Work: Negotiating Appearance Rules in the Workplace'. Gender & Society, 11, 151–77.Dellinger and Williams analyze in‐depth interviews to understand the reasons why women do – or do not – wear makeup in the workplace. Women are negatively sanctioned when they do not wear makeup (e.g. they are questioned about their health or heterosexuality) and are positively rewarded when they do wear makeup (e.g. they are seen as more credible, feel more confident, etc.). The authors argue that such practices ultimately reinforce inequality between women and men, but that individual resistance strategies are unlikely to be successful given the institutional and structural constraints faced by women.Gagné, Patricia and Deanna McGaughey. 2002. 'Designing Women: Cultural Hegemony and the Exercise of Power Among Women Who have Undergone Elective Mammoplasty'. Gender & Society, 16, 814–438.The authors address two feminist perspectives on cosmetic surgery using interviews with women who have undergone elective mammoplasty. One perspective suggests that women who elect cosmetic surgery are victims of false consciousness whose bodies are disciplined by a male gaze. A second perspective centralizes women's agency; surgery enables women to achieve greater power and control over their lives. They propose a grounded theoretical synthesis, maintaining that surgery can be empowering at an individual level, but can also reinforce hegemonic ideals that oppress women as a group.Gimlin, Debra L. 2002. Body Work: Beauty and Self‐Image in American Culture. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Gimlin examines four sites of body work – the beauty salon, aerobics classes, a plastic surgery clinic, and a fat acceptance organization. Relying on ethnographic and interview data, she discusses women's body transformation efforts and how they negotiate the relationship between body and self.Lovejoy, Meg. 2001. 'Disturbances in the Social Body: Differences in Body Image and Eating Problems among African American and White Women'. Gender & Society, 15, 239–61.Lovejoy reviews several perspectives on racial/ethnic differences in body image and eating disorders including: (1) a psychometric perspective that focuses on attitudinal and perceptual body image; (2) white feminist perspectives that focus on social control and changing gender roles; and (3) black feminist perspectives that claim obesity is a problem for black women, see eating as a mechanism to cope with oppression, and acknowledge black women's susceptibility to eating disorders. According to Lovejoy, black women's positive body satisfaction can be explained through an alternative beauty aesthetic and the cultural construction of femininity in black communities.Pope, Harrison G., Jr., Katharine A. Phillips and Roberto Olivardia. 2000. The Adonis Complex: The Secret Crisis of Male Body Obsession. New York: The Free Press.In contrast to the many works that focus on women, these authors discuss appearance stereotypes and appearance work related to men and masculinity. While more journalistic than academic in tone (and quality of research design), the authors draw on surveys, interviews, and archival documents to argue that women's entrance into previously masculine arenas (e.g. male‐dominated occupations) has led to a sort of 'threatened masculinity.' As a result, men use their bodies to demonstrate masculinity (e.g. increased musculature) – often through unhealthy behaviors and practices, including steroid use and eating disorders.Weitz, Rose. 2001. 'Women and Their Hair: Seeking Power through Resistance and Accommodation'. Gender & Society, 15, 667–86.Based on in‐depth interviews with women, Weitz shows how women use their hair (style, length, color, etc.) to conform to, resist, and negotiate hegemonic beauty norms, thereby gaining – or losing – personal and professional power and other advantages. Weitz's article is particularly useful for illuminating how personal advantages can belie group advantages as well as the limitations of the agency versus docile bodies argument.West, Candace and Don H. Zimmerman. 1987. 'Doing Gender'. Gender & Society, 1, 125–51.This article introduces the idea of gender as an accomplishment or a performance. Femininity and masculinity, the authors argue, do not automatically follow from biological sex. Rather, males and females perform gender in their daily routines and interactions with others. We 'do gender,' for example, through our appearance, behaviors, speech patterns, etc.Wolf, Naomi. 1991. The Beauty Myth: How Images of Beauty are Used Against Women. New York: Harper Collins.This book explores the relationship between unattainable beauty ideals and women's social advancement. Examining issues including work, culture, religion, sex, and hunger, Wolf argues that despite increased advancement in the public sphere, women's self‐esteem and equality are stymied by the beauty myth and an obsession with body perfection.Online materialsAbout Face! http://www.about‐face.org/ About Face is an organization whose mission is to equip women and girls with tools to understand and resist harmful media messages that affect their self‐esteem and body image. Website contains images of positive and negative advertisements (along with discussion questions and company contact information), further reading suggestions, and links to other organizations dealing with either body image or media literacy.Adios Barbie http://www.adiosbarbie.com/ A website devoted to creating awareness about disempowering cultural messages about bodies, encouraging positive body image, and taking an active role in creating unique versions of beauty and identity.Jean Kilbourne http://www.jeankilbourne.com/lectures.html Jean Kilbourne is an author and lecturer whose works focuses extensively on the depiction of women in advertising. Her website includes recourses for change and postings from organizations with opportunities for individuals to get involved in activities/events that challenge destructive media images. The 'Film & Video' link also includes films on advertising and western beauty culture.Lauren Greenfield http://www.laurengreenfield.com/ Lauren Greenfield is a photographer whose images capture, among other things, the toll of beauty stereotypes and beauty work on women of all ages. Particularly relevant are Greenfield's collections titled Girl Culture and Thin. The website includes photographic images, short films, links to Greenfield's books and films, and further resources, including readings for teens, activists, and educators (including an extensive discussion/exercise guide for Girl Culture).Love Your Body Day Campaign (National Organization of Women) http://loveyourbody.nowfoundation.org/ Website for NOW's annual body‐image campaign that began in 1998. Includes activism resources (primarily for college campuses), including a Powerpoint presentation with images and text about how commercial images (with a focus on advertising) affect both women and men ('Sex, Stereotypes and Beauty: The ABCs and Ds of Commercial Images of Women'). Newsweek, Lifetime Spending on Beauty http://www.newsweek.com/id/187758 Interactive graphic, 'The Beauty Breakdown', shows the average cost that women in various age groups spend on beauty products and services. Graphic also includes links on the right‐side menu to other Newsweek articles and photo essays related to beauty work.Sample SyllabusWe encourage use of this article in various Sociology, Gender and Women's Studies, and Cultural Studies courses including Introduction to Sociology, Sociology of Gender, and the Sociology of Body.Focus Questions

In what ways does your level of physical attractiveness affect how others treat you? How does your race and gender shape your response? Consider various contexts including school, work, gym, church, etc., and how social context might affect social treatment.
What are some individual and institutional rewards conferred upon physically attractive individuals? How are physically unattractive individuals stigmatized and treated differently? Why do you think individuals make assumptions and treat people differently based on physical attractiveness?
What are some common forms of beauty work practices? Do you engage in any of these practices? Why? Why do you think others engage in these practices? How do practices and consequences differ by gender? By race? By sexual orientation?
How is beauty work a gendered double standard? That is, how do beauty work 'obligations' differ for women and men? Also, what are some contradictions women face when they perform beauty work? In other words, what are some of the costs to performing – as well as not performing – beauty work?
What, if any, forms of resistance are an effective means of social change? Do 'alternative' appearances, i.e., body piercings, scarring, or tattoos, or advertising campaigns such as the Dove Real Body campaign constitute resistance to beauty ideals that promote social change? How might different strands of feminist thought envision social change?

Seminar/Project IdeasReading Assignment: Beauty AssumptionsSelect photos of both conventionally attractive and unattractive men and women from various racial and ethnic backgrounds. Select these photos in pairs, varying preferably all but the level of physical beauty, e.g. attractive white woman versus unattractive white woman, attractive black man versus unattractive black man. If possible, use 'before and after' makeover photos. Before students read the assigned article, ask them to rate the person depicted in each photo on various personality characteristics. Use semantic differential scales and pairs such as happy‐sad, beautiful‐ugly, intelligent‐unintelligent, healthy‐unhealthy, honest‐dishonest, friendly‐unfriendly, etc. After students have read the article, revisit their responses. Are there any patterns of assumed characteristics based on level of physical attractiveness? How does race and/or gender affect responses? Use this exercise to transition into a discussion of the article.Journal Assignment: Media and Our Beauty CultureAsk students to examine critically and document observations about the beauty culture that surrounds them. In a week, students should pay special attention to what they see on television. In terms of physical attractiveness, who is depicted on television? Moreover, how do depictions vary by physical attractiveness? What roles do physically attractive individuals play? How are they depicted? Conversely, what roles and portrayals are associated with less physically attractive individuals? Would they see similar depictions in other media such as film, magazines, and the internet? In their write‐up, students should also discuss the social meanings and significance of these television depictions. For example, do they think these portrayals affect their views of beauty, their assumptions about others, and how they treat others?

[ES] Cuando se termina de elaborar y, por lo tanto, se redacta el prólogo de la memoria institucional, han transcurrido ya unos meses del año siguiente, lo que quizá funciona como distancia hiperfocal y, por lo tanto, permite tener un mínimo de perspectiva "histórica". Es una aparente paradoja que esta perspectiva vaya ganando con el tiempo pero, como ya dejó dicho Borges, "antes las distancias eran mayores porque el espacio se mide por el tiempo". Quiero decir que aunque dentro de unos años, o de unos lustros, se pueda valorar con mayor objetividad lo que ha signifi cado el año 2006 en la historia del CSIC, a estas alturas en que redacto este prólogo, no puedo dejar de constatar que se trata de otro eslabón de la secuencia temporal más exitosa en la vida del Consejo: cada uno de estos años que estamos viviendo, supera al anterior en casi todos los indicadores disponibles, de forma que al final de la legislatura se habrán duplicado los activos del organismo. "El gobierno se compromete a duplicar el presupuesto de investigación. ¿Cuántas veces no habrán oído los investigadores este tipo de promesas para quedar después decepcionados? Todo el mérito, pues, para los políticos españoles que lo han cumplido". El párrafo anterior es el comienzo de un reciente artículo de Nature que, como es sabido, nunca ha sido una revista especialmente condescendiente. Estamos pudiendo asistir así, confi eso que con una mezcla de entusiasmo e incredulidad, al cumplimiento de una promesa electoral que puede dejar al CSIC nada más y nada menos que a la altura del siglo XXI. El equipo directivo del Consejo, que en 2006 se vio modificado por la sustitución del profesor ; Víctor Orera en la vicepresidencia por el profesor Rafael Rodrigo, puede decir aquello de Hernando de Acuña de que este es un fenómeno "por suerte a nuestros tiempos reservada". Y ya que hablamos de renovación de equipos, no puedo dejar de recordar que en 2006 se renovó también la cúpula ministerial, con la incorporación de la profesora Mercedes Cabrera como ministra, del profesor Miguel Ángel Quintanilla como secretario de Estado y del profesor Francisco Marcellán como secretario general. Sobre los incrementos que se dieron en el año de referencia, tanto en insumos como en resultados, existe información en los correspondientes apartados de esta memoria, de forma que me voy a centrar, más bien, en otros asuntos no tan fácilmente cuantifi cables pero, en mi opinión, igualmente significativos. Ello no obsta para que recordemos, aunque sea de forma muy somera, que a pesar de la reducción de ingresos procedentes de los fondos estructurales europeos, el presupuesto global subió en casi noventa millones de euros, debido al incremento de la subvención del Estado y de los recursos propios, o que el número de becas y contratos de doctores siguió creciendo a un ritmo impensable hace muy pocos años haciendo que se haya mas que duplicado en estos años. También quiero dejar constancia, de nuevo sin entrar en detalles, de una innovación en la gobernanza del Consejo: la puesta en marcha de un complemento salarial de "productividad por cumplimiento de objetivos" (PCO), que supone un avance hacia una mayor racionalidad en la estructura retributiva del personal, hacia la presencia de una parte variable en la remuneración de nuestros investigadores, que si bien es aun pequeña porcentualmente debería aumentar en el futuro. Titulé un artículo publicado en 2006 en un diario madrileño, recurriendo a una cita bien conocida del filósofo George Berkeley, esse est percipi porque creo que, efectivamente, la percepción es crucial, especialmente en estos tiempos tan visuales. Digo esto, porque me he propuesto renovar no sólo las estructuras del CSIC, sino también su imagen externa y, para ello, entre otras medidas, hemos empezado a instalar motivos escultóricos en el campus de la sede central de la calle Serrano de Madrid. ; Comenzamos en 2006, con la escultura matemática de Keizo Ushio y hemos seguido en 2007 con otras varias que reseñaremos en su día. El patrimonio artístico de la institución ha sido tradicionalmente muy pobre y pienso que debemos llegar a nuestros descendientes, no sólo bienes intangibles, sino también bienes físicos inventariables. En este orden de cosas, destacaría del año que cubre esta memoria, la botadura del buque Sarmiento de Gamboa que, sin duda, viene a enriquecer de manera muy notable el patrimonio institucional. En el año que cubre esta memoria, se conmemoraron el centenario de la concesión del premio Nobel a Ramón y Cajal y el vigésimo aniversario de la promulgación de la "Ley de la ciencia", hechos ambos muy celebrados por lo significativos que resultan para esta institución, ocupada en la puesta en marcha de su plan de actuación 2006-2009 que, por primera vez en nuestra ya centenaria historia, había sido sometido a estrictas evaluaciones externas. Si hubiera que reseñar un hecho que ha abierto unas extraordinarias expectativas en línea con un balance en general muy brillante, diría que la aprobación de la ley que permite trasformar al CSIC en la Agencia CSIC, que nos permitirá mayor agilidad en las tramitaciones de los cambios normativos a la vez que una mayor autonomía y transparencia, y cuya trasformación definitiva esta pendiente del Real Decreto correspondiente. Por lo demás, el Consejo siguió desarrollando sus habituales actividades, que también obtuvieron una cobertura por parte de los medios informativos superior a la de años anteriores. ; [EN] By the time the preparation and drafting of the prologue to the institution's annual report is complete we are already several months into the following year, which perhaps allows us to view the year at something of distance, with a degree of "historical" perspective. Paradoxically, however, although this perspective improves with time, it is nevertheless the case, in Borges' words, that "distances used to be greater, because space is measured in time." What I mean is that, although a few years or decades from now we may be able to assess what 2006 meant for the history of the CSIC more objectively, at the time of writing this prologue, I cannot but see it as another link in the chain of the most successful period in the CSIC's life, a period in which every year surpasses the one before it in terms of almost all the available indicators, such that at the end of this legislature the organisation's assets will have doubled. "New government pledges to double research budget. How often have scientists heard this type of promise and been disappointed? All the more credit, then, to Spain's politicians, who have delivered on it." These were the opening words of a recent article in Nature which, as is well known, has never been a particularly indulgent journal. We are therefore witnessing –and I confess that it is with a mixture of enthusiasm and incredulity– the fulfi lment of an electoral promise which has the potential to place the CSIC in a situation where it is able to face the challenges of the 21st century. The executive team, the composition of which changed last year when Professor Víctor Orera ; was replaced by Rafael Rodrigo as vice-president, can say, in the words of Hernando de Acuña, that this is something that "good fortune has saved for our times." And, on the subject of changes to teams, I feel I should also mention that 2006 also saw changes at ministerial level, with the incorporation of Professor Mercedes Cabrera as minister, Miguel Ángel Quintanilla as state secretary, and professor Francisco Marcellán as general secretary. In 2006 the CSIC underwent growth in terms of expenditures and outputs, but as there is information in the relevant sections of this report I shall concentrate instead on other matters which, although not so readily quantifi able, are –in my opinion– no less signifi cant. Nevertheless, we should recall, albeit in passing, that despite the fall in income from the EU structural funds, the CSIC's budget grew overall by almost ninety million euros due to an increase in the subsidy from national government and the organisation's own resources. Also, the number of grants or doctoral contracts continued to grow at a rate that was unimaginable a few years ago, more than doubling in recent years. I would also like to note –again without going into further details here– an innovation in the CSIC's governance, namely the implementation of a salary complement for productivity based on meeting targets. This represents progress towards a more rational staff compensation structure, with the inclusion of a variable component in the compensation paid to our researchers, which although small at the moment in percentage terms, should increase in the future. Drawing upon the famous philosopher George Berkeley, in 2006 I gave an article I published in a Madrid newspaper the title esse est percipi, because perception is crucial, particularly in these highly visual times. I mention this because I have set out not just to renew the CSIC's structures but also its public image, and to this end, among other measures, we have started to set up sculptures on the central campus located in Calle Serrano, Madrid. ; We began in 2006 with a mathematical sculpture by Keizo Ushio and we have continued in 2007 with several others about which we will give more details in due course. The institution's artistic heritage has traditionally been quite weak and I think that we should leave our descendents not just intangible assets but tangible physical ones too. In this vein, the launch of the Sarmiento de Gamboa which, without doubt, has greatly enriched the institution's assets, was another high point of the year covered by this report. 2006 was the centenary of the awarding of the Nobel Prize to Ramón y Cajal, and the twentieth anniversary of the promulgation of the "Law on Science". The CSIC celebrated both events for their importance for the institution. At the time the CSIC was also occupied with embarking upon its 2006-2009 action plan which, for the fi rst time in the CSIC's hundred years of history, involved its undergoing strict external evaluations. If it were necessary to single out a fact that has opened up particularly strong expectations, in line with what has been a generally excellent year, I would point to the approval of the law enabling the CSIC to be turned into a government agency. This will allow us greater fl exibility in handling regulatory changes and greater independence and transparency, defi nitive transformation is pending the corresponding Royal Decree. In addition to the above, the CSIC continued to conduct its usual activities, which, moreover, received wider media coverage than in previous years. ; Peer reviewed

The thesis is focused on solving an important theoretical and applied problem of substantiating theoretical and methodological grounds for the international economic policy through identifying the patterns and novel forms of protectionism, and substantiating the integral scientific concept of neo-protectionism. The objective of the thesis is to develop theoretical and methodological grounds of protectionism, and to create, on this basis, an integral scientific concept of neo-protectionism in the international economic policy in the context of liberalizing global economic relations, to formulate an integrative conceptual approach to the application of neoprotectionism in the economic development policy of Ukraine.The interdisciplinary multi-criteria approach to defining protectionism from the perspective of ideology, idea, policy and practice is proposed, which allowed for investigating the transformation of its manifestation forms in the process of evolutionary development of the international economic relations. The international economic policy was studied as an unbroken continuum of the economic and political practice of the states by methodological tools of the international political economy. It is found that from the international political economy perspective a choice between protectionism and free trade as the principles for implementation of the economic policy of the state is conditional on the pattern of global economic processes with their immanent contradictions, the specifics of regionalization and integration processes, and the global economy tendencies. The choice between the government's commitment to the policy of minimizing costs and maximizing benefits, and the character of its participation in the international economic cooperation is determined by the pattern of international trade and international movement of production factors, on the one hand, and determine it, on the other hand. It is demonstrated that the choice of protectionist policy, as follows from the international political economy discourse, is conditional on: operation of public and non-public economic entities; effects from the implementation of national economic policies; the coordinating equilibrium between national, regional, interstate and global level of decision making; the existing mechanisms for global control of international economic interests.Interpretation of the international economic policy by the methodological tools of the international political economy allowed to identify the endogenous character of the external economic policy (recognizing thereby the protectionism as a policy that can be potentially demanded by the public (represented by voters), business people (represented by lobbying groups), government (which implements economic interests of the nation), and to reveal the variety of entities involved in the international economic relations, which have exogenous impact on the policy implemented by national governments (by signing trade agreements), limiting thereby the conditions for the protectionist policy implementation.Theoretical modeling of protectionist intentions in the international economic cooperation on the basis of the interdisciplinary economic-political approach laid grounds for rethinking the conclusions made by the classical and neo-classical theories of trade and the theory of correlation of production factors about the unconditional impact of the free trade principle on the population's welfare as a derivative from the function of consumption. The analysis of two groups of protectionism theories – the ones based on studies of the structure of protectionism within the countries, and the ones investigating the level of protectionism between countries in time – demonstrated that the voters' welfare or the so called "win of the majority" are the determinants of protectionist initiatives. The factors underlying the voters' demand for protectionism are highlighted: welfare measured by economic as well as social and ecological effects; social solidarity; social protection; commitment to social values; commitment to national identity; adherence to ideological principles of the policy of economic nationalism; mitigation of effects from the information asymmetry of rational voters. The pressure by lobbying groups on the choice of the principle underlying government's implementation of the external trade policy is explained by: phase of business cycle; hysteresis effects in the economy; the level of competitiveness in export-oriented sectors; the extent of import dependence in the economy; distributive and allocation effects of the economic activities.The author's concept of neo-protectionism in the international economic policy is substantiated, which is defined as a complex hierarchical set of principles, rules and instruments of protective, stimulating, discriminative and restrictive nature, implemented at mega-, meta-, macro- and mesolevel of the international economic policy. A multilevel typology of neo-protectionism is proposed, based on specific features: the level of international economic policy, generating entities, manifestation environment, instruments for the international economic policy with indirect impact. It was used to identify its essential characteristics in all the forms of manifestation of the international economic relations; to define the functions of neo-protectionism by its type (ideological, institutional, integrative, conjuncture-formative, factor-based, infrastructural, monetary, currency-based, financial, debt-based, fiscal) and sub-types (ecological, migrational, sectoral, based on primary commodities, resource-based, energy-based, technological, innovative, informational, digital, investment-based). This allowed to identify the purpose for applications of neo-protectionism at mega-, meta-, macro- and mesolevel of the international economic policy, and to visualize the degree of its functional and structural complexity and dimensionality as a phenomenon and a process, which realization varies depending on the entities applying it, the objects for which it is applying, its coverage and objectives.A theoretical and methodological approach for macro- and meta-level assessment of the international economic policy based on neo-protectionist instruments is developed. Its application enabled for outlining and describing the policy of economic nationalism (which motivation basis is formed by domination, expansion, domestic extended reproduction by creating new comparative advantages), and the policy of economic patriotism (which motivation basis is formed by rehabilitation of economic growth, curbing of the expansionary potentials of partner countries, creating new comparative advantages and achieving sustainable development), with distinguishing its sub-types: supranational, local, liberal, and conservative. The distinctive features of neo-mercantilist policy are defined, and the ways of its implementation are revealed. It is shown that the neo-mercantilist policy generates anti-competitive market distortions affecting not only foreign producers, but domestic ones as well, considering the scales of the latter involvement in global value added chains, and causes market imbalances resulting from the unfair competition. Theoretical and methodological grounds for studies of the international economic policy are improved, which is based on the principles of stability, hierarchy, adaptability, complementarity, subsidiarity, and balance, by including legitimation as a novel principle of the international economic policy implementation, which involves a combination of regulatory, de-regulatory and re-regulatory mechanisms of impact on the international economic relations, and results in the implementation of the institutional norms and rules that directly or indirectly ignore/deny/distort the agreements that exist at international/regional level, lead to anti-competitive market distortions, trade and investment imbalances, and open up opportunities for gaining new comparative advantages. Self-legitimation is defined as an attributive characteristic of the entities involved in the international economic policy at mega-, meta- and macrolevel, which enables for implementation of the neoprotectionist policy.The thesis substantiates multiple combinations in implementation of neoprotectionism through multidirectional manifestations of deregulation-regulation, integration-disintegration, coordination-de-coordination, expansion-fragmentation, balancing-unbalancing, stimulation-restriction, protection-discrimination, and the reasonability of neo-protectionist measures in the economic development policy of Ukraine.The structural components of the global economy as an environment for neoprotectionist manifestations are revealed: production and investment activities, research and development, international monetary relations. The functions of neoprotectionism within the international economic system are revealed: allocative (sectoral neo-protectionism; infrastructural neo-protectionism; factor-based neoprotectionism; integrative neo-protectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neo-protectionism); distributive (institutional neo-protectionism; fiscal neoprotectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neo-protectionism); stabilizing (monetary neo-protectionism; currency-based neo-protectionism; debtbased neo-protectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neoprotectionism). The instruments for the international economic policy with indirect impact, enabling for the implementation of neo-protectionism, are outlined as follows: fiscal, monetary and currency policies.Modeling of clustering processes in the Ukrainian economy by use of Boston matrix and Leontiev model enabled to identify four productive clusters: innovation (manufacturing of computers, electronic and optical devices; telecommunications; computer software design, consulting and information services; professional, R&D activities; information and telecommunications; printing and publishing activities; production of movies and video-films); auxiliary (supply of electricity, gas, steam and conditioned air; wholesale and retail trade; repair of automobiles and motorcycles; hotels and restaurants; financial and insurance activities); traditional (agriculture, forestry and fishing; mining and quarrying; manufacturing industries; construction; transport; storage; postal and courier services; production chemical substances and chemical products; car making and mechanical engineering; light industry), and to define the industries driving the economic growth, generating net income and having direct impact on the rates of GDP growth.A methodological approach to the assessment of the effectiveness of tax preferences and other preferences provided for residents of industrial parks is proposed, which, contrary to the existing approaches, uses applied models of the overall equilibrium for identifying the industries that have to be priority recipients of government assistance through the network of industrial parks, in the context of the intensified and leading development of the country by key macroeconomic indicators, and for quantitative optimization of the preferences considering the stable revenues of the public budget, which enabled to substantiate the nomenclature of efficient stimuli for residents of industrial parks, to achieve the objectives: to make the national industry move up in the value added chains and create a closed-loop innovation cycle in Ukraine.The system of tax and other preferences for residents of industrial parks, intended to recover and further the innovation-driven development of the production and export capacities of the Ukrainian economy, is assessed, which enabled to adapt international experiences of using the mechanism of free economic zones to the domestic practice, to create a favorable investment environment for high tech productions in the national economy for the period required by them to form competitive advantages. ; У дисертації розроблено цілісну наукову концепцію неопротекціонізму у міжнародній економічній політиці в умовах лібералізації світогосподарських зв'язків і на цій основі сформульовано інтегративний концептуальний підхід застосування неопротекціонізму в політиці економічного розвитку України.В роботі запропоновано міждисциплінарний багатокатегоріальний підхід до визначення протекціонізму з позицій ідеології, ідеї, політики і практики, що дозволило дослідити трансформацію форм його прояву в процесі еволюційного розвитку міжнародних економічних відносин. Міжнародна економічна політика досліджувалась в нерозривній єдності економічної й політичної практики держав методологічним інструментарієм міжнародної політичної економії. Встановлено, що з позиції міжнародної політичної економії, на вибір між протекціонізмом чи вільною торгівлею як принципами реалізації економічної політики держави впливають стан світогосподарських процесів з іманентними їм суперечностями, особливості протікання процесів регіоналізації та інтеграції і тенденції розвитку світової економіки. Вибір між сповідуванням державою політики мінімізації втрат чи максимізації вигод, а також характер її участі в міжнародному економічному співробітництві, з одного боку, детермінується станом міжнародної торгівлі і міжнародного переміщення факторів виробництва, а, з іншого боку, визначає його. Виявлено, що на вибір протекціоністської політики, згідно теоретичного дискурсу міжнародної політичної економії, впливають: діяльність державних і недержавних суб'єктів господарювання; ефекти від реалізації національних економічних політик; стан координаційної рівноваги між національним, регіональним, міждержавним і глобальним рівнями прийняття рішень; формування механізмів глобального управління міжнародними економічними процесами.Інтерпретація міжнародної економічної політики методологічним інструментарієм міжнародної політичної економії дозволила виявити ендогенний характер зовнішньоекономічної політики (тим самим визнаючи протекціонізм як політику, на яку потенційно може формувати запит суспільство (в особі виборців), підприємці (в особі лобістських груп), уряд (що реалізує економічні інтереси держави)) й водночас ідентифікувати різноманіття суб'єктів міжнародних економічних відносин, що чинять екзогенний вплив на реалізацію політики національних держав (шляхом підписання торговельних угод), тим самим обмежуючи умови для реалізації протекціоністської політики.Теоретичне моделювання протекціоністських інтенцій в міжнародному економічному співробітництві на основі міждисциплінарного економікополітичного підходу дало підстави до переосмислення висновків класичної, неокласичної теорій торгівлі і теорії співвідношення факторів виробництва про беззастережний вплив принципу вільної торгівлі на «добробут» населення як похідну від функції споживання. Аналіз двох груп теорій протекціонізму – як тих, що базуються на дослідженні структури протекціонізму в межах країн, так і тих, що досліджують рівень протекціонізму між країнами в часі – дозволив встановити, що добробут виборців або т.зв. виграш більшості лежить в основі ініціювання вжиття протекціоністських заходів. Встановлено, що з боку населення затребуваність на протекціонізм може бути продиктована запитом на: добробут, що вимірюється, окрім економічних, ще й соціальними і екологічними ефектами; соціальну солідарність; соціальне забезпечення; відстоювання соціальних цінностей; відстоювання національної ідентичності; сповідування ідеологічних принципів політики економічного націоналізму; нівелювання ефектів інформаційної асиметрії раціональних виборців. З боку лобістських груп тиск на вибір принципу реалізації зовнішньоторговельної політики урядом пояснюється: стадією бізнес-циклу; ефектами гістерезису в економіці; рівнем конкурентоспроможності експортоорієнтованих секторів; ступенем імпортозалежності економіки; дистрибутивними й алокаційними ефектами економічної діяльності.В дисертації обґрунтовано авторську концепцію неопротекціонізму в міжнародній економічній політиці, під яким розуміється складноієрархічна сукупність принципів, правил та інструментів захисного, стимулюючого, дискримінаційного та рестрикційного характеру, що реалізується на мега-, мета-, макро- і мезорівнях міжнародної економічної політики. В дослідженні запропоновано багаторівневу типологізацію неопротекціонізму за конкретними ознаками, до яких віднесено: рівень міжнародної економічної політики, суб'єкти генерування, середовище прояву, інструменти міжнародної економічної політики непрямого впливу, що дало змогу виявити його сутнісні характеристики у всіх формах прояву міжнародних економічних відносин; встановити функції, що виконує неопротекціонізм залежно від його типів (ідеологічний, інституційний, інтеграційний, кон'юнктуро-формуючий/ галузевий, факторний, інфраструктурний, монетарний, валютний, фінансовий, борговий, фіскальний) та підтипів (екологічний, міграційний, сировинний, ресурсний, енергетичний, технологічний, інноваційний, інформаційний, цифровий, інвестиційний). Це дозволило ідентифікувати мету застосування неопротекціонізму на мега-, мета-, макро- і мезорівні міжнародної економічної політики, та візуалізувати ступінь його функціонально-структурної складності та розмірності як явища та процесу, реалізація якого видозмінюється залежно від суб'єктів, які його застосовують, об'єктів, на які розповсюджується його дія, простору застосування, цілей здійснення.В роботі розроблено науково-методичний підхід оцінювання міжнародної економічної політики на макро- і мета- рівнях, зумовленої використанням інструментарію неопротекціонізму, застосування якого дозволило виокремити і охарактеризувати політику економічного націоналізму (мотиваційною основою якого виступають домінування, експансія, забезпечення національного розширеного відтворення шляхом створення нових порівняльних переваг) і політику економічного патріотизму (мотиваційною основою якого виступають відновлення економічного зростання, стримування експансійного потенціалу країн-партнерів, створення нових порівняльних переваг й досягнення сталого розвитку) з виокремленням таких його підтипів, як наднаціональний, локальний, ліберальний, консервативний. Визначено характерні риси політики неомеркантилізму і встановлено способи, в які вона може реалізовуватись. Встановлено, що політика неомеркантилізму продукує антиконкурентні ринкові викривлення, які зачіпають не лише іноземних виробників, але й національних, беручи до уваги ступінь залучення останніх до глобальних ланцюгів створення доданої вартості, і призводить до ринкових дисбалансів внаслідок несправедливої конкуренції.Удосконалено теоретико-методологічні засади дослідження міжнародної економічної політики, що визначається принципами стійкості, ієрархічності, адаптивності, комплементарності, субсидіарності та збалансованості, шляхом включення легітимації як новітнього принципу здійснення міжнародної економічної політики, що передбачає комбінування регуляторних, дерегуляторних та ререгуляторних механізмів впливу на міжнародні економічні відносини, результується в імплементації таких інституційних норм і правил, які прямо чи опосередковано нехтують/спростовують/викривлюють домовленості, що існують на міжнародному/регіональному рівні, призводять до антиконкурентних ринкових деформацій, торговельних й інвестиційних дисбалансів та уможливлюють отримання нових порівняльних переваг. Самолегітимація визначена як атрибутивна характеристика суб'єктів міжнародної економічної політики на мега-, мета- і макрорівнях, що уможливлює реалізацію політики неопротекціонізму.В дисертаційному дослідженні обґрунтовано множинні комбінації реалізації неопротекціонізму через різноспрямовані прояви дерегуляціїрегуляції, інтеграції-дезінтеграції, координації-декоординації, розширенняфрагментації, врівноваження-розбалансування, стимулювання-обмеження, захисту-дискримінації та доцільність застосування неопротекціонізму в політиці економічного розвитку України.Встановлено, що структурними елементами світового господарства як середовища прояву неопротекціонізму виступають: виробничо-інвестиційна сфера діяльності, науково-технічна сфера, сфера міжнародної торгівлі, міжнародні валютно-фінансові та кредитні відносини. Виявлено, що неопротекціонізм в межах міжнародної економічної системи виконує наступні функції: регуляторну (ідеологіний неопротекціонізм; інтеграційний неопротекціонізм; факторний неопротекціонізм; монетарний неопротекціонізм; валютний неопротекціонізм; борговий неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); алокаційну (кон'юнктурноформуючий/галузевий неопротекціонізм; інфраструктурний неопротекціонізм; факторний неопротекціонізм; інтеграційний неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); дистрибутивну (інституційний неопротекціонізм; фіскальний неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); стабілізаційну (монетарний неопротекціонізм; валютний неопротекціонізм; борговий неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм).Моделювання процесів кластерізації української економіки із використанням бостонської матриці та моделі Леонтьєва дозволило виділити чотири продуктивні кластери: інноваційний (виробництво комп'ютерів, електронної та оптичної продукції; телекомунікації (електрозв'язок); комп'ютерне програмування, консультування та надання інформаційних послуг; професійна, наукова та технічна діяльність; інформація та телекомунікації; видавнича діяльність; виробництво кіно- та відеофільмів; допоміжний (постачання електроенергії, газу, пари та кондиційованого повітря; оптова та роздрібна торгівля; ремонт автотранспортних засобів і мотоциклів; тимчасове розміщування й організація харчування; фінансова та страхова діяльність), традиційний (сільське, лісове та рибне господарство; добувна промисловість і розроблення кар'єрів; переробна промисловість; будівництво; транспорт, складське господарство, поштова та кур'єрська діяльність; виробництво хімічних речовин і хімічної продукції), стратегічний (транспорт, складське господарство, поштова та кур'єрська діяльність; виробництво хімічних речовин і хімічної продукції; автомобіле- та машинобудування; легка промисловість) та визначити галузі-драйвери економічного зростання, в яких можливе отримання високого чистого валового доходу та які безпосередньо впливають на темпи зростання ВВП.Запропоновано методологічний підхід до оцінювання ефективності надання податкових пільг й інших преференцій резидентам індустріальних парків, який, на відміну від існуючих підходів, передбачає використання прикладних моделей загальної рівноваги для ідентифікації пріоритетних галузей-реципієнтів державної допомоги через мережу індустріальних парків у контексті активізації випереджаючого розвитку країни за ключовими макроекономічними показниками, а також визначення оптимального обсягу відповідних преференцій з міркувань сталих надходжень державного бюджету, що дозволило обґрунтувати перелік перспективних стимулів резидентам індустріальних парків для досягнення цілей висхідного руху вітчизняної промисловості ланцюгами доданої вартості й створення замкнутого циклу інновацій в Україні.В роботі проведено оцінку використання системи податкових й інших преференцій для резидентів індустріальних парків з метою відновлення та забезпечення подальшого інноваційного розвитку виробничо-експортного потенціалу України, що дало змогу адаптувати міжнародний досвід використання механізму вільних економічних зон до вітчизняної практики задля створення сприятливого інвестиційного середовища для нових високотехнологічних виробництв у національній економіці на період формування ними конкурентних переваг.

La Cuarta Conferencia Mundial de la Mujer (la "Conferencia de Beijing") fue un acontecimiento histórico desde el punto de vista de las políticas, pues en ella se estableció un marco mundial de políticas para hacer progresar la igualdad de género. Trascurridos 10 años desde la Conferencia de Beijing, en marzo de 2005, la Comisión de la Condición Jurídica y Social de la Mujer de las Naciones Unidas presidió una reunión intergubernamental que tuvo lugar en Nueva York para examinar los avances alcanzados en el cumplimiento de los compromisos adquiridos en virtud de la Declaración de Beijing y la Plataforma de Acción. Este acontecimiento, conocido como "Beijing +10", tuvo un perfil decididamente bajo. Su meta no era definir una agenda, sino confirmar la agenda existente; no se proponía formular políticas, sino afirmar las existentes. La pregunta que se hacen muchos movimientos femeninos internacionales es si este evento forma parte de un esfuerzo mundial en curso a favor de la igualdad de género o si señala el deterioro de este proceso. En el presente trabajo, que se alimenta de la investigación que se hiciera para el informe de UNRISD titulado Igualdad de género: La lucha por la justicia en un mundo desigual, se reflexiona sobre la historia ambivalente de los avances que han logrado las mujeres en las últimas décadas y se examina la forma en que el entorno de políticas ha cambiado durante todo el tiempo transcurrido desde que se celebrara el evento que ha constituido el punto culminante de los movimientos femeninos mundiales. A partir de una serie de indicadores utilizados comúnmente para medir el "avance de la mujer", el documento sostiene que el historial de logros en materia de igualdad de género es más ambivalente y las influencias causales más diversas y menos unidireccionales de lo que en ocasiones se supone. También se indica que las políticas de desarrollo tienen un importante papel que desempañar para garantizar la obtención de resultados y que la primera fase de las reformas estructurales (que datan desde principios de los años 80) fue en muchos sentidos negativa para la mujer. En los 10 años transcurridos desde la Conferencia de Beijing, se han dado algunos cambios importantes en la política de desarrollo internacional y una valoración cada vez mayor de la necesidad de formular políticas sensibles a la cuestión de género. Para finales de los años 80, el "fundamentalismo de mercado" y la terapia de choque habían perdido buena parte de su atractivo, abriendo así espacio para nuevas ideas y enfoques sobre políticas y prácticas de desarrollo. El creciente descontento con los efectos sociales de las reformas y las críticas que han formulado importantes economistas de las instituciones financieras internacionales (IFI) han generado un cambio de políticas que con frecuencia se denomina el "Consenso post-Washington". Las nuevas políticas han demostrado una disposición a brindar mayor atención a las inquietudes sociales y políticas, lo cual puede constatarse en conceptos como "capital social" y "buen gobierno". La política social y, en especial, la reducción de la pobreza lograron ascender en la escala de prioridades internacionales durante los años 90. No obstante, tras este aparente consenso que se forjase en torno al vocabulario compartido de "pobreza" y "protección social", existen interpretaciones encontradas de la política social en razón de las diferencias en cuanto a los valores, prioridades y visiones de la responsabilidad del Estado. Existen serias preocupaciones sobre si se está brindando o pueden brindarse opciones sostenibles para superar la pobreza en un contexto donde no existen medidas apropiadas de creación de empleos y de regeneración regional. Habida cuenta de que la mayor parte de la responsabilidad por el trabajo doméstico no remunerado recae sobre la mujer y que tiene menos acceso al dinero y a las oportunidades de generación de ingresos, es probable que la redefinición de la responsabilidad del Estado y el papel preponderante conferido a las fuerzas de mercado incidan negativamente sobre el tiempo y el acceso de la mujer a los beneficios sociales. El retiro del fundamentalismo de mercado ha permitido una rehabilitación parcial de la función del Estado como actor protagónico en el desarrollo, y se ha enfatizado el "buen gobierno" a través de la democracia, la participación, la descentralización y la integración de la sociedad. Una interpretación integral de la agenda del "buen gobierno" abarcaría la liberalización política, la participación, los derechos humanos y atender los problemas de desigualdad social como parte del compromiso fundamental con la democracia. Esta agenda comprendería cuestiones como la legitimidad del Estado y problemas de capacidad y rendición de cuentas que los movimientos sociales y los movimientos femeninos han confrontado durante décadas. Si bien las reformas de la gobernanza pueden y deben atender las cuestiones relativas a la legitimidad del gobierno y la participación pública de los grupos socialmente marginados, tales reformas se han visto frecuentemente dominadas por una preocupación más limitada. De allí que, si bien la reciente atención que han prestado los donantes al "buen gobierno" es un acontecimiento positivo, mucho depende de cómo se interprete tal hecho. Una buena parte depende de si, por un lado la democratización de la política y la participación de los grupos sociales marginados se entienden como parte integral de los objetivos de la reforma y se incorporan al cambio institucional y, por otro lado, si la reducción de las desigualdades sociales y de género figura entre los principios fundamentales que orientan el programa de transformación institucional del Estado. Existen algunos aspectos del actual clima político internacional que limitan las posibilidades de que esto se cristalice, a saber, el aumento del poder político de las fuerzas conservadoras en los Estados Unidos y otros países y los sucesos del 11 de septiembre. Aunque el primero de estos hechos ha llevado a la adopción, por parte de Estados Unidos y con el apoyo de las fuerzas religiosas, de políticas conservadoras en cuanto a los derechos reproductivos y sexuales de la mujer, el último ha llevado a que se preste más atención y se asigne más financiamiento a la "seguridad", en detrimento del desarrollo y los derechos humanos. En este trabajo se analizan la forma en que estos cambios en la política y el clima político internacionales en la última década han propulsado el surgimiento de nuevos problemas y desafíos para quienes participan en los movimientos femeninos mundiales. ; The 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women (the "Beijing conference") was a landmark in policy terms, setting a global policy framework to advance gender equality. Ten years after Beijing, in March 2005, the UN's Commission on the Status of Women presided over an intergovernmental meeting in New York to review the progress achieved on the commitments made in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. This "Plus Ten" event was decidedly low key. Its aim was not agenda setting but agenda confirming; not policy formulation, but policy affirmation. Whether it proves to be part of an ongoing worldwide movement in support of gender equality, or whether it marks the decline of that process, is a question that many in international women's movements are asking. This paper, drawing on research undertaken for the UNRISD report, Gender Equality: Striving for Justice in an Unequal World, reflects on the ambivalent record of progress achieved by women over the last decades and considers how the policy environment has changed over the period since the high point of the global women's movements. Drawing on a number of commonly employed indicators of "women's progress", the paper argues that the record of achievement regarding gender equality is more ambivalent, and the causal influences more diverse and less unidirectional than is sometimes assumed. It also argues that development policies have an important role to play in securing outcomes, and that the first phase of the structural reforms (dating from the early 1980s) was in many respects negative for women. In the ten years since the Beijing Conference there have been some significant shifts in international development policy along with a growing appreciation of the need to develop gender aware policies. By the end of the 1980s, "market fundamentalism" and shock therapy had lost much of their appeal, opening up a space for new ideas and approaches in development policy and practice. Growing discontent over the social effects of the reforms, as well as criticism from leading economists in the international financial institutions have brought about a policy shift, which is sometimes referred to as the "post- Washington Consensus". The new policies have shown a willingness to give social and political concerns greater attention, expressed under indicative headings such as "social capital" and "good governance". Social policy and, in particular, poverty relief moved up the scale of international priorities in the 1990s. But behind the apparent consensus forged by a shared vocabulary of "poverty reduction" and "social protection", there are conflicting understandings of social policy based on different values, priorities and understandings of state responsibility. There are serious concerns over whether sustainable routes out of poverty are being provided or can be provided in the absence of appropriate job creation measures and regional regeneration. Given women's greater share of responsibility for unpaid care work and their less advantageous access to cash and income-earning opportunities, the redefinition of state responsibility and the greater role given to market forces are likely to impact adversely on their time and their access to social benefits. The retreat from market fundamentalism has seen a partial rehabilitation of the state as a significant actor in development, and emphasis has been placed on "good governance" through democracy, participation, decentralization and community ownership. A broad understanding of a "good governance" agenda would embrace political liberalization, participation and human rights, and would address problems of social inequality as part of a fundamental commitment to democracy. Such an agenda would encompass the kinds of issues of state legitimacy, capacity and accountability that social movements and women's movements have confronted for decades. Although governance reforms can and should address issues of government legitimacy and the public participation of socially excluded groups, they have often been dominated by a much narrower preoccupation. Hence, while the recent donor attention to the question of "good governance" is to be welcomed, much depends on how it is interpreted. A great deal depends on whether the democratization of politics and the participation of marginalized social groups are seen as integral to reform objectives and are embraced in institutional change; and on whether reducing social and gender inequalities are among the core principles guiding the programme of state institutional transformation. There are aspects of the current international political climate that place limits on this occurring, namely the rise to political power of conservative forces in the United States and elsewhere, and the attacks of 11 September 2001. While the first has seen the adoption by the United States of conservative policies with respect to women's reproductive and sexual rights, supported by religious forces, the latter has focused more attention and funding on "security" at the expense of development and human rights. The Paper examines how this ensemble of changing international policy and political climate over the past decade has given rise to new issues and challenges for those active in global women's movements. ; La Quatrième Conférence mondiale sur les femmes (dite "Conférence de Beijing"), tenue en 1995, a marqué un tournant en définissant dans les grandes lignes les politiques à appliquer dans le monde pour progresser vers l'égalité des sexes. Dix ans après Beijing, en mars 2005, la Commission de la condition de la femme de l'ONU a présidé une reunion intergouvernementale à New York pour examiner dans quelle mesure les engagements pris dans la Déclaration et le Programme d'action de Beijing avaient été honorés. Cette réunion "Plus 10" s'est faite résolument discrète. Son but était non pas d'établir un programme mais de le confirmer, non pas de définir des politiques mais de les réaffirmer. S'inscrit-elle dans une évolution mondiale favorable à l'égalité des sexes ou marque-t-elle le déclin du processus? C'est une question que beaucoup se posent dans les mouvements féminins internationaux. Ce document, qui s'inspire de recherches effectuées pour le rapport de l'UNRISD, Egalité des sexes: En quête de justice dans un monde d'inégalités, revient sur le bilan contrasté qui a été dressé des progres accomplis par les femmes au cours des dernières décennies et étudie en quoi l'environnement politique a changé depuis ce moment fort dans la vie des mouvements féminins. Se fondant sur un certain nombre d'indicateurs couramment employés pour mesurer les "progrès des femmes", les auteurs font valoir que les réussites en matière d'égalité des sexes sont plus ambivalentes et les causes plus diverses et moins unidirectionnelles qu'on ne le suppose parfois. Elles montrent aussi que les politiques de développement contribuent largement aux résultats et que la première phase des réformes structurelles (qui remonte au début des années 80) a été, à bien des égards, néfaste pour les femmes. Au cours des dix ans qui se sont écoulés depuis la Conférence de Beijing, la politique internationale du développement a connu des revirements importants et l'on a pris conscience de la nécessité de définir des politiques prenant en compte le genre. A la fin des années 80, le "fondamentalisme marchand" et la thérapie de choc avaient perdu beaucoup de leur attrait, laissant place à des idées et approches nouvelles dans la politique et la pratique du développement. Le mécontentement croissant suscité par les répercussions sociales des réformes, ainsi que les critiques formulées par des économistes haut placés dans les institutions financières internationales (IFI) ont entraîné un changement de politique que l'on appelle souvent "l'après-Consensus de Washington". Les nouvelles politiques ont témoigné de la volonté d'accorder plus d'attention aux préoccupations sociales et politiques, qui s'est manifestée par l'emploi de titres révélateurs comme "capital social" et "bonne gouvernance". Dans les années 90, la politique sociale et, en particulier, la réduction de la pauvreté ont remonté dans l'échelle des priorités. Mais bien que l'emploi d'un vocabulaire commun, celui de la "pauvreté" et de la "protection sociale", donne l'apparence d'un consensus, la politique sociale fait l'objet de conceptions contradictoires qui reposent sur des valeurs, des priorités et des représentations différentes de la mission de l'Etat. Est-il possible d'arracher durablement des populations à la pauvreté en l'absence de mesures suffisantes de création d'emplois et de relance des régions? La question suscite de sérieuses préoccupations. Les femmes assumant une plus grand part des soins non rémunérés et ayant moins d'occasions d'être rétribuées en espèces et de percevoir un revenu, la redéfinition de la responsabilité de l'Etat et le rôle plus grand laissé au marché risquent de se traduire pour elles par une limitation de leur temps libre et un moindre accès aux avantages sociaux. Le recul du fondamentalisme marchand s'est accompagné d'une réhabilitation partielle de l'Etat comme acteur important du développement et l'accent a été mis sur une "bonne gouvernance", réalisable par la démocratie, la participation, la décentralisation et la réappropriation par la population. Un programme de "bonne gouvernance", compris au sens large, couvrirait la libéralisation politique, la participation et les droits de l'homme et amènerait à s'attaquer aux inégalités sociales comme engagement fondamental à la démocratie. Un tel programme engloberait aussi les questions de la légitimité de l'Etat, de sa capacité et de son obligation de rendre des comptes, ce que réclame les mouvements sociaux et féminins depuis des décennies. Bien que les réformes de la gouvernance puissent et doivent tenter de résoudre les questions de la légitimité gouvernementale et de la participation aux affaires publiques des groupes sociaux exclus, leur souci dominant a été souvent beaucoup moins noble. Ainsi, s'il faut se réjouir de l'attention que les donateurs accordent depuis peu à la "bonne gouvernance", encore faut-il savoir ce que l'on entend par là. La démocratisation politique et la participation des groupes sociaux marginalisés font-elles partie intégrante des objectifs de réforme et sont-elles inscrites au programme du changement des institutions? La réduction des inégalités sociales et entre les sexes figure-t-elle parmi les principes de base qui doivent guider la transformation des institutions de l'Etat? Certains aspects du climat politique international actuel, notamment l'arrivée au pouvoir de forces conservatrices aux Etats-Unis et ailleurs et les attentats du 11 septembre, freinent cette évolution. Si l'arrivée au pouvoir de forces conservatrices aux Etats-Unis a eu pour consequence l'adoption, avec l'appui de forces religieuses, de politiques conservatrices sur les questions des droits des femmes en matière de procréation et de sexualité, les attentats du 11 septembre ont focalisé l'attention et les crédits sur la "sécurité" au détriment du développement et des droits de l'homme. Les auteurs examinent comment ces différents facteurs, qui ont modifié la politique internationale et le climat politique depuis dix ans, ont été pour ceux qui militent dans les mouvements féminins à travers le monde à l'origine de nouvelles questions et difficultés.

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: This book covers policy proposals and interim contracts, assesses the positions of various Iraqi political actors and examines the potential significance for international foreign policy goals in Iraq. Despite a lack of progress in reaching agreements on the hydro-carbon sector and revenue sharing legislation to set new conditions for the management of the country's significant oil and gas resources, development in Iraq's oil and gas sector is moving forward. The passage of the oil and gas sector framework and revenue sharing legislation will be seen as significant milestones by International governments and International Oil Companies (IOC´s). This would provide evidence of the Iraqi government's dedication to promoting political reconciliation and providing a solid foundation for long term economic development in Iraq. Interim revenue sharing mechanisms have been introduced due to the lack of new legislation. Additionally, both the Federal Government (the Federal Oil Ministry-MoO) and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) (the Regional Ministry of Natural Resources and Energy) have made oil and gas development deals with foreign firms. The MoO is working with existing regulation from the previous political and administrational regime, while the Regional Ministry of Resource and Energy Kurdistan-Iraq has designed its own laws and regulations, which the Federal Government has not yet recognized. There is wide recognition among Iraqis of the importance of oil and gas revenue for the Iraqi economy. Most groups see the need for new legal and policy guidelines for the development of the country's oil and natural gas resources. However, Iraq's Council of Rrepresentatives (parliament) has not yet considered the proposed legislation due to ongoing political discord and general political instability. There are strong differences on key issues between Iraqi critics and supporters of various proposed solutions. These include the appropriate role and powers of federal and regional authorities in regulating oil and gas development; the conditions and degree of potential foreign participation in the oil and gas sectors; and proposed formulas and mechanisms for equitably sharing oil and gas revenue. Simultaneously, there are strong disagreements on related discussions about the administrative status of the city of Kirkuk and proposed amendments to articles of Iraq's constitution that outline federal and regional oil and gas rights. The U.S. and UK military strategy in Iraq seeks to lay the ground work for an environment in which Iraqis can resolve core political differences in order to ensure national stability and security. However, it is not yet certain whether the proposed oil and gas legislation and ongoing interim efforts to develop Iraq's energy resources will support harmony or create deeper political tension. The United States and its allies face difficult decisions regarding how to work with Iraqis on assorted policy proposals, related constitutional reforms and oil and gas development contracts, and at the same time encouraging their Iraqi counterparts to ensure that the content of proposed laws, amendments and contracts reflect acceptable political compromises. In the 1920s a wide-ranging concession was granted to a consortium of oil companies known as the Turkish Petroleum company and later as the Iraq Petroleum Company. This was the beginning of oil exploration in Iraq. The nationalization of Iraq's oil resources and production was finished by 1975. From 1975 to 2003, oil production and export operations were entirely state operated. However, from the early 1980s until the toppling of Saddam Hussein's government in 2003, the negative effects of war, international sanctions, a shortage of investments and technology and, in many cases, mismanagement caused difficulties for Iraq's hydrocarbon infrastructure. According to the Oil Ministry, Iraq has the third largest proven oil reserves in the world (115 billion barrels). Other estimates of Iraq's potential oil reserves vary. The U.S. Department of Energy's Energy Information Administration notes that current estimates "have not been revised since 2001 and are largely based on 2-D seismic data from nearly three decades ago." In April 2007, oil industry consultants IHS assessed that Iraq's proven and probable reserves tally 116 billion barrels, with a potential additional 100 billion barrels in largely unexplored western areas. The U.S. Geological Survey's median estimate for additional oil reserves in Iraq is around 45 billion barrels. In 2004, Iraq's then Oil Ministry claimed that Iraq had "unconfirmed or potential reserves" of 214 billion barrels. My Reservoir Engineering Estimation is that Iraq's reserves can reach more than 320 bn bbl oil. Approximately 65 percent of Iraq's current proven reserves are located in southern Iraq, with a concentration in the southern most province of Al Basrah. Large proven oil resources have also been found in the northern province of Al Ta´mim near the disputed city of Kirkuk At present, crude oil provides over 90% of Iraq's domestic energy consumption and oil exports produce over 98% of Iraq's government revenue. Due to decreases in global oil prices from their 2008 high and lower oil production, Iraqi leaders revised their 2009 revenue and budget assumptions from a projected surplus to a projected $15.9 billion deficit. According to official U.S. assessments continued fluctuations in oil prices and production could put at risk Iraq's fiscal stability and the sustainability of its reconstruction and development plans. The expansion of oil production to the level of four million barrels per day (m/d) by 2013 and then upward to six m/d by 2017 is called for by current Iraqi plans. Iraqi officials have begun an international bid process for service contracts and renegotiated a series of Saddam era oil production agreements in order to support these goals. These include the transformation of a production sharing agreement into a service contract for Ahdab oil field with China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC).Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of contents: 1.Introduction1 2.Iraqi Constitution7 3.Contract Conditions15 4.State-owned Oil Companies27 5.Restructuring of the Iraqi Oil Institutions33 6.Revenue-Sharing and Equalization36 7.Potential Geography50 8.Present Organization and Development56 9.Hydrocarbon Legislation Draft and Contracts59 10.Revenue Sharing65 11.Crisis Management of the Oil Industry in Iraq88 12.U.S. Policy and Issues for Congress99 13.China Investment in the Energy Sector112 14.Conclusion119 15.References127 16.Attachments129Textprobe:Textsample: Revenues and Arrangements: Under current arrangements, the responsibility for the sale and export of Iraq's crude oil is appointed to Iraq's State Oil Marketing Organization (SOMO). The United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 1483 (and updated under subsequent Security Council resolutions) stipulates that revenue from Iraq's oil exports is to be deposited into an Iraq-controlled account held at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (FRBNY). Five percent of the funds are put aside for a United Nations Compensation Fund for reparations to the victims of the 1990 Iraqi invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The remaining 95% are deposited into a Development Fund for Iraq (DFI) account at the FRBNY and then transferred to an Iraqi Ministry of Finance account at the Central Bank of Iraq for further distribution to Iraqi government ministries. The terms of UNSCR1546 and subsequent resolutions mandate that the DFI be monitored by an International Advisory and Monitoring Board (IAMB), which provides periodic reports on Iraq's oil export revenue, Iraq's use of its oil revenues, and its oil production practices. According to the IAMB, as of December 31, 2007, $23.43 billion had been disbursed from the United Nations Compensation Fund and Iraq owed $28.95 billion to the Fund. Iraq deposited another $3 billion. According to IAMB estimates in mid 2008 "at the present rate of Iraqi oil sales, it would take approximately 17 years for the compensation award to be fully paid."38 It is likely that this estimate is no longer current due to significant declines in the price of oil in the meantime. The IAMB has not yet announced a corrected date. Under U.N. Security Council Resolution 1859 (December 22, 2008) the IAMB authority ends on December 31, 2009. This refers to a 2009 "transition to successor arrangement" from the DFI and the IAMD to Iraqi-led auditing processes. In October 2006, the Committee of Financial Experts (COFE) was approved by the Iraqi cabinet. Its task is to oversee oil revenue collection and administration. The president of the COFE authorized its activities in April 2007, and it currently is working with the IAMB on audit procedures. The establishment of an audit oversight committee for the DFI and oil export revenues is a structural benchmark under Iraq's Stand-by Arrangement (SBA) with the International Monetary Fund currently satisfied by the extension of the IAMB arrangement and the creation of the COFE. Agreements with members of the Paris club made the approval of the SBA into a necessity.39 The IAMB said in 2009 that Iraq's Committee of Financial Experts "is ready and capable to succeed the IAMB and conduct competent and independent oversight of the DFI." Immunity provisions included in standing UN Security Council resolutions protect Iraqi funds in the DFI from property attachment motions instead of legal judgments rendered against the former Iraqi regime. President Bush extended the U.S. legal protections for the DFI and other Iraqi assets under Executive Order 13303 through May 20, 2009. President Obama prolonged the protections until May 2010.40 Iraq will receive continued support from the United States in its attempts to convince the UN to extend related protections for energy proceeds and the DFI under Article 26 of the U.S.-Iraq security agreement. Oversight of Oil Production and Revenue Management Between its creation in May 2003 until December 31, 2007, the DFI received over $121.7 billion in oil proceeds and other deposits. According to audit estimates, an additional $58.8 billion in net export proceeds were deposited in 2008. Intermittent audits done in conjunction with the IAMB have routinely found serious discrepancies in oil production and export figures and DFI account receipt and distribution amounts. The absence of reliable output measurements for oil has been a critical and ongoing problem. During the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) period, there was no metering equipment available for oil production and exports. According to a May 2007 GAO report, there have been no improvements in reliable metering in Iraq's oil fields. This has contributed to the shortage of reliable data on Iraq's oil production and related revenue.42. In January 2008, an IAMB report claimed that Iraq's Ministry of Oil "does not have in place a full operational loading and metering system at production and loading points in order to determine produced and loaded quantities [of oil] accurately." An IAMB report in June 2008 established that "some metering has been installed at oil terminals, but there continues to be no metering in the oil fields." In April 2009, the IAMB stated that "much remains to be done before a fully operational control and measurement system over the oil production, distribution and export sales, can be comprehensively implemented," and added that, "Indications from the Ministry of Oil point to implementation by 2011 at the earliest." Financial audits completed by December 2005 established that "no comprehensive financial and internal controls policies and procedures manuals" existed in the Iraqi ministries that were spending oil export proceeds delivered through the DFI system. On June 12, 2007, the IAMB commented on its 2006 findings, noting that the audits proved "the overall financial system of controls is deficient." The audits showed there was "no overall comprehensive system of controls over oil revenues," and that "basic administrative procedures" were "outdated and ineffective." These conditions may have contributed to widespread corruption. Several Iraqi ministries spending distributed oil export revenue have been accused of corruption which is often associated with weak contracting and cash management policies. The Iraqi government's attempts to respond to IAMB recommendations were noticed by the IAMB's preliminary findings for 2007, but also noted that "the overall financial system of controls in place in the spending ministries, the U.S. agencies in respect of outstanding commitments using DFI resources, and the Iraqi administration of DFI resources remain deficient." The 2008 preliminary assessment, released in April 2009, concluded that "much remains to be done before a sound financial management system is operating effectively in Iraq".

Peripheralisation is a process to which a person, a group or an area might be subjected to. Stigmatisation, selective migration, disconnection, dependence and social exclusion are dimensions of peripheralisation that are interconnected and that accelerate each other's effects. Structurally disadvantaged rural areas, especially remote small villages in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are particularly affected by the processes of peripheralisation. While economic decline and ethnic exclusion produced contagious "ghettoes" (Virág 2010) or "internal colonies" (Kóczé 2011) in the last two decades in structurally disadvantaged small villages of Hungary, in the German context the phenomenon of a "rural ghetto" seems to be non-existent. In Germany, mainly East German old industrial towns and rural areas are affected by peripheralisation, selective out-migration, demographic shrinking and demographisation are emphasised here. Ethnographic research in the case study villages of Eastern Germany and Hungary confirmed that peripheralisation is relational and amongst others national and regional social policies influence how it manifests on the local level. While areas undergoing moderate peripheralisation were able to attract counter-cultural migrants ("back-to-the-landers", Calvário and Otero 2015), who further counteracted peripheralisation processes, socially excluded people (Roma and long-term unemployed) accumulated in areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation. While counter-cultural migrants (case study G1 and H3), who follow a critique of materialist mainstream culture, modern farming practices, and the globalization of the agri-food systems, were free to decide where to live, the inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation (H2) got locked into spaces which are abandoned by the state, investors and the majority society (non-Roma people). As class, gender, ethnicity and place of residence influences autonomy, the individual and collective autonomy of the counter-cultural migrants is on a higher level than the autonomy of the inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation. As local initiatives (social and solidarity economy initiatives or rural social enterprises) are created to counteract processes of peripheralisation, the central question of this research is: In the context of peripheralisation how can social and solidarity economy initiatives contribute to local development? To explore in what ways rural social enterprises may (or may not) counteract processes of peripheralisation this study relies on a critical realist ethnography (with participant observation, in-depth interviews and documentary analysis) and on a normative approach of local development, integrating economic, social, and environmental aspects too. ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS In line with the relational approach to individual autonomy (Mackenzie 2014), a normative assumption of social enterprise scholars is that even if social enterprises receive state funding or money from private foundations or churches, they should be able to preserve their organisational autonomy. However, it should be pointed out that existing institutional contexts influence the political and organisational independence of social and solidarity economy (SSE) initiatives. Even if the reunification of Germany resulted in the assimilation of many East German institutions into West German ones, compared to Hungary, East Germany got integrated into a country with a thick institutional system for welfare provision and in which state-civil society relationships are rather characterised by partnership than state control. The current Hungarian government shows authoritarian tendencies, when it limits funding sources for civilian-based initiatives. Such a context, leads to municipality-based and faith-based social enterprises to blossom over civilian-based ones. These organisations are embedded in centralised structures and they often envision development through patronising means and thus reproduce the marginality of the socially excluded (particularly Roma) within the local society. Beyond monetary resources, non-monetary resources, such as volunteers or strong communities with reciprocal behaviour are considered to be potential resources for social enterprises. However, this research showed that with intensifying peripheralisation (eg. the selective out-migration of better-off social strata) SSE initiatives can decreasingly rely on non-monetary resources locally. Even if capitalist integration of CEE influenced negatively village communities, the reciprocal structures still existed in a village undergoing a higher (but not advanced) level of peripheralisation (H3) when the Ministers moved there and started their faith-based social enterprise together with the locals. In contrast, when the colleagues of the Equality Foundation started their civilian-based social enterprise in a village undergoing advanced peripheralisation, structures of reciprocal relations no longer existed there (H2). People in this village had time, but had been experiencing socio-spatial marginalisation (educational and territorial segregation, lack of jobs locally, limited access to public transport and car) for such a long time that they did not have the actual capacity to initiate local development without assistance coming from outside the village. SOCIAL CONSIDERATIONS The potential of participative decision-making is recognised by social enterprise researchers as a vehicle to empower marginalised people. From the four case studies only two initiatives (H2, G1) aim explicitly to achieve participative decision-making. Within the two other projects decisions are made through representatives of the community. In the case of the municipality-based social enterprise (H1), dominantly one representative, the Mayor has the power to make decisions, while in the case of the faith-based social enterprise (H3) the community representative, the 8 Presbyters and the Minister (who are all male) have the institutionalised right to make decisions for the community. The two civilian-based social enterprises (G1 and H2) are embedded in differently peripheralised contexts. In the case of advanced peripheralisation (H2) help comes outside of the village, from a development organisation. Building up the capacities of the local stakeholders for participative decision-making is a long-term strategy for the Foundation, which explicitly focuses on the empowerment of Roma and women. In case of moderate peripheralisation (G1) local agents, amongst whom counter-cultural migrants are overrepresented, have a capacity to start their SSE initiatives without help coming from a development organisation. Even if inhabitants of areas undergoing advanced peripheralisation have an agency, they need professional assistance from outside. It is, however, of particular importance that the development organisation follows the philosophy of democratic solidarity and has a capability-based approach. Without such assistance it would be naïve to expect agents of severely peripheralised areas to set up and run SSE initiatives themselves. At the same time it would be also wrong to think that without local knowledge (for example the knowledge of surviving in conditions of deep poverty and lived experiences of institutional racism) "developers" could reach long lasting results. Among the four case studies, the empowerment capacity was the highest in the civilian-based social enterprise (belonging to the Equality Foundation). This was the only initiative that acknowledged the ethnicised (and gendered) structural oppression of Roma (women). In addition to aiming to increase the individual autonomy of their stakeholders (through supporting adult education or providing advices on how to deal with domestic abuse), the organisation also aims to develop the collective autonomy of the inhabitants of the village through their community development project. Without identifying themselves as a Roma feminist organisation, the Equality Foundation has consciously focused on women as partners of local development. The reasoning behind their decision is connected to the role women play in the social reproduction of their households. ENVIRONMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS There are life situations, when social needs get prioritised over environmental considerations. Deep poverty is one of those life situations. For example, the daily survival under conditions of housing poverty and extreme cold weather overwrites long-term strategies, such as environmentalism. Due to a lower purchasing power, poorer households have lower levels of consumption too. This, however, does not mean that underprivileged people would not aim to consume more. On the contrary, as our society is dominated by the ideology of capitalist consumerism, to counteract social exclusion consumerism is seen as a strategy towards social integration for people living in deep poverty. The comparison between a Hungarian village undergoing advanced peripheralisation (H2) and a German village undergoing moderate peripheralisation (G1) shows that only people with a higher level of individual autonomy are capable of "decolonizing their imaginary" (Latouche 2011), namely of questioning capitalist consumerism and develop ethical consumption practices.:Contents List of Abbreviations 11 Figures / Maps / Images 13 Tables 15 1 Introduction 17 1.1 AIMS AND MOTIVATION 17 1.2 THE RELEVANCE OF THE RESEARCH 20 1.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 21 2 Theorising peripheralisation and local development 23 2.1 PERIPHERALISATION, A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL, SELF-REINFORCING PROCESS 23 2.1.1 Dimensions of peripheralisation 23 2.1.2 Advanced peripheralisation 28 2.2 SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT 29 2.2.1 Economic dimension 30 2.2.2 Social dimension: autonomy and empowerment 31 2.2.3 Environmental dimension 36 2.3 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS 38 3 Contexts: social and solidarity economy in the context of peripheralisation 41 3.1 PERIPHERALISATION 41 3.1.1 Post-socialist transformation, a historical overview of periheralisation 41 3.1.2 Multi-dimensional peripheralisation in East Germany and Hungary 44 3.1.3 The relational aspect of peripheralisation 48 3.1.4 Advanced peripheralisation, a Hungarian (semi-peripheral) reality 50 3.2 SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY IN CEE 51 3.2.1 Informal social and solidarity economy 52 3.2.2 Institutionalised social and solidarity economy 54 4 Methodology 59 4.1 TOWARDS A CRITICAL REALIST ETHNOGRAPHY 59 4.1.1 The scope of postmodern reflexive ethnography 60 4.1.2 Critical realism 61 4.1.3 Critical realist ethnography 62 4.2 CASE SELECTION AND COMPARATIVE PROCEEDING 63 Stage 1: Selecting areas undergoing peripheralisation 63 Stage 2: Identifying rural social enterprises 66 4.3 DATA COLLECTION 68 4.3.1 Interviews 69 4.3.2 Participant observation 72 4.3.3 Documents 76 4.4 POTENTIAL AND LIMITATIONS OF THE METHODOLOGY 77 4.4.1 Positivist critiques of the ethnographic approach 77 4.4.2 Anti-realist and postmodern critiques of ethnography 78 4.4.3 Critical realism and political engagement 79 4.4.4 Data analysis and reflections on the field experiences 81 5 Peripheralisation and the local scale 83 5.1 PERIPHERALISATION: THE LOCALITY AND THE CASE STUDY PROFILES 83 5.2 PERCEPTIONS AND RESPONSES TO PERIPHERIALITY IN DIFFERENT CONTEXTS 91 5.2.1 Surviving advanced peripheralisation 91 5.2.2 Uneven access to education 92 5.2.3 Counter-cultural migration 93 5.3 THE MAIN CHALLENGES AND MISSION OF THE CASE STUDY SOCIAL ENTERPRISES 95 6 The interplay between autonomy and local resource-mix strategies 99 6.1 ORGANISATIONAL AUTONOMY AND ACCESS TO FUNDING 99 6.2 MARKET-BASED RESOURCES: EARNED INCOME 102 6.3 NON-MARKET RESOURCES: GRANTS AND SUBSIDIES 106 6.3.1 International governmental funding 106 6.3.2 National governmental funding 114 6.3.3 Non-governmental funding 119 6.4 NON-MONETARY RESOURCES: THE CAPACITIES OF THE LOCAL COMMUNITY 120 7 Empowerment capacity of the case study initiatives 123 7.1 DECISION-MAKING STRUCTURES 123 7.1.1 Representative decision-making structures 124 7.1.2 Participative decision-making structures 127 7.2 EMPOWERMENT OF ROMA (WOMEN) 131 7.2.1 The empowerment capacity of rural social enterprises: a perspective of the Roma 132 7.2.2 A gendered aspect: the empowerment of Roma women 137 8 Environmental considerations 143 8.1 ENVIRONMENTAL CONSCIOUSNESS ON THE LOCAL LEVEL 143 8.2 ENVIRONMENTAL CONSCIOUSNESS ON THE ORGANISATIONAL LEVEL 145 9 Summary and conclusions 149 9.1 LIMITATIONS AND POTENTIALS OF THE METHODOLOGY 149 9.2 THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS: THE CAPACITY OF SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY IN COUNTERACTING PERIPHERALISATION 150 9.2.1 Economic considerations: autonomy and local resource-mix strategies 150 9.2.2 Social considerations: Autonomy and Empowerment 153 9.2.3 Environmental considerations: environmental consciousness and environmental impact 156 9.3 POLICY IMPLICATIONS FOR LOCAL DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL ECONOMY POLICIES 156 10 References 159 10.1 GENERAL WORKS 159 10.2 DATABASES, RELATED MATERIALS 172 10.3 MEDIA SOURCES 172 10.4 WEBPAGES 173 10.5 LEGAL REFERENCES 174 Annex 1 Expert sampling sheet (hu) 175 Annex 2 Information sheet (hu) 177 Annex 3 Information sheet (de) 179 Annex 4 Consent form (hu) 181 Annex 5 Consent form (de) 183 Annex 6 Expert interviews 185 Annex 7 Case study interviews 187 Annex 8 Participant observation 189 Annex 9 Anonymised data sources 193

Droughts are phenomena that occur worldwide, in humid and arid environments as well as in the Global North and the Global South. They are considered as slow onset hazards that affect more people than any other natural process with an estimated economic damage of USD 135 Billion and 12 Million casualties globally between 1900 and 2013 (Masih et al., 2014, p. 3636). Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is a major drought hot-spot due to vulnerable livelihoods (e.g. dominance of rain-fed agriculture), limited capacities (e.g. financial, institutional), weak infrastructure (e.g. water, mobility) and political instability (e.g. conflicts, corruption). When droughts occur, as recently triggered by El Niño (2015/2016), vulnerability conditions of the affected societies determine, if drought risk manifests as a disaster. As a critical, recent example, the drought in Somalia resulted in a serious humanitarian disaster primarily as the precarious vulnerability situation was further deteriorated by political and violent conflicts (Maxwell et al., 2016). Overall, SSA faces severe challenges to manage drought risk, primarily due to two reasons: First, despite progress, the living conditions remain difficult with prevailing poverty, limited health services and ongoing political unrest in many regions (UNECA et al., 2015). This is alarming, especially against the projected population growth of about 1.3 Billion people in Africa until 2050 (UN-DESA, 2015, p. 3). Second, achieving good living conditions for all, as envisioned by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), is a challenge, as climate projections indicate a likely increase of drought frequency and severity in SSA. Higher rainfall variability paired with a strong increase in average temperatures (Niang et al., 2014) will render today's exceptional droughts as the new normal in the near future. These urgent problems require sustainable solutions to improve short- and long-term adaptation. Transdisciplinary science that conflates the strengths of academic disciplines and stakeholders from politics and society is needed to develop risk reduction strategies. Under the umbrella of the Southern African Science Service Centre for Climate Change and Adaptive Land Management (SASSCAL), this thesis makes a contribution to integrated drought risk management schemes by assessing the drought hazard conditions and the societal vulnerability settings in a case study region: the Cuvelai-Basin. This transnational region across Namibia and Angola regularly experiences droughts as recently during 2012 – 2015 with hundreds of thousands of people being water and food insecure (DDRM, 2013; UN-OCHA, 2012). Environmentally, it covers a gradient from humid in the north to semi-arid conditions in the south with associated vegetation patterns. The population practices subsistence agriculture and livestock herding with tendencies of urbanization and lifestyle changes. The societal pre-conditions in both countries are heterogeneous with Angola having experienced decades of civil war until 2002 while Namibia saw continuous institutional and infrastructural development particularly after independence in 1990. To capture the multi-layered impacts of droughts on people's livelihoods, the thesis follows an interdisciplinary approach in the sense of integrating methodologies from physical and human geography. Key questions to be answered are (i) how droughts impact on local livelihoods, (ii) how the environmental drought hazard manifests, (iii) which societal groups are most vulnerable and (iv) what are risk mitigation strategies. Based on the theory of societal relations to nature, a guideline for a social-ecological drought risk assessment is proposed and exemplarily carried out in this thesis. First, a qualitative research phase was conducted to gain system knowledge, followed by quantitative analyses of environmental parameters on the drought hazard and socio-economic variables for drought vulnerability. Finally, this data was conflated in the Household Drought Risk Index (HDRI) to gain orientation knowledge and quantify risk levels among the households in the basin. This provided transformation knowledge to develop and identify risk mitigation strategies. The initial qualitative survey (n = 26) explored the drought impact on local livelihoods. It revealed structural insights into people's utilization of water resources and the negative impacts of drought on physical and mental health, family/community life and livelihood maintenance. Coping mechanisms were identified on multiple levels from the household level (e.g. selling of agricultural products) via the community (e.g. neighbourly support) to the governmental level (e.g. drought relief). As critical entry point for droughts, the water and food consumption patterns were identified that shape a household either more or less sensitive. The internal capital endowment (human, social, financial, physical and natural) and the infrastructural and institutional endowment of an area determine a household's ability to cope with drought. These qualitative insights culminated in the construction of the HDRI indicator that was populated with data in the subsequent research phases. To capture the drought hazard, three common drought indicators were combined in the Blended Drought Index (BDI). This integrated drought indicator incorporates meteorological and agricultural drought characteristics that impair the population's ability to ensure food and water security. The BDI uses a copula function to combine common standardized drought indicators that describe precipitation, evapotranspiration, soil moisture and vegetation conditions. Remote sensing products were processed to analyse drought frequency, severity and duration. In this regard, the uncertainty among a range of rainfall products was evaluated to identify the product that corresponds best to local rain gauge measurements. The integrated drought hazard map indicates the north of the Etosha pan and the area along the Kunene River to be most threatened by droughts. Temporally, the BDI correlates well with millet/sorghum yield (r = 0.51) and local water consumption (r = -0.45) and outperforms conventional indicators. The vulnerability perspective was captured using primary socio-economic data from a household survey (n = 461). The consumption patterns reveal a statistically significant switch from critical sources (e.g. wells, subsistence products) during the rainy season to more reliable sources (e.g. tap water, markets) during the dry period. Households with a high dependence on critical sources are particularly sensitive to drought. The capital endowment of households is heterogeneous, especially on a rural-urban gradient and between Namibia and Angola. Human and financial capital turned out to be important control variables in addition to the infrastructural and institutional endowment of an area. Overall, the HDRI results show that the Angolan population shows higher levels of risk, particularly caused by less developed infrastructural systems, weaker institutional capabilities and less coping capacities. Urban inhabitants follow less drought-sensitive livelihood strategies, but are still connected to drought conditions in rural areas due to family relations with obligations and benefits. Furthermore, the spatial HDRI estimates point to areas in Angola and Namibia that are both drought-threatened and vulnerable. The thesis results indicate the following recommendations for policy and science: First, the continuous monitoring of drought patterns in the basin should consider drought indicators that go beyond precipitation metrics and incorporate people's vulnerability to develop integrated Drought Information Systems. Second, reducing the sensitivities of the population requires enhanced local water buffers via better water use efficiencies. This is true for both blue and green water flows. Water-saving irrigation schemes in combination with decentral rain- and floodwater harvesting are promising opportunities. Furthermore, centralized backup infrastructures of water supply and market systems need to be expanded. Third, local community solidarity is an important institutional backbone for the population to cope with drought and adapt to future changes. In particular rural development efforts should go beyond technological interventions and support community-building, collective-action and capacity development in water management and agricultural production to decouple livelihoods from local rainfall. ; Dürren sind Phänomene, die weltweit sowohl in humiden als auch ariden Räumen sowie im Globalen Norden und im Globalen Süden auftreten. Sie gelten als langsam einsetzende Gefahren, die mehr Menschen betreffen als jeder andere natürliche Prozess mit einem geschätzten wirtschaftlichen Schaden von 135 Mrd. US-Dollar und 12 Mio. Toten weltweit zwischen 1900 und 2013 (Masih et al., 2014, p. 3636). Sub-Sahara Afrika gilt als Krisenherd aufgrund vulnerabler Lebensgrundlagen (z.B. Dominanz des Regenfeldbaus), begrenzter Kapazitäten (z.B. finanzielle, institutionelle), schwacher Infrastruktur (z.B. Trinkwasser, Mobilität) und politischer Instabilität (z.B. Konflikte, Korruption). Treten Dürren auf, wie kürzlich verstärkt durch El Niño (2015/2016), bestimmt die Vulnerabilität der Gesellschaft, ob sich das Dürrerisiko als Katastrophe manifestiert. Ein kritisches Beispiel ist die Dürre in Somalia, die v.a. zu einer humanitären Katastrophe wurde, da die prekären Vulnerabilitäts-bedingungen durch gewaltsame, politische Konflikte weiter verschlechtert wurden (Maxwell et al., 2016). Insgesamt steht Afrika aus zwei Gründen vor großen Heraus-forderungen bei der Bewältigung des Dürrerisikos: Erstens, sind die Lebensbedingungen u.a. aufgrund anhaltender Armut, begrenzter Gesundheitsversorgung und politischer Unruhen weiterhin schwierig (UNECA et al., 2015). Dies ist alarmierend, v.a. vor dem Hintergrund eines prognostizierten Bevölkerungswachstums von 1,3 Mrd. bis 2050 (UN-DESA, 2015, p. 3). Zweitens, ist die Schaffung guter Lebensbedingungen nach den Zielen für nachhaltige Entwicklung (SDG) eine Herausforderung, da mit dem Klimawandel eine Zunahme von Dürrehäufigkeit und -stärke zu erwarten ist. Höhere Niederschlags-variabilität gepaart mit einem starken Anstieg der Durchschnittstemperatur (Niang et al., 2014) werden die heutigen extremen Dürren in Zukunft zur neuen Normalität machen. Diese Probleme erfordern nachhaltige Lösungen, um kurz- und langfristige Anpassungen zu ermöglichen. Transdisziplinäre Forschung ist gefordert, welche die Stärken wissenschaftlicher Disziplinen und Akteure aus Politik und Gesellschaft bündelt, um geeignete Strategien zur Risikominderung zu erarbeiten. Unter dem Dach des Southern African Science Service Centre for Climate Change and Adaptive Land Management (SASSCAL) leistet diese Dissertation einen Beitrag zu integrierten Managementansätzen von Dürrerisiken, indem sie die naturräumliche Gefährdung kombiniert mit der gesellschaftlichen Vulnerabilität anhand einer Fallstudie untersucht: dem Cuvelai-Becken. Diese transnationale Region in Namibia und Angola ist regelmäßig Dürren ausgesetzt, wie zuletzt in den Jahren 2012 – 2015 mit Wasser- und Ernährungsunsicherheit für Hunderttausende von Menschen (DDRM, 2013; UN-OCHA, 2012). Naturräumlich erstreckt sich die Region von einem humiden Norden in einen semi-ariden Süden mit entsprechenden Vegetationsverhältnissen. Die Bevölkerung betreibt Subsistenzland-wirtschaft und Viehzucht, wobei Urbanisierungstendenzen und Lebensstiländerungen an Dynamik gewinnen. Die gesellschaftlichen Voraussetzungen sind heterogen: Während Angola bis 2002 Jahrzehnte des Bürgerkriegs erlebte, erfuhr Namibia v.a. nach der Unabhängigkeit 1990 eine kontinuierliche institutionelle und infrastrukturelle Entwicklung. Um die vielschichtigen Auswirkungen von Dürren auf die Lebensgrundlagen zu erfassen, verfolgt diese Dissertation einen interdisziplinären Ansatz im Sinne der Integration von Methoden aus der Physischen- und Humangeographie. Kernfragen darin sind (i) wie sich Dürren auf die Lebensgrundlagen auswirken, (ii) wie sich die naturräumliche Dürregefährdung manifestiert, (iii) welche gesellschaftlichen Gruppen vulnerabel sind und (iv) welche Strategien zur Risikominderung geeignet sind. Dabei entwickelt die Dissertation auf Basis der Theorie gesellschaftlicher Naturverhältnisse einen Leitfaden für eine sozial-ökologische Risikoabschätzung und wendet diesen in der vorliegenden Fallstudie an. Zunächst wurde eine qualitative Forschungsphase durchgeführt, um Systemwissen zu gewinnen, gefolgt von einer quantitativen Analyse von Umweltparametern zur Abschätzung der Dürregefahr sowie sozioökonomischer Variablen für die Abschätzung der Vulnerabilität. Schließlich wurden diese Daten im Household Drought Risk Index (HDRI) zusammengeführt, um Orientierungswissen zu generieren und das Dürrerisiko der Haushalte zu bestimmen. Daraus abgeleitetes Transformationswissen ermöglichte dann die Identifizierung geeigneter Risikominderungsstrategien. Die qualitative Erhebung (n = 26) explorierte die Wirkung von Dürren auf die lokalen Lebensbedingungen. Sie eröffnete Einblicke in die Nutzung von Wasserressourcen und die negativen Auswirkungen von Dürren auf die körperliche/geistige Gesundheit, das Familien-/Gemeinschaftslebens sowie den Lebensunterhalts. Bewältigungsmechanismen konnten auf mehreren Ebenen identifiziert werden, vom Haushalt (z.B. Verkauf landwirtschaftlicher Produkte) über die Gemeinde (z.B. Nachbarschaftshilfe) bis hin zur staatlichen Ebene (z.B. Dürrehilfe). Als kritische Wirkpunkte für Dürren wurden Nutzungsmuster von Wasser- und Nahrungsmitteln identifiziert, die einen Haushalt mehr oder weniger anfällig machen. Die interne Kapitalausstattung (Humanes, Soziales, Finanzielles, Physisches und Natürliches) und die infrastrukturelle und institutionelle Ausstattung eines Gebiets bestimmen weiterhin die Fähigkeit eines Haushalts, mit der Dürregefahr umzugehen. Diese Erkenntnisse ermöglichten die Konstruktion des HDRI Indikators, der in den Folgephasen mit entsprechenden Daten bestückt wurde. Zur Erfassung der Dürregefahr wurden drei Dürreindikatoren im Blended Drought Index (BDI) zusammengefasst. Dieser integrierte Dürreindikator berücksichtigt meteorologische und landwirtschaftliche Merkmale, die die Ernährungs- und Wassersicherheit der Bevölkerung beeinträchtigen. Der BDI verwendet eine Copula-Funktion, um gängige Dürreindikatoren zu kombinieren, die auf Niederschlag, Evapotranspiration, Bodenfeuchte und Vegetation zurückgreifen. Fernerkundungsprodukte wurden verarbeitet, um Häufigkeit, Stärke und Dauer der Dürren zu analysieren. Dabei wurden verschiedene Niederschlagsprodukte einer Unsicherheitsanalyse unterzogen, um jenes Produkt zu identifizieren, das am besten mit lokal gemessenen Stationsdaten korrespondiert. Die resultierende, integrierte Dürregefahrenkarte zeigt den Norden der Etosha-Pfanne und das Gebiet entlang des Kunene-Flusses als am stärksten von Dürren bedroht an. Zeitlich korreliert der BDI gut mit den Daten des Hirseertrages (r = 0,51) und dem lokalen Wasserverbrauch (r = -0,45) und übertrifft dabei konventionelle Indikatoren. Die Vulnerabilität wurde anhand von sozioökonomischen Daten aus einer Haushalts-befragung (n = 461) erfasst. Die Nutzungsmuster zeigen einen statistisch signifikanten Schwenk von kritischen Wasser- und Nahrungsquellen (z.B. Brunnen, Subsistenz-produkte) hin zu verlässlichen Quellen (z.B. Leitungswasser, Märkte) während der Trockenzeit. Haushalte mit einer starken Abhängigkeit von kritischen Quellen sind besonders sensitiv gegenüber Dürren. Die Kapitalausstattung der Haushalte variiert v.a. zwischen Land und Stadt sowie zwischen Namibia und Angola. Dabei treten Human- und Finanzkapital gemeinsam mit der infrastrukturellen und institutionellen Raumausstattung als wichtige Kontrollvariablen hervor. Die HDRI Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die angolanische Bevölkerung ein höheres Risiko aufweist, was v.a. durch weniger entwickelte Infrastruktursysteme, schwächere institutionelle- und geringere Bewältigungskapazitäten verursacht wird. Insgesamt gehen Stadtbewohner weniger dürresensitiven Nutzungsmustern nach, sind aber aufgrund familiärer Beziehungen weiterhin mit den ländlichen Gebieten verbunden. Die integrierte, räumliche Risikoabschätzung zeigt Gebiete in Angola und Namibia die sowohl dürregefährdet als auch vulnerabel sind. Die Ergebnisse erlauben zentrale Empfehlungen für Politik und Wissenschaft: Erstens sollte die Dürrebeobachtung im Cuvelai-Becken ein breiteres Spektrum von Indikatoren berücksichtigen und zusätzlich die Verwundbarkeit der Bevölkerung einbeziehen. Dies ermöglicht die Entwicklung von integrierten Dürreinformationssystemen. Zweitens, zur Verringerung der Sensitivität der Bevölkerung müssen lokale Wasserspeicher durch eine verbesserte Wassernutzungseffizienz erhöht werden. Dies gilt sowohl für blaues als auch grünes Wasser. Wassersparende Bewässerungssysteme in Kombination mit dezentralen Regen- und Flutwasserspeichern sind vielversprechende Möglichkeiten. Darüber hinaus müssen zentrale Infrastrukturen der Wasserversorgung und der Marktsysteme ausgebaut werden. Drittens, ist der Zusammenhalt der lokalen Gemeinschaften ein wichtiges institutionelles Rückgrat zur Bewältigung von Dürren und zur Anpassung an künftige Veränderungen. Anstrengungen zur Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums sind erforderlich, die über technische Interventionen hinausgehen und Gemeinschaften durch kollektive Maßnahmen und Ausbildung sowohl in der Wasserwirtschaft als auch der Landwirtschaft unterstützen und so die Lebensgrundlagen von den Niederschlägen entkoppeln.

En este trabajo se describen las condiciones de salud de Ecuador y con mayor detalle, las características del sistema ecuatoriano de salud, incluyendo su estructura y cobertura, programas de salud, fuentes de financiamiento, los recursos físicos, materiales y humanos de los que dispone, las tareas de rectoría que desarrolla el Ministerio de Salud Pública. La República de Ecuador no escapó de los efectos de las sucesivas crisis económicas, y su sistema de salud estuvo marcado por más de 15 años de reforma neoliberal. Con la Revolución Ciudadana en el 2007 se producen grandes transformaciones en el sector de la salud, destacando la implementación del Modelo de Atención Integral de Salud Familiar, Comunitario e Intercultural (MAIS-FCI). Actualmente el Ministerio de Salud Pública de Ecuador está implementando cambios estructurales en el sector salud que se enmarcan en el proceso de la Revolución Ciudadana, que el Gobierno Nacional ha impulsando desde el año 2007. El presidente Rafael Correa aprobó un financiamiento adicional de 255 millones de dólares para mejorar la infraestructura y el equipamiento de 1.861 centros de salud y 127 hospitales públicos, y para contratar a 4.500 trabajadores. Ecuador cuenta con un plan que busca captar y retener la mayor cantidad de profesionales de la salud ecuatorianos y extranjeros que se encuentran en el exterior, priorizando médicos especialistas y subespecialistas, altamente capacitados, que cuenten con los conocimientos, experiencia, destrezas y competencias técnicas necesarios, a fin de cubrir los requerimientos en la áreas críticas y regiones desabastecidas del Ecuador. Las transformaciones sufridas por el sector salud con la Revolución Ciudadana se enmarcan en dos etapas: 1ª) la primera, de inversión urgente y recuperación de lo público, mejorando la infraestructura, equipamiento, recursos humanos, dotación de medicamentos e insumos a las unidades de salud del Ministerio de Salud Pública, con la finalidad de incrementar la cobertura de atención y disminuir el alto gasto para la recuperación de la salud de las familias ecuatorianas; 2ª) la segunda etapa, va dirigida al fortalecimiento de la red pública integral de salud a través del Modelo de Atención Integral de Salud vigente en el país, que cuenta con un amplio marco legal y normativo que garantiza el derecho a la salud, la estructuración del Sistema Nacional de Salud y la protección de los grupos poblacionales. Además el sistema de salud del Ecuador busca elevar la cobertura de asegurados siendo esta progresiva y voluntaria. La meta inicial, es captar a 400.000 personas que realizan trabajo no remunerado y que reciben el bono de desarrollo humano (BDH). En los próximos cuatro o cinco años se espera alcanzar al universo total de amas de casa del país, que suma alrededor de 1,5 millones. Abstract In this work the health situation of Ecuador and in greater detail, the characteristics of the Ecuadorian health system, including its structure and coverage, health programs, funding sources, the physical, material and human resources at its disposal are described. The Republic of Ecuador did not escape the side effects of the different economical crisis and its health system was severely marked by over 15 years of neoliberal reform. The "Citizen's Revolution" in 2007 is promoting major changes in the health sector, highlighting the implementation of the Comprehensive Care Model Family Health, Community and Intercultural (MAIS - FCI). Currently the Ministry of Public Health of Ecuador is implementing structural changes in the health sector that are part of the process of the "Citizen's Revolution". Ecuador's President, Rafael Correa, has approved an additional funding of $ 255 million in order to improve infrastructure and equipment of 186.127 health centers and public hospitals, and to include 4,500 health workers. Ecuador has a plan that seeks to attract and retain as many health professionals Ecuadorians and foreigners as possible who are abroad, prioritizing sub-specialist physicians and highly trained specialists, who have the knowledge, experience, skills and competencies techniques necessary to meet the requirements in critical areas and underserved regions of Ecuador. The transformations of the health sector, the Citizen Revolution, implies two stages: 1st) first, urgent investment and recovery of the public, improving infrastructure, equipment, human resources, provision of medicines and supplies to health units of the Ministry Public Health, in order to increase the coverage of care and reduce the high cost to the health recovery of Ecuadorian families. 2nd) the second stage is aimed at strengthening the comprehensive public health network through the Model of Integrated Health Care in force in the country, it has a comprehensive legal and regulatory framework that guarantees the right to health, the structuring of the National System Health and protection of the population groups. Besides the health system of Ecuador seeks to improve the coverage of insured, being this progressive and voluntary. The initial goal is to attract 400.000 people performing unpaid work and receiving the Human Development Bonds (BDH). In the next four or five years it is expected to reach the total universe of housewives in the country, totaling about 1.5 million OBJETIVOS. objetivo general. • Caracterizar la evolución del sistema sanitario del Ecuador Objetivos específicos. • Identificar los principales problemas del sistema de salud • Evaluar las estrategias implementadas para mejorar los servicios de salud. Material y Método. En este trabajo se realiza una revisión de los datos y documentos pertinentes, tanto oficiales como de otro tipo que se inician con la creación del ministerio de salud pública (MSP) en el año 1967, así como de sus antecedentes, las políticas de salud de cada periodo de gobierno, las influencias y aportes de los organismos internacionales como ejes principales. Es un trabajo de carácter, descriptivo, retrospectivo. Los datos y documentos proceden del MSP, documentales, trabajos realizados, sobre estos objetivos y con ayuda de otras instituciones tales como el instituto nacional de estadísticas y censo (INEC), ministerio de salud pública (MSP), organización mundial de la salud (OMS), Banco Central de Ecuador (BCE), así mismo se analizan algunos aspectos sobre la estructura del sistema de servicios como la financiamiento del sector, recursos humanos, investigación, tecnología, participación social, etc. Analizamos la situación de salud de la población retrospectiva y los cambios en la estructura sanitaria que se han venido dando hasta la actualidad. La exposición se hace siguiendo los siguientes apartados, 1º) Marco político, 2º)demografía y epidemiología, 3º) Salud pública, 4º) Atención primaria de salud, 5º) sistema sanitario del Ecuador, 6º)modelo de atención integral de salud, familiar, comunitario e intercultural, 7º) programa de medicamentos, 8º) plan nacional para el buen vivir.9º) antecedentes de un pacto social excluyente en el ecuador republicano. 1. Conclusiones 1ª) El sistema de salud del Ecuador se encuentra en un proceso de transición desde los modelos clásicos de atención centrada en los grandes hospitales hacia una integración en toda la estructura de servicios de salud. La evolución política del país se ha caracterizado por inestabilidad de las instituciones y alto grado de conflictividad social, entre los años de 1992 y 2006, por el cambio continuo de gobernabilidad, violencia social e incremento de la corrupción, inestabilidad administrativa y falta de continuidad en la gestión pública. 2ª) La salud pública continua evolucionando logrando avances significativos, perfeccionándose en dar solución a los problemas actuales, eliminando las causas que dieron origen desde sus raíces y avanzar con mayor seguridad hacia su desarrollo. ecuador ha dado un cambio significativo mejorado el sistema de salud con nuevas, implementando hospitales centros de salud con la última tecnología, así mismo con la meta que todos los ecuatorianos tengan un servicio de salud, programas que han ayudado a la disminución de enfermedades muertes y a mejorar lla calidad de vida de la población ecuatoriana. desde año 2011 hasta mayo de 2014 se han terminado de construir 12 hospitales. Actualmente se encuentran en ejecución 29 hospitales 7 centros de salud hasta abril de 2014 y otras 72 unidades se encuentran en construcción. Hasta 2017 está planificada la edificación de 956 centros adicionales, en todos los rincones del país. Por primera vez los hospitales y centros de salud se encuentran ampliamente equipados con tecnología, medicinas y suministros suficientes, que facilitan el trabajo de los profesionales de la salud, y garantizan mayor precisión en el diagnóstico y tratamiento de las patologías. 3ª) Es evidente que el sistema de Salud Pública de Ecuador ha mejorado sustancialmente durante el último gobierno, pero las mejoras en el sistema se deben principalmente al aumento de los recursos para este servicio público antes que a procesos de reestructuración institucional. La salud tiene avances significativos. El Ecuador ha logrado cumplir con casi el 80% de las metas de los Objetivos del Milenio. Mediante una acción integral orientada a la reducción de inequidades durante el período de la Revolución Ciudadana, con avances significativos en el cumplimiento de los ODM, sobre todo en educación, salud y vivienda. 4ª) Los cambios sociales ocurridos en los últimos años en la República de Ecuador, con la Revolución Ciudadana, han propiciado transformaciones radicales en el sistema de salud, destacándose el Modelo de Atención Integral de Salud Familiar, Comunitario e Intercultural (MAIS-FCI), que centra su accionar no solo en el individuo sino también en la familia y en la comunidad, con un enfoque predominante hacia la promoción de salud y la prevención de enfermedades, logrando la equidad en la prestación de los servicios y el respeto a la interculturalidad. 5ª) La economía ecuatoriana ha presentado un robusto y continuado crecimiento desde su dolarización en enero del 2000, cultivando varios logros como su matriz energética e incrementar la inversión pública en infraestructuras: hidroeléctricas, carreteras, aeropuertos, hospitales, colegios, etc. A pesar del crecimiento que se han dado en los ultimos años al igual que la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos, su economía sigue dependiendo de las exportaciones de materias primas, siendo el petróleo la principal fuente de riqueza del país. para superar esta situacion el Estado está haciendo inmensos esfuerzos en pasar de una economía extractivista a una economía del conocimiento y valor agregado, por eso se está becando a jóvenes para estudiar en universidades de prestigio en el primer mundo, se está elevando el nivel académico de las universidades ecuatorianas con la Ley de Educación Superior y se está construyendo la ciudad del conocimiento: Yachay, con asesoría coreana. 6ª) Demográficamente en el 2010, Ecuador cuenta con 14.2 millones de habitantes, 50.1% son hombres y 49.9% mujeres, las tendencias de crecimiento de población han cambiado debido a factores como la reducción de la tasa bruta de natalidad de 32.4 a 11.4 nacimientos por 1 000 habitantes entre los años 1981 y 2010. actualmente la poblacion se encuentra en 16.225, de los cuales el 51.1% son hombres y el 49.9% son mujeres, este incremento se debe al retorno de ecuatorianos . según INEN nos informa que la población ecuatoriana a ascendido a cifras muy altas debido al retorno de miles de ecuatorianos que alguna vez emigraron a otros países en busca de mejorar sus condiciones de vida. 7ª)En el 2010, Cuba, Chile y Puerto Rico registran una esperanza de vida 79,3 años , seguido de ecuador que registra una esperanza de vida de 75 años . En 2013 la esperanza de vida en Ecuador subió hasta llegar a 76,47 años, las mujeres con 79,40 años, mayor que la de los hombres que fue de 73,67 años. Ecuador mantiene el puesto 53 en el ranking de los 182 países de los que publicamos la Esperanza de vida. Esto quiere decir que los habitantes tienen una esperanza media-alta, en lo que respecta al resto de los países. Si miramos la evolución de la Esperanza de Vida en Ecuador en los últimos años, vemos que ha subido respecto a 2012 en el que fue de 76,19 años, al igual de lo que ocurre respecto a 2003, en el que estaba en 74,24 años, y se estima que para el 2020 la esperanza de vida será de 77,3 años.

The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to contribute to the investigation of the regional organization of the system of settlements in the regions of the Eastern Ro-man Empire (ERE) during the Early Byzantine period (EBP). By EBP we mean the historical period comprising from the 4th to the end of the 6th century AD. By regional organization we mean the administrative system of rule of the ERE with its five hierarchical levels of organization: a) the Empire; b) its division into admin-istrative regions (dioceses); c) the division of these into smaller regional unities (provinces); d) cities (polis), and e) market towns villages (komes choria) within each province. This system includes 3,048 units of analysis, settlements belonging to all hierarchical levels, and it yields their distinguishing features, through geographic - spatial and historical -cultural criteria. The dissertations object of study is the regional organization of settlements of the EBP, with emphasis on the 6th century. Its goal was the cartographic representation of the regions of the ERE and creation of maps that are defined by the data of politi-cal geography and described by the data of physical and cultural geography. Through the creation of historical sections in the 4th, 5th, and 6th centuries, diachronic regional transformations in the EBP were examined. A further goal was to create a database of cultural and geographic information concerning the entirety of settle-ments, in which are recorded the period of founding, the diachronic presence of each, with historical alterations of its name, including also its modern name and the state to which it belongs today. The dissertation conveys the totality of regional sites in the ERE, contributes to making the regional organization of settlements in the EBP better known, and enriches the diachronic study of both the settlements and culture of the Eastern Mediterranean. The dissertation is composed of three parts: Part I. Introduction; Part II: The regional structure of the Empire; Part III: Conclusions. Part I: Chapter 1 offers a scholarly overview and defines the goals, objects of study, and purpose (A.1), contents (A.2), primary sources (A.3) and methodology (.4), with a description of the techniques of cartography, map-making (atlas-making) and table-making. Part I also includes the historical framework of the EBP (Chapter 2), with its main socio-economic and political parameters. Chapter 3 concerns the geo-morphology and organization of the Empire (administrative boundaries, production activities and spatial administrative hierarchy, both political and ecclesiastical). Part II: Chapter 4 deals with the regional structure of the Empire and is allocated to a study of the organization of the 64 provinces in each of the six dioceses. The level of internal description of each diocese and province refers to variables that concern administrative division, geomorphology, and settlements (three levels: capitals, cit-ies, and market towns villages). Two categories of variables were created: histori-cal-cultural data, and geographic-spatial data. The total of 3,048 settlements and the recording of variables along diachronic and synchronic axes, aided by the computer software SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences), allowed observations of a statistical nature as well as structural correlations between and among variables used for analysis. The data are complemented cartographically by 90 maps, done on the basis of the road network (3 variables: inter-regional, main, secondary) and their individual geomorphology. Part III: Chapter 5 describes the results of the analysis of the regional organization of the six dioceses, while Chapter 6 presents the results for the overall picture of the Empire (6.1), followed by the results for the articulation of the road network (6.2). These sub-sections are followed by the network of settlements (6.3), with conclud-ing observations of a statistical nature concerning the regional organization of set-tlements and the static/dynamic nature of the settlement system. The structure of the network of settlements is expressed through an attempt at modeling. In addition, basic statistical correlations and cross-tabulations concerning the hierarchy of set-tlements and their various parameters (period of founding, morphology of terrain, road network, transportation / communication features) are listed. The conclusions of this doctoral dissertation can be summarised as follows: During the Early Byzantine Period the Eastern Roman Empire, with its six large administra-tive dioceses and 64 provinces, occupied the regions around the Eastern Mediterra-nean, joining districts from three continents. The geomorphology and the landscapes of the region are varied and complex. Much of the land is mountainous though there are a few very important plains. There are eight types of vegetation varying from desert to beech forest. Olive cultivation accounted for an important percentage of the cultivatable land at that time.The primary sector was developed and there was self-sufficiency, which depended on cooperation between individual farmers as to what was grown. The secondary sector was also developed: there were government owned factories in many provin-cial capitals, as well as private artisan. There was also government owned mines and quarries for the excavation and the supply of raw materials.The network of settlements: their historical and cultural characteristics: 12,5% of the 3,048 settlements were founded in the Archaic period, 7.3% in the Classical, 17,8% in the Hellenistic, 42% in the Roman and 20,4% in the Early Byzantine pe-riod. Cross correlation between the number of settlements and their dates of founda-tion demonstrates that a much larger number of settlements arose after the Hellenis-tic period than were constructed before this period. It also shows that the Early Byz-antine provincial capitals were largely founded during the Hellenistic period. In ad-dition it shows that more than the 50% of the cities were founded in the Hellenistic and Roman period, while only about 12% were founded during the EBP. With re-gard to smaller settlements, we can observe that roughly 50% were founded in the Roman period, while only 25% were set up during the EBP. The fact that more than 80% of the total settlements in the Roman and EBP were minor settlements suggests a tendency towards agrarization of the society.The geographical - spatial characteristics and the morphology of the land: We ob-serve that 41% of the settlements were located between 0 300m, 12,5% were lo-cated between 300 600m and 43% were found higher in the mountains. From the cross-correlation of the timescale of the settlement with the geomorphology we see that 56% of the capitals and 50% of the cities are located in flat regions, while 47% of minor settlements are located in mountainous regions. 72% of settlements are close to water. 34% of the settlements are located on transregional road axes, 9% of these on main and the 14% on secondary roads, while 43% are not connected in this way. 14% of the settlements represent nodal points on the road system, 11% are ports, while nodes and ports constitute the 2%. The structure of the network of set-tlements ,using the capital city Constantinople as a point of reference, corresponds on the first level to a radial spatial model, the diffusion of which, extends as a spatial web into the three continents. On the second level there are individual linear spatial models that follow the seashores of the Mediterranean and the Euxeinos Pontos and follow passages to the hinterland, frequently through river valleys. The network of settlements and the road network are of course, closely linked.A substantial density of settlements, founded in the EBP, is found in Pontike Dioe-ceses, in the regions near Constantinople, as well as in the Anatolike Dioeceses, in the regions, that are related with the new religion, as the Palestine. There is a me-dium sized concentration of settlements in the Thrakike, Asiane and Aigyptiake Dioeceses, while there is a small concentration in the Dioeceses of Illyrikon. In gen-eral there is a large concentration of settlements in Greece; in the plateau of Asia Minor; in the southern parts of Syria and Palestine, (mainly in the coastal plateaus between Tyre and Gaza and following the banks of the Nile).In the Eastern Mediterranean the foundation of settlements began in the Archaic period and continued in the Classical period with the city state as its main model. Slowly, during Hellenistic period minor size settlements began to dominate. In the Roman and Early Byzantine period, 80% of the new foundations were minor size settlements. Of the five historical periods, the foundation of settlements was at its most intense during the Roman period. The EBP continued this trend, though the development of new settlements was only half that which had been carried out under the Roman rule. The amount of flat land was very limited, yet the spread of settle-ments in flat and mountainous lands was almost the same. In the Roman and EBP, the higher percentage of settlements was founded in mountainous regions and these settlements were, in the beginning, small.The administrative structure had a pyramid-like form with the emperor at the top and a tree-like structure down the whole length of the hierarchy. The administrative power predominated over the military and there was a strengthened bureaucracy and a state centralism. The network was able to function because it was supported by two connected infrastructures: The first was concerned with the organized use of human resources: the bureaucracy: the administrators of the regional political power, whose main job was the collection of taxes and resources, and the control and the management of the means of production. The second was the physical infrastructure which enabled the trade, manufacture and transport generated by the administrators to be carried out, as well as facilitating the exchange of ideas, to and from the capital city. The network of roads ensured good communications and thus enabled this effi-cient system of central control to be implemented throughout the empire. The hier-archical structure at all organizational levels constitutes one from the distinctive features of the early Byzantine mode of production. This structure runs through the spatial dimension of the regional organization, that was cartographically surveyed on three levels: 1. On the land-planning level, which deals with the whole Eastern Roman Empire. 2. On the regional level, which was concerned with the Dioeceses. 3. On the provincial level, which deals with the Prov-inces. 3,048 settlements were recorded, located, categorized and organised in a data-base, a number that represents the total number of settlements known from archaeo-logical studies to have been active during the period being studied.From the above statements it can be seen that in the Early Byzantine period the Eastern Roman Empire was wealthy in the sense that it was productive, that there was a growing network of roads and dense pattern of settlements. The fact that many small settlements were founded at this time shows that not only was there a trend towards agrarization, but also suggests that the role of the cities was changing in those places where the number of small settlements increased within the same re-gion. The investigation of the regional organisation in the EBP shows that both the settle-ments at all levels, and the infrastructures of the Eastern Roman Empire were in good shape. It presents a picture of an empire, where the number the of rural and urban settlements is increasing while being organized in a hierarchical structure throughout the region. The thesis has made an effort to create a holistic picture of the geographical and administrative form of the Eastern Roman Empire, which can easily be analyzed in smaller spatial parts and recomposed in bigger, showing on each level the cultural characteristics of the settlements network, through the loca-tion, mapping and categorisation of the network. The present research was designed to contribute to the overall study of the regional landscapes of the Eastern Roman Empire and it contributes by analyzing regional organization of settlements in the Early Byzantine period. In this way it enriches the diachronic study of settlements of the Eastern Mediterranean and her culture with quantitative and qualitative elements.

 Watching Barbie reminded me of two essays that I had not read in a long time, Luce Irigaray's "Women on the Market " and "Commodities Among Themselves". In those essays Irigaray considers to what extent Marx's theory of the commodity form can be used to make sense of the status of women in society. Irigaray's texts takes as its start the idea of a society founded on an exchange of women, an idea integral to structural and psychoanalytic theories of kinship. From this it is possible to posit that relations among women would have the fantastic character of Marx's brief foray into describing the world of commodities amongst themselves. It is precisely such a world, Barbie Land, that Barbie: The Movie opens. The only difference is that women, Barbies, in this world do not so much exist as things to be exchanged, as daughters to be given away as wives, but are defined by their use value, or, more to the point, their concrete labor. It is a world of Barbie doctors, presidents, supreme court justices, and so on--a Barbie for every career and full employment for all Barbies. Greta Gerwig's film taps into an aspect of Barbie that often falls beneath the image of the Barbie stereotype, or, in the world of the film, Stereotypical Barbie, and that is the myriad number of Barbies that have been manufactured with different careers, from veterinarian to astronaut. The Barbie stereotype of blond hair, impossible proportions, and pink, well everything, dominates our image of Barbie, it is what adults think of when we think of Barbie, so much so that we forget that for a lot of girls (and boys) who play with her she that is less a supermodel than the model for every kind of activity and career.  Whatever you want to be they have a Barbie for that. I remember once watching a relative's kid play Barbie and it was less a foray into a world of beauty and fashion than it was an hour of being a large animal veterinarian, giving check ups to horses. A far cry from the image of fashion and beauty that comes to mind when you say Barbie to an adult. The two sides of Barbie, the blonde and pink stereotype that adults think of and the various different Barbies of every career and hobby that kids play with, are the central contradiction of the film.The Barbie pet care centerBarbie Land is that imaginary place where Barbies amongst themselves can be anything or anyone. There are Kens in this world too, but since this world is the world of children playing, no one really knows what Ken is for. Ken is more sidekick than boyfriend. (Pietro Bianchi has offered a great Freudian reading of this world of innocence). The Barbies in Barbie Land are aware of the real world, that it exists, and as far as they are concerned they have fundamentally altered it. An imaginary world where Barbie can be anything must in some sense produce a reality where kids can be anyone. It is the logic of meritocratic role models taken to its logical conclusion. All the world needs is the right role models for the world to change. Trouble begins when stereotypical Barbie (played by Margot Robbie) begins to have some very un-Barbie thoughts, like of death, aging, and cellulite. These intrusive thoughts must be the product of the kid that is playing with her so she has to go out into the "real world" to find this kid and fix things. This brings us back to the commodity form. The commodity, as Marx tells us, is both an exchange value and a use value, it is both something with its own properties, or in the case of labor, capacities, and with a value, a capacity to stand in for other commodities, to be exchanged. In the world of the film we get two sides of Barbie, there is the Barbie Land Barbie in which there is a Barbie that can do anything, and there is the real world Barbie, where Barbie is defined not by her capacities, what she can do, but by her appearance, what she looks like. It is on arriving in the real world that Barbie finds herself not as an object of little girl's dreams, but the object of male fantasies. (As A.S. Hamrah points out in this great roundtable discussion of the film, the patriarchy that Barbie is subject to is incredibly mild and gentle, more befitting a cartoon world than the real world). If I wanted to add another grad school reference, namely Jean Baudrillard, I would say that Barbie's conflict is less between use value and exchange value as it is between use value and sign value, between what Barbie can do and what she signifies, what blonde hair, impossibly long legs, and gravity defying curves signify. To put it back in Irigaray's terms, her capacities might define what she is capable of, but her appearance for men defines her place in society. As Irigaray writes, "just as, in commodities, natural utility is overridden by the exchange function, so the properties of a woman's body have to be suppressed and subordinated to the exigencies of its transformation into an object of circulation among men." Use Value/Exchange Value, the two sides of the commodity are dominated by exchange value just as women in society are dominated by the demand to be seen, and exchanged, by men. Upon arrival in the real world, Barbie and Ken learn that making Barbie role models for every career has not ended patriarchy. Barbie and Ken react differently to the persistence of patriarchy. Barbie is horrified and confused. Ken is happy and excited. Ken finds himself being respected just because he is a man. He immediately hatches a plan to bring the patriarchy to Barbie Land with the help of some books checked out from the library. (I thought for a long time about what this particular plot point reminded me of, a story where two characters have opposed reactions to the new world they are transported to, and eventually I thought of Time after Time, The film in which H.G. Welles and Jack the Ripper end up time traveling to the seventies. Welles is horrified of the lack of social progress while Jack the Ripper revels in the violence of the twentieth century. For sake of this digression, and because I really love that film, I include the following clip.)
Back to the film in question, and skipping several plot points, by the time Barbie discovers the source of her angst, an adult playing with Barbies and returns to Barbie Land it has been transformed. The Barbie dream houses have all been remade into Mojo Dojo man caves for Ken and the Barbies have abandoned their various careers as veterinarians and the President to dote after their Kens, bringing them snacks and beer. The spell of patriarchy is broken, however, when Gloria (America Ferrara) , the adult from the real world who has brought anxiety to Barbie, spells out the contradictions of being a woman. This speech is the thematic and emotional core of the film. Since I found the whole thing online, I post it in its entirety below. "It is literally impossible to be a woman. You are so beautiful, and so smart, and it kills me that you don't think you're good enough. Like, we have to always be extraordinary, but somehow we're always doing it wrong.

You have to be thin, but not too thin. And you can never say you want to be thin. You have to say you want to be healthy, but also you have to be thin. You have to have money, but you can't ask for money because that's crass. You have to be a boss, but you can't be mean. You have to lead, but you can't squash other people's ideas. You're supposed to love being a mother, but don't talk about your kids all the damn time. You have to be a career woman but also always be looking out for other people.""You have to answer for men's bad behavior, which is insane, but if you point that out, you're accused of complaining. You're supposed to stay pretty for men, but not so pretty that you tempt them too much or that you threaten other women because you're supposed to be a part of the sisterhood.

But always stand out and always be grateful. But never forget that the system is rigged. So find a way to acknowledge that but also always be grateful.

You have to never get old, never be rude, never show off, never be selfish, never fall down, never fail, never show fear, never get out of line. It's too hard! It's too contradictory and nobody gives you a medal or says thank you! And it turns out in fact that not only are you doing everything wrong, but also everything is your fault.

I'm just so tired of watching myself and every single other woman tie herself into knots so that people will like us. And if all of that is also true for a doll just representing women, then I don't even know."The speech is a long list of the "too contradictory" situation of women in the real world. In the film this bit of wisdom from the real world restores Barbie Land, frees Barbie from the rule of Ken. However, the film does not connect the contradictions of the real world to the contradictory unity of Barbie as a commodity, a commodity with use value, all of Barbie's various careers from doctor to president, and an exchange value, her appearance. In the film there are two worlds, Barbie Land defined by Barbie's capacities to do anything, and our world, where Barbie is defined by her appearance, but it never really reflects on the contradictory unity of those two worlds, on the fact that while Barbie dolls can do anything they still have to look like Barbie. Making a movie about Barbie is strange endeavor because the logic of Barbie is the logic of Hollywood. It is a world where women can be scientists and superheroes, at least some of the time, but in doing so they still have to look like at least one of the varieties of Barbie. Ability is subordinated to appearance, use value to exchange value.The film presents Barbie Land and the real world as two different realities, one dominated by the different abilities of Barbie and the other by the circulation of her appearance, but the reality of the commodity, of capital, is that use value and exchange value exists side by side even as they contradict each other. As Isabelle Garo puts it, "The originality of Marx's approach attaches to the dialectical nature of his analysis of contradictions, which is no mere juxtaposition of opposed tendencies: the capitalist labour process is not alienating in one respect and emancipatory in another, but it interweaves these two tendencies at the very heart of the labourer's individuality and of social relations."Or, to put it back in the terms of the film, it is not that one gets to choose between a land where Barbies are recognized for their abilities and one that they are reduced to their appearances but they are always both. This is the too contradictory situation referenced in Gloria's speech. The fact that the film does not connect these dots connects brings us back to the question the film asks but does not answer, why has a Barbie Land where dolls can be anything not transformed our world where women are all too often reduced to being dolls? That the film has no reflection on the failure of its own world of role models is its real limit. All Barbie the movie can do is diversify Barbie Land, adding a few different body types and a little more diverse product line, but it cannot address the question as to why all the positive role models in the world have not changed patriarchy. Perhaps that question is for the inevitable sequel. 

 Draft Translation: Not for CitationWhat follows is another attempt at a translation of an important text by André Tosel on the Marx/Spinoza relation. It is not a finished, or polished translation, but a rough sketch put forward to help people get a sense of this overlooked articulation of the relation between Marx and Spinoza.For a Systematic Study of the Relation of Marx to Spinoza: Remarks and Hypotheses

André Tosel Published in 2008 in the book Spinoza au XIXe Siècle  The question of relation of the thought of Marx to that of Spinoza has up until now been the subject of more of a hermeneutic investigation than a philology. It is easier to construct a history of the different interpretations of Spinoza at the center of different Marxisms then to have determined the precise function of the reference to Spinoza in the work of Marx and to define the use Marx made of the spinozist problematic and the elaboration of his thought.  More or less the Marxists that were first developed a relation to Spinoza were an important milestone on the way to developing what could be called a historical and materialist dialectic. The relation begins in the midst of the Second International. The singularity of Spinoza's thought has often been reduced to a stepping stone on the way to "monist" immanentism, which is supposed to be its philosophical structure at least in the reception of two thinkers, as Plekhanov has asserted in some preliminary texts working from some notes of Engels in manuscripts published in the USSR under the title of the Dialectic of Nature. In the dogmatic frame of the struggle between idealism and materialism, Spinoza anticipates materialism by his thesis of the unity of nature and by his doctrine of the equal dignity of the attribute of extension in relation to the attribute of thought. The doctrine of mode and substance causality, coupled with the critique of final causality and the illusions of superstition, signifies at the same time an overcoming of mechanistic thinking and the first form of the dialectic. Rare were those who, like Antonio Labriola, were careful not to oppose two conceptions of the world head-on and maintained a certain distance with polemical opposition, preferring instead to indicate that Marx did for mode of production what Spinoza had done for the world of the passions—a geometry of their production. In the Soviet Union before the Stalinist freeze, this interpretive tension is reproduced: Spinoza becomes the terrain through which the clarification of the dialectic takes place opposing mechanists and anti-mechanists, and original articulation of the thesis of liberty as the comprehension of necessity. These problems have been clarified somewhat. (Zapata, 1983; Seidel, 1984; Tosel, 1995)One would have to wait for the deconstructive enterprise of Louis Althusser for this movement to be reversed. Spinoza is no longer a moment in the teleology which is integrated and surpassed on the way to Marxism-Leninism. His work is the means of theoretical production for reformulating the philosophical and scientific revolution of Marx without recourse to only the Hegelian dialectic. Spinoza is the first to have elaborated a model of structural causality that makes it possible to think the efficacy of the structure as an absent cause over its effects. The theory of knowledge is not one that authorizes absolute knowledge, but it announces this infinite exigency of a break with ideology without the hope of arriving at transparent knowledge. It obliges one to renounce any idea of communism as a state of a final reconciliation in social relations which would be deprived of any contradictions. "We have always been spinozists,' Althusser announces in the Elements of Self-Criticism, and then proceed to the Treatise on the Emendation of the Intellect from the Hegelian dialectic. It is then only an epistemological obstacle which prevents Marx from realizing the full power of his critique of political economy and to explore the continent of history that he discovered. Spinoza for clarifying Marx himself. Everything has been clarified. (Cotten 1992; Raymond, Moreau, 1997).  In terms of historical research, the spinozist studies that have been made after the end of the nineteen sixties in France and Italy have often been made by researchers who have rubbed shoulders with Marxism. We find the same oscillation between a tendency to read Spinoza according to a pre-marxist perspective, in the sense of a dialectic of emancipation, or liberation from a theological political complex and disalienation, even constituent power, and another tendency insisting on the infinity of the struggle against all illusions, even those of total liberation, affirming the unsurpassable dimension of the imagination in the constitution of the conatus and in the production of the power of the multitude. This oscillation is manifest often in the same commentators, often itself a function of the change of the historical conjuncture. However, up until now, there has never been an attempt to study from Marx's works themselves the structural function of the spinozist reference in the constitution of Marxist theory, one which would permit us to better understand the understanding that Marx made of Spinozist work. The interpretations have anyway have developed from a certain exteriority to the letter of Marxists texts.  Several years ago, a German researcher, Fred E. Schrader, in a short text dedicated to the thematic of "substance and concept" chez Marx (Substanz und Funktion: zur Marxsrezeption Spinoza's) drew attention to this situation (1984). He rightly noted that it was necessary to distinguish two moments in the research to avoid any merely external confrontation: a) first, obviously, document the explicit and implicit mentions of Spinoza in Marx's text; 1) then, reconstruct the position of the reference to Spinoza in the process of the constitution of the critique of political economy which is the central Marxist work, alongside of the references to "Hegel" which one knows were constitutive in the years of 1857-1858. Only this philological and philosophical work can permit us to renew the state of the question.
Schrader's study must be considered. We propose to develop it and comment on it because up until now it has not received the attention that it merits. Before everything else, it is necessary to be precise. The work envisioned must be considerable, it includes taking into account the texts published by Marx, those published posthumously by Engels and by Kautsky, and all of those—collections of notes and thematic notebooks—which make up the incomplete nature of Capital, including Marx's correspondence. The MEGA 2, Marx-Engels Gesamtausgabe, still incomplete, has not finished being scrutinized. This work could begin from the hypothesis that we can conceptualize two periods in Marx's work from which it is possible to reassemble occurrences that conceptualize the reference to Spinoza in order to determine their structural function. The first period corresponds to the years of his formation and the interlinking of the critique of politics and the early critique of political economy, it begins with the concept of history underlying the German Ideology and culminates in the Poverty of Philosophy and the Communist Manifesto. The second period begins with the research operating under the title of the critique of political economy beginning in 1857, interrupted provisionally in January of 1859 and beginning again in 1861. The reference to Spinoza is more explicit in the first period where it is a matter of an specifically political practice, articulating a materialism of practice. It is less explicit in the second period, it functions nonetheless as a fundamental operator in the essential theory of the substance of value in capital. The Philosophical Intensifier of Spinoza of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus. Destruction of the Theologico-Political Complex and Democratic Radicalism.  Marx encounters Spinoza in the beginning of his theoretical and political journey. In 1841 we know from the preface by Alexandre Matheron (Cahiers Spinoza), Marx, after his doctorate, reproduced the extracts he copied from the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (MEGA 2 VI/I Berlin, 1977). He is curiously presented as the author of these texts and moreover they are reorganized in their own order which is not that of the Tractatus itself. The chapters containing the critique of the supernatural, of the miracle, and all of all forms of superstition are brought forward as essential and open on the properly political chapters dedicated to the freedom of thought (XX) and the foundation of the republic (XVI). The Ethics is not ignored but it is not reproduced, Letter XII takes the place of a speculative text and is accompanied with Letter LXXVI to Burgh. Everything takes place as if Marx considered as the most important question to be that of theological politics and is concentrated on the question of human freedom in its radical ethico-political dimension. What is important is that the revolutionary democratic state is realized according to this concept.  One could also consider that Spinoza is utilized here as one of the figures that a Doctorate of Philosophy considers along with Aristotle, Kant, Fichte, and Hegel as provocations, of that which puts knowledge in the service of a life liberated from the fear of authorities, which reappropriates humanity's power of thinking and acting confiscated in the service of gods and fetishes. In a certain manner Epicurus is the paradoxically the first of the thinkers who claims that "it is a misfortune to live in necessity, but it is not necessary to live under necessity." This truth finds a new application, after the French Revolution, in the age of a new ethics, where free individuals recognize themselves in a free state.  2. The explicit reference to Spinoza is displaced in the texts of the years 1841-1843—the Kreuznach manuscript dedicated to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, followed by the introduction and the Jewish Question. These constitute the Feuerbachian moment of Marx, at the heart of his theory of the alienation of the human essence. One must not make this critique of politics a simple transition towards the discovery of the alienation of social powers, nor understand it as an end of a politics understood as primarily statist. It is the ethico-political liberation which requires a transformation of social relations and which is a transvaluation or emancipation of social powers. Spinoza is not named, but certain passages from the TTP are repeated almost to the letter: Spinoza figures as the index of a new task , that is lacking in Hegel which is that of thinking beyond the dualism of civil society and the state. The name of this passage is democracy or true democracy. Marx returns to the letter of the Spinozist thesis according to which democracy is not only the name of a constituted political regime, but the essence of politics, the most natural regime, constituting the power of the people. The intensive force of Spinoza is that of democracy not as a mystical act or utopian ecstasy, but as a process of constitution that replaces actual void of the Hegelian state where the people lack themselves, in which the state becomes something separate, still theologico-political. Democracy is the active process by which the people is refigured as the negative instance of any separate political form and gives a political form to its social power. "Democracy is the truth of monarchy, monarchy is not the truth of democracy. Monarchy is necessarily democracy in contradiction with itself, whereas the monarchial moment is no contradiction within democracy. Monarchy cannot, while democracy can be understood in terms of itself In democracy none of the moments obtains a significance other than what befits it. Each is really only a moment of the whole Demos. In monarchy one part determines the character of the whole; the entire constitution must be modified according to the immutable head. Democracy is the generic constitution; monarchy is a species, and indeed a poor one. Democracy is content and form; monarchy should be only form, but it adulterates the content.
In monarchy the whole, the people, is subsumed under one of its modes of existence,. the political constitution; in democracy the constitution itself appears only as one determination, and indeed as the self-determination of the people. In monarchy we have the people of the constitution, in democracy the constitution of the people. Democracy is the resolved mystery of all constitutions. Here the constitution not only in itself, according to essence, but according to existence and actuality is returned to its real ground, actual man, the actual people, and established as its own work. The constitution appears as what it is, the free product of men." It is possible to remark that this constituent power of the demos tends to be presented as a sort of causa sui in the order of world of social relations. The naturalist dimension thematized in the Ethics is not posited here with the insistence of humanity as part of nature, with the thematization of the relations between internal and external causality. Necessity seems to have disappeared for an instant. It is notable that this in the same moment that Feuerbach defends Spinoza's naturalism against Hegelian idealism and makes the author of the Ethics the Moses of modern thought who has destroyed theology by his pantheism, while reproaching him, for not having arrived at a radical humanist affirmation, since he maintained an equivocal equivalence between the naturalization of god and the divinization of nature. The Marxist reference is primarily to the ethico-political Spinoza, one of the "intellectual heroes of morality" as he says in a text contemporary with it, "Comments on the Latest Russian Censorship—" along with Kant and Fichte he is one of the heroes that found and defend the principal of moral autonomy. Spinoza makes it possible to undertake a philosophical political of Hegel, the people would be the only ontological instance that constitutes the political constitution, which is to say democracy, of civil society. Spinoza makes it possible to introduce a new dialectic within the incomplete dialectic of The Principles of the Philosophy of Right. This dialectic is simultaneously a critique. The object of this critical dialectic is the self-constitution of political activity in the struggle to overcome the domination of abstract entities erected into speculative abstractions defining the latest avatars of the theological-political complex.  Schrader does not say more in the exposition of the reference to Spinoza in this first period. We could take a step beyond his analysis. A unpublished path seems to be presented. We could in fact explore it as Yovel has done (Spinoza and Other Heretics); also the first book of Matheron, Individu et communauté chez Spinoza (1968) examines the double relation of the human conatus to other conatuses and objects that suit them or do not suit them the rudiments of a theory of objectification of the human essence that Marx elaborates in the texts of 1844 where he analyzes the people under the figure of the proletariat subject and object of alienated labor. The reading can shed light on Spinoza, but Marx has for his interlocuters Hegel, Adam Smith, and Feuerbach. Spinoza does not intervene here explicitly. It is preferable to follow the letter of his texts.  3. The text which follows, The Holy Family of 1845, indicates an unexamined reversal of perspective. Far from finding in Spinoza a radical thinker of liberty through the radicalization of the democratic process and developing Feuerbach's theses of the virtues of Spinoza's naturalization, far from continuing the anti-idealist elements of Spinoza, Marx for the first time distances himself from Spinoza placing him on the side of Descartes, of Malebranche, of Leibniz, of abstract rationalist metaphysics, in a paragraph before celebrating the materialists in which he inscribes himself. These are the materialists of the French Enlightenment, La Mettrie, Holbach, Helvétius, which are lauded for having operated outside of metaphysics. These are the authors that Plekhanov reinscribes as a defenders of monistic materialism in the thought of nature and in the theory of history. Certainly as Olivier Bloch in an important contribution has demonstrated ("Materialism, genesis of Marxism, 1981, reprinted in Matières à penser, Vrin, 1997), this chapter of the history of philosophy is a plagiarism by Marx who literally takes it from the Manuel d'histoire de la philosophie moderne by Charles Renouvier (1844). The soviet Diamat has been founded by a French critic… But the fact remains that Marx endorses this reconstruction which prefers Bacon, Hobbes and Locke to Spinoza, lauding them for the empiricism and nominalism: the English thinkers critique metaphysic speculation and open directly the way to materialism. Pierre Bayler in France can be considered the only fellow traveler of British empiricism by his scepticism he dissolves the metaphysics of Spinoza and Leibniz (The Holy Family, 171).  The Spinoza criticized here is that of the Ethics understood as a dogmatic treatise of metaphysics which has a "profane content" but it has lost its historical condition. This is no longer the antitheological political Spinoza but the speculative philosopher. Is it necessary to conclude that this is a contradiction on the part of Marx and to forget his previous theses? It is a surprising oversight because that which Marx and Renouvier give credit to Bacon, Hobbes, and Locke can be imputed to Spinoza as well. Everything takes place as if Marx, put off by the metaphysics of the Ethics forgets what he had found in the TTP—and this seems to be a permanent transformation. In fact the contradiction is not only apparent, or, more to the point, it concerns Spinoza himself. Marx does not have as his object an analysis of Spinozism. He uses the latter by breaking it down according to the needs of his task which is at this moment is to study the activity of real man and the possibility of his transformation by bringing together the theoretical humanism of Feuerbach, the French communism and socialism, and the English thinkers who represent this humanism in the domain of practice. "[Metaphysics] will be defeated for forever by materialism which has now been perfected by the work of speculation itself and coincides with humanism. As Feuerbach represented materialism in the theoretical domain, French and English socialism and communism represent materialism in the practical field which now coincides with humanism." (The Holy Family, pg. 168) One can detect in this passage the presence of a schematic of the history of modern philosophy which has echoes of Moses Hess and Ludwig Feuerbach, the two have confronted the problem of the critical comprehension of Hegel and have begun to present a reinterpretation of the grand moments of the history of philosophy after their master.  Marx deviates from the interpretation of Hess given in a text which had a particular impact: The Sacred History of Mankind by a Young Disciple of Spinoza (1838). Hess appropriates Spinoza's theory of knowledge and exploits his theory of the imagination to develop a positive sense of social utopia, and overall makes Spinoza the true alternative to Hegel's Christian philosophy. Far from being an acosmism, the theory of substance is the perfect incarnation of the Hebraic idea of the unconditional unity of all. It is paradoxical, the other part, of the interpretation by Renouvier followed by Marx recovers and conceals that of Feuerbach that one can find in the same period in Preliminary Theses for the Reform of Philosophy (1842) and Principles of the Philosophy of the Future (1843). Marx brushes up against these theses of Feuerbach on Spinoza without reproducing them in their entirety. They make Spinoza an important moment in modern philosophy: at the heart of this movement they make this philosophy an important realization of the humanization of God, Spinoza remains still a speculative philosopher who is at once produces the realization and negation of God. Speculative metaphysics realizes with him its ultimate phase which is determined contradictorily as theism and atheism in the form of pantheism. "Spinoza is the originator of speculative philosophy, Schelling its restorer, Hegel its perfecter."(Thesis 102) Pantheism becomes the only consequential theology in that it anticipates the end of theology in atheism. The Spinozist substance transforms all independent beings into predicates, into attributes of a unique and independent being. God is no longer only a thing thought, it is equally an extended thing (Thesis 3). Spinoza does not make the self-activity of self-consciousness the attribute that unifies and transforms substance into subject. This was Hegel's tour de force but he paid for it with an absolute idealism of spirit since once again spirit prevails over extension and concrete man is subject to abstraction separated from reality of self-consciousness.
This inscription of Spinoza in metaphysics is all the more paradoxical because Marx finds in empiricism and British materialism the theses that Feuerbach attributes to Spinoza, and Marx accepts a definition in which materialism coincides with communism. As can be seen in this passage from Principles of the Philosophy of the Future  Pantheism is theological atheism or theological materialism; it is the negation of theology while itself confined to the standpoint of theology, for it turns matter, the negation of God, into a predicate or an attribute of the Divine Being. But he who turns matter into an attribute of God, declares matter to be a divine being. The realisation of God must in principle presuppose godliness, that is, the truth and essentiality of the real. The deification of the real, of that which exists materially – materialism, empiricism, realism, and humanism – or the negation of theology, is the essence of the modern era. Pantheism is therefore nothing more than the essence of the modern era elevated into the divine essence, into a religio-philosophical principle. Empiricism or realism – meaning thereby the so-called sciences of the real, but in particular the natural science – negates theology, albeit not theoretically but only practically, namely, through the actual deed in so far as the realist makes the negation of God, or at least that which is not God, into the essential business of his life and the essential object of his activity. However, he who devotes his mind and heart exclusively to that which is material and sensuous actually denies the trans-sensuous its reality; for only that which constitutes an object of the real and concrete activity is real, at least for man. "What I don't know doesn't affect me." To say that it is not possible to know anything of the supersensuous is only an excuse. One ceases to know anything about God and divine things only when one does not want to know anything about them. How much did one know about God, about the devils or angels as long as these supersensuous beings were still objects of a real faith? To be interested in something is to have the talent for it. The medieval mystics and scholastics had no talent and aptitude for natural science only because they had no interest in nature. Where the sense for something is not lacking, there also the senses and organs do not lack. If the heart is open to something, the mind will not be closed to it. Thus, the reason why mankind in the modern era lost the organs for the supersensuous world and its secrets is because it also lost the sense for them together with the belief in them; because its essential tendency was anti-Christian and anti-theological; that is, anthropological, cosmic, realistic, and materialistic. [In the context of the present work, the differences between materialism, empiricism, realism, and humanism are, of course, irrelevant.] Spinoza hit the nail on the head with his paradoxical proposition: God is an extended, that is, material being. He found, at least for his time, the true philosophical expression for the materialistic tendency of the modern era; he legitimated and sanctioned it: God himself is a materialist. Spinoza's philosophy was religion; he himself was an amazing man. Unlike so many others, Spinoza's materialism did not stand in contradiction to the notion of a non-material and anti-materialistic God who also quite consistently imposes on man the duty to give himself up only to anti-materialistic, heavenly tendencies and concerns, for God is nothing other than the archetypal and ideal image of man; what God is and how he is, is what man ought to be or wants to be, or at least hopes to be in the future. But only where theory does not belie practice, and practice theory, is there character, truth, and religion. Spinoza is the Moses of modern free-thinkers and materialists. 4. The anti-metaphysical fury of Marx, the blind submission to Renouvier, limits him in developing an interpretation of the Ethics more nuanced and sensitive to the historical contradictions. This situation is even more strange because it is in The Holy Family that Marx interprets materialist philosophers such that they are a Feuerbachian Spinoza. On can find then three theses that Marx distributes to different representatives of materialism and that can also be imputed to Spinoza. --Thesis 1. Nature is a primary reality, it can be explained by itself without recourse to the principle of a creator. Nothing comes from nothing. One can then have recourse to Bacon for who "the primitive forms of matter are essentially living forms, individuals, and it is they that produce specific differences." He follows, as does Hobbes, in adding that "one cannot separate thought from the matter which thinks." Thought cannot be separated from matter capable of thought.  --Thesis 2. The human order is inscribed in a specific manner in nature. This specificity does not specify anything extra-worldly of human activity. Hobbes has demonstrated the sensible nature of activity. "Man is subordinate to the same laws that nature. Power and liberty are identical." The Holy Family) This order is known to promote the art of forming ideas, the human species is fundamentally educatable. ---Thesis 3. What is important is to think the constitution of this human order according to radical possibilities of the ways of transforming these necessary conditions of experience of liberty-power. "If man is unfree in the materialist sense, i.e., is free not through the negative power to avoid this or that, but through the positive power to assert his true individuality,
crime must not be punished in the individual, but the anti-social source of crime must be destroyed, and each man must be given social scope for the vital manifestation of his being. If man is shaped by his surroundings, his surroundings must be made human. If man is social by
nature, he will develop his true nature only in society, and the power of his nature must be measured not by the power of separate individuals but by the power of society." (The Holy Family 176).  It is not necessary to give the history of philosophy presented in The Holy Family a structural importance. It acts as a provisionally constructed polemical text where Marx has given the means for his own philosophical conception in broad strokes in order to better understand the intersection of humanism, materialism, and communism. The incongruence of the treatment of Spinoza, reinterpreted to be behind Feuerbach's position, was not overlooked by Marx's comrades in combat since H. Krieg (himself denounces by Marx in a virulent circular as a confused partisan of religious socialism), he wrote in a letter of June 6, 1845 in order to restore Spinoza's battle against metaphysics overlooked by Marx, "you're probably right about what it says in the English Hobbes and Locke [i.e. that they vacillate contradictorily between materialism and theism], the same for Voltaire and his direct partisans; but Holbach is practically Spinozist, and it is with and Diderot that the Enlightenment reaches its summit and becomes revolutionary." (cited by Maximilien Rubel and his edition of the philosophical texts of Marx titled Philosophie) 5. The instrumental and fluctuating character of the reference to Spinoza as a metaphysician is confirmed precisely by The German Ideology. Marx returns in passing to the place of Spinoza in modern philosophy. Spinoza has developed the principle of substantial immanence but he has not integrated the principle with self-consciousness. Hegel would be the unity of Spinoza and Fichte (The German Ideology, 107). But for Marx this representation consigns him to a partial aspect of the Hegelian synthesis. Self-consciousness is at once a hypostasis of the real activity of human beings in the process of their self-production and the "the real consciousness of the social relations in which they appear to exists and to which they appear to be autonomous." In a similar manner substance is "an ideal hypostatized expression of the world as it exists" that is take as the foundation of the world "existing for itself." Marx returns to Feuerbach for clarification of substance and it anthropological resolution. We do not know much more, but the text seems to distinguish the Hegelian critique of substance and its possible materialist significance as "the existing world." We would have expected considerations on the immanence of modes in natura naturans and of their dynamic interdetermination.
In any case, Marx refuses the young Hegelain opposition between self-consciousness and substance, and proposes to maintain the category of substance as an inseparable unity of the existing mode and the beings which constitute the world in the play of their relations. Marx's criticism has as its target the mystification of self-consciousness and its anti-substantial phobia. Everything takes place as if the ontological categories of Spinoza up until now rejected as conservative metaphysics have an intensive force irreducible to the critique of the young Hegelians. However, it remains that in this complex itinerary the use value of the reference to Spinoza is concentrated in the theological political constellation and the political constitution of the political force of social force. This reference becomes the presupposition of the materialist conception of history, but it does not intervene in the texture of these concepts.  The Spinoza Reference in the Critique of Political Economy, Substance and Concept Returning to Schrader and his propositions for the study of the second moment of the reference to Spinoza, that of the Marxist use of Spinozist concepts from the Ethics in the development of the critique of political economy in the development of Capital. Schrader pays particular attention to the reappearance in the margins of the reference to Spinoza in the period of the creation and exposition of the critique of political economy which is developed from 1851 to 1863. An important letter from Marx to Lassale from May 31, 1858 which was published in an obscure book on Heraclitus, gives to Spinoza's metaphysics the same status that he gave to Hegel in a famous letter to Engels a few months before.  Even among philosophers who give a systematic form to the works, as for example Spinoza, the true inner structure of the system is quite unlike the form in which it was consciously presented. The true system is only present in itself. (Marx MEW, 29, Berlin, 1963, 561).

What was of great use to me as regards method of treatment was Hegel's Logic at which I had taken another look by mere accident... If ever the time comes when such work is again possible, I should very much like to write 2 or 3 sheets making accessible to the common reader the rational aspect of the method which Hegel not only discovered but also mystified. (Correspondence Marx-Engels)  Marx makes it clear that the elaboration of the critique passes through the utilization of elements of philosophical works which others appear to have completely bypassed. The presence of Hegel is the center of the interpretation of Capital. It would appear certain to this period that Marx no longer takes inspiration from the Feuerbachian critique of abstract speculation. In this case, the Idea separated from its contents generates the latter in a mystified way by legitimizing the crudest aspects, losing the benefit of seizing the real as a contradictory process, as is explained in The Holy Family or The Poverty of Philosophy. Hegel is from now on solicited for his dialectical discoveries: he elaborates the dialectic as an immanent process of thought and his discoveries serve Marx in developing his proper critique. The presence of Hegel in the period up to the publication of the first volume of Capital in 1867, in passing through diverse manuscripts of 1857-1858 (The Grundrisse) and the manuscripts from 1861-1863, has been attested to and demonstrated by works, either to reaffirm the heretical Hegelianism of Marx, (Rosdolsky, Reichelt, Zelenyi, all dedicated to research the logic of Capital, all following one of the most famous injunctions of all times, Lenin in the Notes on Dialectics) or to combat it in order to argue that Marx was Hegelian or anti-Hegelian (Althusser, and Bidet in his famous study, The Making of Marx's Capital).
This usage of Hegel consists essentially in using the categories of logic to expose the theoretical structure of the passages which operate from the commodity to value, from money as the measure of value to money as the means of exchange and as the universal means of payment, from money to capital. Schrader proposes the following recovery of the Marxist exposition of Hegelian categories: --Exchange value and the form of value correspond to the pure quantity of Hegel: this value and its measure is realized as money. The Marxist measure of value adopts the Hegelian determinations of the quantitative relations and their measure. --The circulation of commodities and money is described by the concepts of an infinite qualitative and quantitative process.  --Finally the passage from money to capital transposes the passage from being to essence. Marx has thus read and reused these conceptual determinations for the diverse functions of commodity, value, money and circulation.  And what about Spinoza? According to Schrader, he intervenes to resolve a logical problem that is at this point unresolved, that of the determination of the concept of capital supposed to integrate the logically preceding determinations. In good Hegelianism, Marx has made the movement of capital that of the essence of the concept. When Marx maintains that exchange value is realized in the circulation of other substances, in an indefinite totality, without losing the determination of its form, always remaining money and commodities, he makes capital the totality of substances. However, it thus impossible to maintain the internal connection between capital and labor, and more precisely abstract labor. Spinoza intervenes to make possible another use of the category of substance: that would not have its function to subsume the plurality of all substances, but to determine the quality of the fluent quantity that defines abstract labor.  One can see this in the text of Volume One of Capital, revised by Marx in 1873 for the French translation of J. Roy. The category of substance is introduce in the passage from the commodity to its determination as the contradictory unity of use value and exchange value. The exchange of commodities is only possible if the their values are "expressed in terms of something common to them all, of which thing they represent a greater or less quantities." This something is a substance specific to all commodities. "This common "something" cannot be either a geometrical, a chemical, or any other natural property of commodities…[] it is evident that one makes an abstraction from use value when one exchanges, and that the relation of exchange is characterized by this abstraction (Capital). Exchange and the production process which supports it operate this real abstraction from the useful qualities of the objects to be exchanged. This utility, although necessary, does not render possible the exchange of objects of value insofar as they products of labor. Exchange concerns the objects considered as products of labor.  If then we leave out of consideration the use value of commodities, they have only one common property left, that of being products of labour. But even the product of labour itself has undergone a change in our hands. If we make abstraction from its use value, we make abstraction at the same time from the material elements and shapes that make the product a use value; we see in it no longer a table, a house, yarn, or any other useful thing. Its existence as a material thing is put out of sight. Neither can it any longer be regarded as the product of the labour of the joiner, the mason, the spinner, or of any other definite kind of productive labour. Along with the useful qualities of the products themselves, we put out of sight both the useful character of the various kinds of labour embodied in them, and the concrete forms of that labour; there is nothing left but what is common to them all; all are reduced to one and the same sort of labour, human labour in the abstract.  Capitalism cannot be grasped as a subject enveloping the totality of the process of the development. It is no longer a simple quantity in indefinite expansion. It is thought as the "social substance of as exchange values." This substance can be determined as capital, but it goes beyond this process of determination by constituting a remainder, a "residue" that constantly reappears. "Let us now consider the residue of each of these products; it consists of the same unsubstantial reality in each, a mere congelation of homogeneous human labour, of labour power expended without regard to the mode of its expenditure. All that these things now tell us is, that human labour power has been expended in their production, that human labour is embodied in them. When looked at as crystals of this social substance, common to them all, they are – Values." The concept of Capital is not that of the concept of substance becoming subject., it returns to the concept of social substance defined as abstract labor creator of value, substance of value, and substance which increases value: purely progressive quantity reduced to its infinity which is a true infinity irreducible to the logic of bad infinity, that of capital which nonetheless subsumes it.  However it is said that this reconstruction does not rest on an explicit reference to Spinoza. The objection is well founded. Schrader responds that it is Marx who reread Hegel and saw that the formal system of Spinoza could be used against Hegel critique of the concept of substance in the Logic. It is a matter of the problem of determination. Omnis determination negatio, Marx keeps reminding everyone of this. If it is Hegel who validates Spinoza's judgement by demonstrating its insufficiency which for Marx transforms into a sufficient truth to permit him to avoid identifying capital with the Hegelian concept. Capital can increase its reality only by determining this social substance of abstract labor, by negating it. The tendency of capital, its ideal, is the absolute negation of this substance. Marx makes the insufficiency of Spinoza's substance according to Hegel into a virtue.  In the Logic the principle according to which determination is negation is recognized as essential. But Spinoza, according to Hegel, remains with determination as limit which is founded on an other being. The mode is in another from which it derives its being but this other is in itself. It is the integral concept of all realities. But its immanence is only apparent. Each mode negates each other, determination of each is the result of the determined negation of all of the others. Far from determining itself in these negations, substance is negated in its absolute indifference. It does not reflect itself in these negations no more than they reflect it. The Spinozist principle does not arrive at absolute negation that it anticipates contradictorily. The substance is posed by an external reflection which compromises the otherwise affirmed subsistence of the determinations which become an effervescent moment (attributes and modes). This can be read in the texts from The Science of Logic dedicated to Spinoza.  "Of this proposition that determinateness is negation, the unity of Spinoza's substance — or that there is only one substance — is the necessary consequence. Thought and being or extension, the two attributes, namely, which Spinoza had before him, he had of necessity to posit as one in this unity; for as determinate realities they are negations whose infinity is their unity. According to Spinoza's definition, of which we say more more subsequently, the infinity of anything is its affirmation. He grasped them therefore as attributes, that is, as not having a separate existence, a self-subsistent being of their own, but only as sublated, as moments; or rather, since substance in its own self lacks any determination whatever, they are for him not even moments, and the attributes like the modes are distinctions made by an external intellect. Similarly, the substantiality of individuals cannot persist in the face of that proposition."Hegel, Science of Logic  "Since absolute indifference may seem to be the fundamental determination of Spinoza's substance, we may add that this is indeed the case in so far as in both every determination of being, like every further concrete differentiation of thought and extension and so forth, is posited as vanished. If we stop short at the abstraction [of substance] then it is a matter of complete indifference what something looked like in reality before it was swallowed up in this abyss. But when substance is conceived as indifference, it is tied up with the need for determining it and for taking this determination into consideration; it is not to remain Spinoza's substance, the sole determination of which is the negative one that everything is absorbed in it. With Spinoza, the moment of difference — attributes, thought and extension, then the modes too, the affections, and every other determination — is introduced empirically; it is intellect, itself a mode, which is the source of the differentiation." Hegel, Science of Logic  3. It is capital which fails to realize its ideal determinations of essence and which falls back into the residue of the social substance, of the abstract labor which it masks. Capital as a mode of production is ruled by the real abstractions of exchange value which are not comprehended by social agents. Value is a social abstraction that is produced from the base of multiple dispersed evaluations, that the understanding of the economist produces only after the fact, but can be known as a real abstraction operated by society and which is determined as a social substance of abstract time. The determination of the common substance as abstract labor makes it possible to dissipate the mystification produced by the appearance of capital as the self moving essence of value. All of the people, who are modes of this substance, cannot immediately represent to themselves the internal determinations of this substance in which they appear other than as representation of theological-political complex, the same as the agents of capital who cannot represent to themselves the determinations of capital (commodity-value-money-forms of capital) without fetishizing them as autonomous movements of the value form. Theoretical knowledge, the Wissenschaft, does not dissolve this fetishism because the mechanisms of its social reproduction are founded on the constitution of these forms of representation and their real efficacy. Capital cannot arrive at self-identity in terms of an absolute reflection. The determination that Hegel imputes to Spinoza negatively of substance as exterior reflection can better convey the determinations of moments of its critique. This places within the development of initial economic forms this sort of equivalent of the attribute of extension that is human labor, this common social substance comprising the forms of modal representations which capture it, that is to say that the forms of consciousness and their functional relations in the material process of reproduction. It is therefore the relationship between the substances of abstract human labor and mystified or adequate forms of social representations of this substance that Marx finds in in the hidden Spinozian system and that he utilizes in order to escape the limits of Hegel's categories, which tend to sublimate substance into the concept and therefore annul the contradictions of capital in the passage from substance to the essence and the concept. From this point of view, Hegel and Spinoza would both be utilized without reservations by Marx as the complimentary and constitutive means of production of the critique of political economy. Spinoza would thus be primarily critical to the extent that the process of the development of the determination of capital cannot be ruled by the teleological order of being-essence-concept. The theory of the substance of abstract labor interrupts the movement of the idealization of capital from the mimesis of the Hegelian order that has been opposed. Spinoza is a moment of the emendation of the intellect internal to the Marxist critique, not an external instance that would be opposed in the confrontation with exteriority.  On an Incomplete Analysis  1. Schrader goes no further. The outline of his work remains open. In particular this analysis
Postulates as evidence a substantial theory of abstract labor, one that has come under criticism from multiple non-marxist thinkers (Croce, Pareto, Menger) and also, more recently, by Marxists (Althusser and Bidet). In this case the relation to Spinoza would lose its fecundity. But if one leaves to the side the labor theory of value and its supposed foundational role, on the internal level the analysis still remains allusive, because it would have been necessary to exceed the level of Volume One of Capital in order to demonstrate the decisive character of Spinoza's conceptuality in the Marxist conception.  Despite these uncertainties, the perspective opened by Schrader is stimulating in that can necessitate a more rigorous study, tempering the contradictory interpretations by the rigors of philology.  2. Schrader's final remarks seem to us be more provocative. Starting from the idea that
Spinoza and Marx begin from two different historical moments—that of manufacturing capital limited by the desire of hoarding and that of capitalism fully developed—the logical and ethico-political thesis of the submission of needs to absolute monetary enrichment, and that therefore the refusal of money as an end in itself, he begins to construct a shocking analogy between the third type of knowledge in Spinoza and the knowledge of the capitalist which exposes its money to circulation in order to multiply it. The determination of particular things sub specie aeternitas, as deepening the knowledge of their essence would symbolize with the effort of capitalists to insert money to measure things in their circulation sub specie capitalis. The reference to Marx attests to the irony of Marx: if the movement of true knowledge is infinite, this infinity cannot be confused with that of monetary accumulation which becomes a bad infinity because the means of accumulation are reversed and perverted to be posited as an end in itself.  3. It is more correct, as Schrader makes apparent, to find a space more effective for the
forma mentis common to Marx and Spinoza: the two both diagnosis the pathology of the understanding and that of a form of life proper to a given historical world. Both understand the irreversible character of modern passions and set to understand and eventually cure these pathologies.
Spinoza, son of a merchant enriched by international trade and a merchant himself in his youth, does not have contempt for money and the new wealth of nations promoted by capitalist economy. He does not dream of a return to oikos of finite needs in a household setting, he is not an aristoltean who condemns bad infinity of the circulation of merchandise which has as its object money and not the use value of merchandise. He registers the emergence of exchange value, he sees, as Aristotle did, that it is the subordination of true value.
Remember the famous text from Ethics IV Appendix, consecrated to the function of money.  XXVIII. Now to achieve these things the powers of each man would hardly be sufficient if men did not help one another. But money has provided a convenient instrument for acquiring all these aids. That is why its image usually occupies the mind of the multitude more than anything else. For they can imagine hardly any species of joy without the accompanying idea of money as its cause.  XXlX. But this is a vice only in those who seek money neither from need nor on account of necessities, but because they have learned the art of making money and pride themselves on it very much. As for the body, they feed it according to custom, but sparingly, because they believe they lose as much of their goods as they devote to the preservation
of their body. Those, however, who know the true use of money, and set
bounds to their wealth according to need, live contentedly with little. The realization of money as a concept, the accumulation of money for accumulation, is unrealized. Marx adds that this goal is inaccessible because the character of use value of commodities contradicts the universal sociality of value. The common social substance in so far as it is measured in abstract labor time is measured according to quantitatively determined portions. Money is supposed to represent value in its infinite becoming of an end in itself, but it can only effectively represent a determined part. This contradiction is resolved in the deplacement that money makes in becoming capital, exchange value multiplied in profit. Spinoza's therapeutic of desire also concern the intellect of calculation: the latter is not condemned, it is superior to the intellect of avarice which theorizes by avarita and does not develop the capacity to act and think. This understanding, however, is called upon to better understand the monetary economy by subordinating it to immanent true utility, that which is inscribed in the republic of free citizens. It is only in this sense that the accumulation of wealth under the monetary form can enter into the correct perspective of knowledge of the third kind. Marx in his own way wants to understand the action of human beings without deploring or flattering them. Capital cannot be understood going from substance to the essence of the concept, but it has its basis in substance, the social substance of abstract labor, and can be rethought and regrouped in the forms of economic understanding. Capital also has as its goal a particular therapeutic manner, the health and well-being of a social body that cannot be subsumed under capital but must encompass the increase of the capacities of acting and thinking that capital subordinates to itself.  4. This anti-teleological function of the concept of substance/abstract labor is not
maintained by Marx for long in his dialectic. Certainly the function of the subject cannot be attributed to capital, but it is displaced and given a different support, not that of abstract labor with its internal multiplicity and impersonality, but its bearer, that of the working class, the proletariat, the people of the people. The substance of abstract labor becomes subject in the determination that Marx always uses with the English term general intellect. One could thus see a final return of Hegel which interrupts Marx's return to Spinoza. The communism developed by the general intellect is the practical substitute of the Hegelian concept and imposes an anthropological version and anthropocentric teleology that Spinoza would not accept. What does the general intellect represent? It represents the capacity of the proletariat to organize the ensemble of forces defining the collective worker and the cooperation associated with it, under the direction of formation of the factory in the constitution of the unqualified worker, all representing the advance front of the progressive socialization of the social productive forces. Communism is not something that is imposed as a simple moral ideal, it is a product of the real historical process.  However, Marx does not escape here the teleologism that he shares with majority of
German idealism. The socialization of productive forces—that for Marx leads the process of the self-production of humanity realizing its immanent end and to which he attributes the function of the concept—is not realized at the level of society. It cannot in any way constitute itself as a causa sui. The human world remains a world of world of modal relations and interactions: if the effects of liberation can realize themselves at the level of the individual (by the knowledge of singular things) or at the level of collectivity ( by the democratic constitution of the multitude), these effects would not be made from a mode as a complete cause of itself under all points of view. The capacity of a mode to act and think, human individual or society, can be more or less adequate, but this adequation does not annul the difference that separates the mode which is produced by and in another which it requires to subsist and which is produced in and by itself and becomes a cause of itself. The identity of natura naturata and natura naturans cannot grant a mode the capacity to be cause of itself under all points of view: it permits it to do so under certain points of view and certain conditions which are sufficient for an ethical realization. Communism to the extent that Marx thinks in terms of the becoming concept of the collective worker exceeds the conditions and possibilities of action predicated on modes.  To this structural impossibility we can add the consideration of an analytical one: modern society is not immense and singular enterprise under the order of the collective worker, it is, to say the least, a network of antagonistic enterprises in which on the contrary the process of work is fragmented to the point where it loses all material and ideal unity, a fragmentation that has been imposed by the imperative of capitalist society. Exploitation is not only maintained but it is generalized, it is only in compensation that the recomposition of labor process itself as something collective, cooperative, and associated that Marx believes leads the dialectic of the process of capitalist production. Spinozist realism is here irreducible. It does not limited us in taking the measure of the problem posed generally by Marx, it excludes, however, the solution envisioned from speculative teleology and it compels us to attempt to comprehend the modal form in which exploitation is reproduced. How can we form a new theory of the capacity for insurrection of the multitude subordinated to capital while they also resist it. What effects of liberation can still be manifested by producing new subjectivities which are embedded in real productive activities, not prisoners of unproductive ghettos ravaged by self-destructive violence, nor recluse themselves in the powerless rumination of a moral salvation? How can we escape forms of historical impotence? How can we avoid being reduced to the status of spectators of this impotence? Such are the questions posed by Marx and which are posed again today along with Spinoza and his critique of the teleological illusions of the general intellect, questions which have not arrived at the end of their road. But it is historically vain to ask Marx these questions: they are ours and it is up to us to answer them.

Criterio Libre magazine has played an important role in promoting scientific dissemination as a fundamental mechanism in the transformation processes of our Latin American nations towards better formed societies, with a healthy balance between the necessary growth of the production of tangible and intangible goods and a more fair distribution of wealth, for the benefit of all its populations, which seek to eradicate poverty, which is the greatest scourge that humanity has not yet been able to overcome. Therefore, we rely on criteria of the development of science that contribute to these ideals, choosing then the best articles, subjected to rigorous evaluation processes by recognized national and international researchers, who have also contributed to raise the scientific quality of them through his thoughtful observations and also to develop scientific thinking and the use of the best style for their communication, enriching the social scientific thought in our nations. We can summarize these principles as follows: the development of science and technology as an expression of given sociocultural and valorative systems, the development of science at the service of productive transformation for the benefit of society, the awareness of the role of science and technology in the definition of power relations at the national and international levels and its insertion in development policies, the use of science and technological innovation as instruments of autonomy, openness to novel approaches in the consolidation of social science, the freedom of critical thinking at all levels of scientific knowledge management, among others. In this sense, we have tried to strengthen the analysis and critical development of economic, administrative, financial and accounting sciences, opening a space for the discussion and development of the epistemology of these social sciences, which increasingly becomes the central axis of our magazine. The present edition of Criterio Libre includes two articles that enrich this epistemological discussion: in the first one the researcher José J. Ortiz B. poses a dilemma that accompanies the development of accounting science, "The crisis of accounting representation: problems of science social or power politics?", which seeks to clarify the factors that originate the problem of accounting representation from a reflection on the theoretical foundations that support this important topic and the empirical references that show this problem, factors that have been seen as an epistemic obstacle in the consolidation of this young science and to which the author intends to contribute in his epistemological clarification and in the proposal of alternative solutions, which he proposes for discussion to the scientific community with an interdisciplinary approach and from the paradigm of complexity. In the second article, Professor Jean Paul Sarrazin poses an interesting dissertation on "Religion: do we know what we are talking about? Examination on the feasibility of an analytical category for the social sciences". The objective of this review was to find an analytical category that is precise, clear and sufficiently broad to study empirically the vast range of sociocultural phenomena that can be or have been considered as "religious". It concludes that in spite of the absence of a unified analytical category, some of the most prominent elements in the different definitions can constitute, by themselves, useful analytical categories for empirical research. It can be deduced that this section has been faithful to the principles that we exposed at the beginning of this editorial and that we hope will continue to become an open forum for the scientific development of our disciplines. A second section, devoted to accounting and finance, defines topics that have become of substantial interest due to the strong theoretical development that these disciplines have reached, arriving to a phase in which the disputes of the paradigms that support different approaches have been decanted, and it is in this field where contributions arise that consolidate important theoretical schemes or that, on the other hand, discard hypotheses that allow debugging systems that, in the manner of the layers of an onion, are grouped by levels, which contributes to the consolidation of the social sciences. In this section we find two important articles oriented under this philosophy: the first one analyzes the effects on the accounting information of public companies in the Colombian electricity sector of the implementation of Resolution 743 of 2013 regarding the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) for some public companies. This topic is one of the applications of the important advances in the development of accounting theory for the financial economy, which in spite of this does not manage to establish solid roots for the conditions of the developing countries, as this article proves that the transformations assumed are the result of a change in the organizational economic model, where, rather than attending to the international regulation model, it responds to a process of concentration of strategic assets by actors that have the ability to capture regulation, demonstrating that the interdisciplinary approach is a fertile ground to explain in a better way the reality of these countries in the globalizing environment that characterizes the current economy of these countries. The second article, about the "Impact of self-financing on the innovation of micro, small and medium-sized Colombian companies," allows us to delve into an aspect that has not been explicitly studied and that is located at the frontiers of knowledge between economics, finance and the administration, especially directed at an important sector of the economy of the developing countries, that of the MSME companies, which despite their great contributions to the economic well-being of the population, occupying 80% of it in these countries, no intellectual effort has been devoted by our researchers, wasting a space of potential development of autonomy that will clear the way for the true socioeconomic development of our region. The descriptive results show that Colombian MSMEs use their own resources as a priority for their investments, and inferential results obtained through linear regressions indicate that internal financing has a positive and significant influence on their overall innovation, as well as on their products/services, productive processes and management. This is a variable of fundamental importance to be involved in the development policies for the Latin American industry and that very little is taken into consideration until now, in what has been called the Orange economy, which countries like Colombia want to promote. The reality is that internal or own resources are still the main source of funding for the investment projects of these companies, and while this is consistent with the postulates of the theory of financial hierarchy, everything seems to indicate that the reasons for this are mainly the barriers they encounter to access the external financial market. The next section, dedicated to economic discipline, shows us an important article focused on the analysis of the relationship between "Good governance and effectiveness of development aid", a topic of high relevance for our economies. The article aims to deepen the origin and changes experienced by the notion of good governance; analyzes the constituents and determinants of it, as well as its relationship with close concepts such as institutional quality, and above all, the ideas and evidence created on the relationship between good governance and the effectiveness of development aid. Finally, it concludes that there is no general consensus that aid has been effective in promoting economic growth, and there are both supporters and opponents of this idea. Reflectively, it paves the way for empirically verifying the true effects of economic aid and the conditions under which better results would be possible for the benefit of large masses of the population. This edition closes with two sections: the first one, traditional on topics of administration as a discipline that is structurally integrated with the economic, accounting and financial, and where two articles are developed: the first of these is entitled "Co-creation and new challenges of generating value that organizations face". This matter is very topical and marks a trend in modern administrative theory, which is revolving around the new approaches to the generation of value. It is concluded that, in order to generate a sustained value in organizations, the focus of the managers' actions must be the creation of joint value with their clients and not the exclusive goal of increasing the sales of their products or services usually designed internally and closed. The second article, under the title "Model to analyze the incidence of social capital in human development in Bogotá, DC", focuses on identifying whether there is a type of relationship between social capital and human development in the endogenous context of the city of Bogota. For this purpose, it is proposed to conduct a descriptive investigation, based on multiple regression analysis, which facilitates the proposal of a model that determines the level of incidence of social capital in human development, based on the calculation of the Human Development Index and the Index Decomposed social capital in cognitive capital index, ICSC, structural social capital index, ICSE, social representation index of social capital, IRSCS, components of the integral calculation of the social capital index. Based on these calculations, it is verified that the scope and use of social capital are unknown in the city, which generates a society with a high level of atomization and disinterest about the problems of citizenship. Being able to verify these assertions has the utmost importance to adopt policies of social and human development in the D.C., taking into account the different analytical components that were used in the study. In the last section, dedicated to knowledge management, the issue of bullying is analyzed pedagogically by sexual orientation among male students in the environment of secondary education, which seeks to contribute to the prevention of bullying behaviors, due to the effects that this has in the welfare of a population that tends to segregate in an undemocratic manner and that is already part of the educational models that should be oriented towards the formation of values. As pedagogues, we believe that education can and should create environments of respect and appreciation of difference, where everyone can access it, regardless of sexual orientation, gender or other social or cultural constructions. The set of the eight articles that we put at the disposal of the academic community, organized in the sections oriented according to the principles that support the scientific philosophy and the editorial policy of the magazine, is configured in a new effort that we are sure will contribute to the strengthening of the scientific and technological development of our disciplines in an environment that is ours, but that dialogues with the universality of knowledge at a global level, and that progressively will become the great pillars of our human and social development ; La revista Criterio Libre ha venido desempeñando un rol importante en la promoción de la divulgación científica como mecanismo fundamental en los procesos de transformación de nuestras naciones hispanoamericanas hacia sociedades mejor conformadas, con un sano equilibrio entre el necesario crecimiento de la producción de bienes tangibles e intangibles y una más justa distribución de la riqueza, en beneficio de todas sus poblaciones que buscan la erradicación de la pobreza, el mayor flagelo que la humanidad aún no ha podido superar. En ese orden de ideas, nos hemos fundamentado en criterios del desarrollo de la ciencia que contribuyan a esos ideales, seleccionando los mejores artículos, sometidos a procesos rigurosos de evaluación por reconocidos investigadores nacionales e internacionales, quienes también han contribuido a elevar la calidad científica de los mismos con sus atinadas observaciones y también a desarrollar el pensamiento científico y la utilización del mejor estilo para su comunicación, enriqueciendo el pensamiento científico social en nuestras naciones. Dichos principios los podemos sintetizar de la siguiente manera: El desarrollo de la ciencia y la tecnología como expresión de sistemas valorativos y socioculturales dados, el desarrollo de la ciencia al servicio de la transformación productiva en beneficio de la sociedad, la concientización del papel que tienen la ciencia y la tecnología en la definición de las relaciones de poder en los niveles nacional e internacional y su inserción en las políticas de desarrollo, la utilización de la ciencia y de la innovación tecnológica como instrumentos de autonomía, la apertura a enfoques novedosos en la consolidación de la ciencia social, la libertad del pensamiento crítico en todos los niveles de la gestión del conocimiento científico, entre otros. En tal sentido hemos querido fortalecer el análisis y desarrollo crítico de las ciencias económicas, administrativas, financieras y contables, abriendo un espacio para la discusión y desarrollo de la epistemología de estas ciencias sociales, que cada vez más se convierte en columna vertebral de nuestra revista. En el presente número se incluyen dos artículos que enriquecen dicha discusión epistemológica: en el primero de ellos el investigador José J. Ortiz B. nos plantea un dilema que acompaña el desarrollo de la ciencia contable, "La crisis de la representación contable: ¿problemas de la ciencia social o de la política del poder?", en donde busca dar claridad a los factores que originan la problemática de la representación contable a partir de una reflexión sobre los fundamentos teóricos que sustentan este importante tópico y los referentes empíricos que muestran dicha problemática, factores que necesariamente se han expresado como un obstáculo epistémico en la consolidación de esta joven ciencia y al que el autor pretende aportar tanto en su esclarecimiento epistemológico, como en la propuesta de alternativas de solución, que pone para discusión a la comunidad científica con un enfoque interdisciplinario y desde el paradigma de la complejidad. En el segundo artículo el profesor Jean Paul Sarrazin nos plantea una interesante 18 Universidad Libre disertación alrededor del concepto "Religión: ¿sabemos de lo que estamos hablando? Examen sobre la viabilidad de una categoría analítica para las ciencias sociales". El objetivo de esta revisión fue encontrar una categoría analítica precisa, clara y suficientemente amplia para estudiar empíricamente la vasta gama de fenómenos socioculturales que pueden ser o han sido considerados como "religiosos". Se concluye que a pesar de la ausencia de una categoría analítica unificada algunos de los elementos más destacados en las diferentes definiciones pueden constituir, en sí mismos, categorías analíticas útiles para la investigación empírica. Se puede deducir que esta sección ha sido fiel a los principios que expusimos al comienzo de este editorial y que esperamos se siga convirtiendo en tribuna abierta para el desarrollo científico de nuestras disciplinas. Una segunda sección, dedicada a la contabilidad y las finanzas, define temáticas que se han tornado de interés sustancial dado el fuerte desarrollo teórico que han venido alcanzado esas disciplinas, llegando a una fase en que las disputas de los paradigmas que sustentan diversos enfoques se han venido decantando y es en ese terreno donde florecen aportes que consolidan esquemas teóricos importantes o que, por otro lado, descartan hipótesis que permiten depurar sistemas que, a la manera de las capas de la cebolla, se van agrupando por niveles, lo cual contribuye a la consolidación de las ciencias sociales. En esta sección encontramos dos importantes artículos orientados bajo esa filosofía: el primero de ellos analiza los efectos que sobre la información contable de las empresas públicas del sector eléctrico colombiano tuvo la implementación de la Resolución 743 de 2013, la cual se refiere a la adopción de Normas Internacionales de Información Financiera (NIIF) para algunas empresas públicas, siendo este tópico uno de los aplicativos de los avances importantes del desarrollo de la teoría contable para la economía financierista, que a pesar de ello no logra asentar sólidas raíces para las condiciones de los países en desarrollo, como lo comprueba este artículo que encuentra que las transformaciones asumidas son el resultado de un cambio de modelo económico organizacional, en donde más que atender el modelo de regulación internacional, responde a un proceso de concentración de activos estratégicos por parte de actores que tienen la capacidad de capturar la regulación, demostrando que es el enfoque interdisciplinario un campo fértil para explicar de una mejor manera la realidad de estos países en el entorno globalizador que caracteriza la economía actual de dichos países. El segundo artículo acerca del "Impacto del autofinanciamiento sobre la innovación de las micro, pequeñas y medianas empresas colombianas", permite profundizar en un aspecto que no ha sido explícitamente estudiado y que se ubica en las fronteras del conocimiento entre la economía, las finanzas y la administración, dirigido especialmente a un sector importante de la economía de los países en desarrollo, el de las empresas Mipymes, que a pesar de sus grandes aportes al bienestar económico de la población al ocupar 80% de la misma en estos países, no se le ha dedicado un esfuerzo intelectual por parte de nuestros investigadores, desaprovechando un espacio de potencial desarrollo de la autonomía que permitirá desbrozar el camino del verdadero desarrollo socioeconómico de nuestra región. Los resultados descriptivos muestran que las Mipymes colombianas utilizan prioritariamente recursos propios para sus inversiones, y los resultados inferenciales obtenidos mediante regresiones lineales señalan que el financiamiento interno influye positiva y significativamente en su innovación global, así como en la de sus productos/servicios, procesos productivos y gestión. Esto es una variable de importancia fundamental para ser involucrada en las políticas de desarrollo para la industria latinoamericana y que muy poco se toma en consideración hasta ahora, en lo que se ha venido denominando la economía naranja, que países como Colombia quieren fomentar. La realidad es que los recursos internos o propios siguen siendo la principal fuente de financiación para los proyectos de inversión de estas empresas y si bien ello es coherente con los postulados de la teoría de la jerarquía financiera, todo parece indicar que las razones de esto son principalmente las barreras que encuentran para acceder al mercado financiero externo. Nuestra siguiente sección, dedicada a la disciplina económica, nos muestra un importante artículo enfocado al análisis de la relación entre "Buen gobierno y eficacia de la ayuda al desarrollo", tema de altísima pertinencia para nuestras economías. El artículo se propone profundizar en el origen y los cambios experimentados por la noción de buen gobierno; analiza los constituyentes y determinantes del mismo, así como su relación con conceptos cercanos como el de calidad institucional, y sobre todo, las ideas y la evidencia creada sobre las relaciones entre el buen gobierno y la efectividad de la ayuda al desarrollo. Finalmente llega a la conclusión de que no existe un consenso general en cuanto a que la ayuda haya sido eficaz para promover el crecimiento económico, y existen tanto defensores como detractores de esta idea. De manera reflexiva deja abierto el camino para verificar empíricamente los verdaderos efectos de la ayuda económica y las condiciones bajo las cuales se harían posibles unos mejores resultados en beneficio de grandes masas de la población. Cerramos este número con dos secciones: la primera, tradicional sobre temas de administración como disciplina que se integra estructuralmente con la económica, la contable y financiera, y donde se desarrollan dos artículos: el primero de estos se titula "La co-creación y los nuevos retos de generación de valor que enfrentan las organizaciones", siendo esta temática de gran actualidad y que marca una tendencia en la moderna teoría administrativa, que está girando sobre los nuevos enfoques de la generación de valor. Se concluye que, para generar un valor sostenido en las organizaciones, el foco de las acciones de los gestores debe ser la creación de valor conjunta con sus clientes y no la exclusiva meta de aumentar las ventas de sus productos o servicios habitualmente diseñados de manera interna y cerrada. El segundo artículo bajo el título "Modelo para analizar la incidencia del capital social en el desarrollo humano en Bogotá, D.C.", se centra en identificar si existe un tipo de relación entre el capital social y el desarrollo humano en el contexto endógeno de la ciudad de Bogotá. Para tal fin, se propone hacer una investigación descriptiva basada en análisis de regresión múltiple que facilita la proposición de un modelo que determina el nivel de incidencia del capital social en el desarrollo humano, partiendo del cálculo del Índice de desarrollo humano y del Índice de capital social descompuesto en índice 20 Universidad Libre de capital cognitivo, ICSC, índice de capital social estructural, ICSE, Índice de representación social del capital social, IRSCS, componentes del cálculo integral del índice de capital social. Con base en esos cálculos se llega a comprobar que en la ciudad se desconocen el alcance y uso del capital social, lo que genera construir una sociedad con alto nivel de atomización y desinterés por los problemas de la ciudadanía. Poder comprobar estos asertos es de suma importancia para adoptar políticas de desarrollo social y humano en el D.C., atendiendo los diferentes componentes analíticos que se utilizaron en el estudio. En la última sección, dedicada a la gestión del conocimiento, se analiza pedagógicamente el tema del bullying por orientación sexual entre estudiantes masculinos en el ambiente de la educación media, que busca contribuir a la prevención de comportamientos de bullying, por los efectos que ello tiene en el bienestar de una población que tiende a segregarse de manera antidemocrática y que ya hace parte de los modelos educativos que deben orientarse a la formación de valores. Como pedagogos, creemos que la educación puede y debe crear ambientes de respeto y valoración de la diferencia, en donde todos puedan acceder a ella, sin importar la orientación sexual, el género u otras construcciones sociales o culturales. El conjunto de los ocho artículos que ponemos a disposición de la comunidad académica, organizados en las secciones orientadas según los principios que fundamentan la filosofía científica y la política editorial de la revista, se configura en un nuevo esfuerzo que estamos seguros contribuirá al fortalecimiento del desarrollo científico y tecnológico de nuestras disciplinas en un entorno que nos es propio, pero que dialoga con la universalidad del conocimiento a nivel global, y que progresivamente se constituirán en los grandes pilares de nuestro desarrollo humano y social. ; La revue Criterio Libre a occupé un important rôle en promouvoir la divulgation scientifique comme mécanisme fondamental dans les procès de transformation de nos nations latino-americaines vers sociétés meilleure conformées, avec un sain équilibre entre la nécessaire croissance de la production de biens tangibles et intangibles et une plus juste distribution de la richesse, au profit de toutes ses populations, que cherchent éradiquer la pauvreté, qu'il est le majeur fléau que l'humanité encore n'a pas pu surpasser. Par l'antérieur, nous basons sur des critères du développement de la science qu'ils contribuent à ces idéals, en choisissant alors les meilleurs articles, soumis à des rigoureux procès d'évaluation par des reconnus chercheurs nationaux et internationaux, qui ont aussi contribué à élever la qualité scientifique des mêmes par leur sages observations et aussi à développer la pensée scientifique et l'utilisation du meilleur style pour sa communication, en enrichissant la pensé scientifique sociale dans nos nations. Nous pouvons résumer dits principes: le développement de la science et la technologie comme expression de systèmes d'évaluation et socio-culturelles donnés, le développement de la science au service de la transformation productive au profit de la société, la prise de conscience du rôle de la science et la technologie dans la définition des relations de pouvoir en les niveaux nationaux et internationaux et son insertion dans les politiques de développement, l›utilisation de la science et de l›innovation technologique comme des instruments d›autonomie, l›ouverture à nouvelles approches dans la consolidation de la science sociale, la liberté de la pensée critique en tous les niveaux de la gestion de la connaissance scientifique, entre autrui. Dans ce sens, nous avons essayé fortifier l'analyse et développement critique des sciences économiques, administratives, financiers et comptables, en ouvrant un espace pour la discussion et développement de l'epistemologie de ces sciences sociales, que de plus en plus se convertit dans l'axe central de notre revue. La présente édition comprend deux articles qu'ils enrichissent dite discussion epistémológique: en le premier d'ils le chercheur José J. Ortiz B. pose un dilemme qu'accompagne le développement de la science comptable, "La crise de la représentation comptable: ¿problèmes de la science sociale ou de la politique du pouvoir?", dans lequel cherche éclaircir les facteurs qu'ils causent la problématique de la représentation comptable à partir d'une réflexion sur les fondements théoriques qu'ils soutiennent cet important question et les référents empiriques qui montrent cette problématique, facteurs qui ont été considérés comme un obstacle épistémique à la consolidation de cette jeune science et aux quels l›auteur entend contribuir dans sa clarification épistémologique et dans la proposition de solutions alternatives qu›il donne à lacommunauté scientifique avec une approche interdisciplinaire et du paradigme de la complexité. Dans le deuxième article, le professeur Jean Paul Sarrazin fait une thèse intéressante sur "Religion: savons-nous de quoi nous parlons? Examen de la faisabilité d›une catégorie analytique pour les sciences sociales". L'objectif de cette revue était de trouver une catégorie analytique précise, claire et suffisamment large pour étudier empiriquement la vaste gamme de phénomènes socio-culturelles qui peuvent être ou ont été considérés comme "religieux". Il conclut qu'en dépit de l›absence d›unecatégorie analytique unifiée, certains éléments les plus saillants des différentes définitions peuvent euxmêmes constituer des catégories analytiques utiles à la recherche empirique. On peut déduire que cette section a été fidèle aux principes que nous avons énoncé au début de cet éditorial et que nous espérons qu'ils continuera à devenir une plateforme ouverte pour le développement scientifique de nos disciplines. Une deuxième section, consacrée à la comptabilité et à la finance, définit les sujets qui sont devenus d›un intérêt substantiel en raison du fort développement théorique que ces disciplines ont atteint, atteignant une phase dans la quelle les différends des paradigmes qui soutiennent diverses approches ont été réglés et c'est dans ce domaine que les contributions surgissent qui consolident des schémas théoriques importants ou qui, d'autrepart, écartent les hypothèses qui permettent des systèmes purifiants qui, à la façon des couches d›oignons, sont regroupés par niveaux, contribuant ainsi à consolider les sciences sociales. Dans cette section, nous trouvons deux articles importants orientés selon cette philosophie: le premier analyse les effets sur l›information comptable des entreprises publiques du secteur de l'électricité colombien de la mise en oeuvre de la résolution 743 de 2013 concernant l'adoption des normes internationales d›information financière (IFRS) pour certaines entreprises publiques. Ce sujet est l›une des applications des avancées importantes dans le développement de la théorie comptable pour l›économie financieriste qui malgré cela ne parvient pas à établir des racines solides pour les conditions des pays en développement, comme enté moigne cet article qui constate que les transformations supposées sont le résultat d›un changement du modèle économique organisationnel, où, plutôt que de s›intéresser au modèle de réglementation internationale, répond à un processus de concentration des actifs stratégiques par des acteurs qui ont la capacité de saisir la réglementation, démontrant que l'approche interdisciplinaire est un terrain fertile pour mieux expliquer la réalité de ces pays dans l'environnement mondialisant qui caractérise l›économie actuelle de ces pays. Le deuxième article, intitulé "Impact de l›autofinancement sur l'innovation dans les micro, petites et moyennes entreprises colombiennes», donne un aperçu d'un aspect qui n›a pas été explicitement étudié et qui se situe aux frontières de la connaissance entre économie, finance et administration, en particulier dans un secteur important de l›économie des pays en développement, celle des MPME, qui malgré leur grande contribution au bien-être économique de la population, occupant 80% de la population de ces pays, n'a pas fait l›effort intellectuel de nos chercheurs, gaspillant un espace de développement potentiel d'autonomie qui ouvrira la voie à un véritable développement socioéconomique de notre région. Les résultats descriptifs montrent que les PMI colombiennes utilisent principalement leurs propres ressources pour leurs investissements, et les résultats inférentiels obtenus par régression linéaire indiquent que le financement interne a une influence positive et significative sur leur innovation globale, ainsi que sur celle de leurs produits/services, processus de production et gestion. Il s›agit d'une variable d›une importance fondamentale à impliquer dans les politiques de développement de l'industrie latino-américaine et que trèspeu de choses sont prises en considération jusqu›à présent, dans cequ›on a appelé l'économie orange, que des pays comme la Colombie veulent promouvoir. En réalité, les ressources internes ou propres restent la principale source de financement des projets d'investissement de ces entreprises et, bien que cela soit conforme aux postulats de la théorie de la hiérarchie financière, tout semble indiquer que les raisons en sont principalement les obstacles qu›elles rencontrent pour accéder au marché financier extérieur. Notre prochaine section, consacrée à ladiscipline économique, nous présente un article important centré sur l'analyse de la relation entre "La bonne gouvernance et l'efficacité de l'aide"; un sujet de la plus haute pertinence pour nos économies. Il analyse les composantes et les déterminants de la bonne gouvernance, ainsi que sa relation avec des concepts étroitement liés tels que la qualité institutionnelle et, surtout, les idées et les preuves créées sur la relation entre bonne gouvernance et efficacité de l'aide au développement. En fin, il conclut qu'il n'y a pas de consensus général sur l'efficacité de l'aide dans la promotion de la croissance économique, et qu'il y a à la fois des défenseurs et des détracteurs de cette idée. D'une manière réfléchie, elle laisse ouverte la voie à la vérification empirique des effets réels de l'aide économique et des conditions dans les quelles de meilleurs résultats seraient possibles pour le bénéfice de larges masses de la population. Nous clôturons ce numéro avec deux sections : la première, traditionnelle sur les thèmes de l›administration en tant que discipline structurellement intégrée à l'économie, la comptabilité et lafinance, et où deux articles sont développés: le premier d'entre eux estintitulé "Co-création et lesnouveaux défis de création de valeur aux quels les organisations font face. Ce sujet est d›actualité et marque une tendance de la théorie administrative moderne, qui s›articule autour de nouvelles approches de la création de valeur. Il est conclu que, pour générer une valeur durable dans lesorganisations, les actions des gestionnaires doivent être axées sur la création de valeur conjointe avec leurs clients et non sur l›objectif exclusif d'augmenter les ventes de leurs produits ou services habituellement conçus en interne et de façon fermée. Le deuxième article, intitulé "Modèle d'analyse de l'incidence du capital social sur le développement humain à Bogotá, D.C.", vise à identifier s›il existe un type de relation entre capital social et développement humain dans le contexte endogène de la ville de Bogotá. Cette fin, il est proposé demener une recherche descriptive, fondée sur une analyse de régression multiple, qui facilite la proposition d'un modèle qui détermine le niveau d'incidence du capital social dans le développement humain, à partir du calcul de l'indice de développement humain et de l'indice de capital social répartis en composantes du calcul intégral de l'indice de capital social, soit l'indice de capital cognitif, l'ICSE, l'indice de capital social structurel, l'ICSC et l'IRSCS, et de l'indice de représentation du capital social. Sur la base de ces calculs, on constate que l'ampleur et l'utilisation du capital social dans la ville sont inconnues, ce qui engendre la construction d'une société avec un haut niveau d'atomisation et un désintérêt pour les problèmes de citoyenneté. Pouvoir vérifier ces affirmations a une importance capitale pour l'adoption de politiques de développement social et humain à Bogotá, D.C., en tenant compte des différentes composantes analytiques qui ont été utilisées dans l'étude. Dans la dernière partie, consacrée à la gestion des connaissances, le sujet des brimades dues à l'orientation sexuelle chez les élèves de sexe masculin estanalysé pédagogiquement dans l'environnement de l'enseignement secondaire, qui cherche à contribuer à la prévention des comportements debrimades, en raison des effets que cela a sur le bien-être d'une population qui tend à se séparer de manière antidémocratique et qui fait déjà partie des modèles éducatifs qui doivent être orientés vers la formation des valeurs. En tant que pédagogues, nous croyons que l'éducation peut et doit créer des environnements de respect et de valorisation de la différence, où chacun peut y accéder, indépendamment de son orientation sexuelle, de son sexe ou d'autres constructions sociales ou culturelles. L'ensemble des huit articles que nous mettons à la disposition de la communauté académique, organisés en sections orientées selon les principes qui sous-tendent la philosophie scientifique et la politique éditoriale de la revue, s'inscrit dans un nouvel effort qui, nous en sommes sûrs, contribuera à renforcer le développement scientifique et technologique de nos disciplines dans un environnement qui nous est propre mais qui dialogue avec l'universalité du savoir à un niveau global et qui deviendra progressivement les grands piliers de notre développement humain et social. ; A revista Critério Livre tem desempenhado um importante papel em promover a divulgação científica como um mecanismo fundamental nos processos de transformação de nossas nações latino-americanas para sociedades melhor formadas, com um equilíbrio saudável entre o necessário crescimento da produção de bens tangíveis e intangíveis e uma mais justa distribuição da riqueza, em benefício de todas as suas populações, que buscam erradicar a pobreza, que é o maior flagelo que a humanidade ainda não conseguiu superar. Pelo exposto, nos baseamos em critérios do desenvolvimento da ciência que contribuam para esses ideais, escolhendo então os melhores artigos, submetidos a rigorosos processos de avaliação por renomados pesquisadores nacionais e internacionais, que também contribuíram para elevar a qualidade científica dos mesmos através de seus atinadas observações,e também a desenvolver o pensamento científico e a utilização do melhorestilo para sua comunicação, enriquecendo o pensamento científico social em nossos países. Podemos resumir esses princípios assim: o desenvolvimento da ciência e da tecnologia como expressão de sistemas valorativos e socioculturais dados, o desenvolvimento da ciência a serviço da transformação produtiva em benefício da sociedade, a conscientização sobre o papel da ciência e da tecnologia na definição das relações de poder nos níveis nacional e internacional e sua inserção nas políticas de desenvolvimento, a utilização da ciência e da inovação tecnológica como instrumentos de autonomia, a abertura a abordagens inovadoras na consolidação da ciencia social, a liberdade do pensamento crítico em todos os níveis da gestão do conhecimento científico, entre outros. Neste sentido, tentamos fortalecer a análise e o desenvolvimento crítico das ciências econômicas, administrativas, financeiras e contábeis, abrindo um espaço para a discussão e desenvolvimento da epistemologia de estas ciências sociais, que cada vez mais torna-se o eixo central de nossa revista. A presente edição inclui dois itens que fazem parte desta discussão epistemológica: no primeiro deles, o pesquisador José J. Ortiz B. planta um dilema que acompanha o desenvolvimento da ciência contábil, "A crise da representação contábil: problemas da ciência social ou política do poder?", em que busca esclarecer os fatores que originam a problemática da representação contábil a partir de uma reflexão sobre os fundamentos teóricos que sustentam este importante tema e os referentes empíricos que mostram esta problemática, fatores que foram vistos como um obstáculo epistémico na consolidação dessa jovem ciência e o que o autor pretende contribuir para seu esclarecimento epistemológico e a proposta de alternativas de solução, que propõe para discussão com a comunidade científica com uma abordagem interdisciplinar e a partir do paradigma da complexidade. No segundo artigo, o profesor Jean Paul Sarrazin levanta uma interessante dissertação sobre "Religião: nós sabemos do que estamos falando? Análise da viabilidade de uma categoria analítica para as ciências sociais". O objetivo desta revisão foi encontrar uma categoria analítica, precisa, clara e suficientemente ampla para estudar empiricamente a vasta gama de fenômenos sócio-culturais que podem ser ou foram considerados como "religiosos". Conclui que, a pesar da ausência de uma categoria analítica unificada, alguns dos elementos mais destacados nas diferentes definições podem constituir, em si mesmos, categorias analíticas úteis para a investigação empírica. Pode-se deducir que esta seção tem sido fiel aos princípios que expusemos no início deste editorial, e que esperamos que continue transformando em uma tribuna aberta para o desenvolvimento científico de nossas disciplinas. Uma segunda seção, dedicada à contabilidade e as finanças, define temáticas que se tornaram de interesse substancial devido ao forte desenvolvimento teórico que atingiram essas disciplinas, chegando a uma fase em que as disputas dos paradigmas que sustentam várias abordagens foram decantado e é nesse terreno onde surgem contribuições que consolidam os importantes esquemas teóricos ou que, por outro lado, descartam hipótese que permitem depurar sistemas que, à maneira das camadas duma cebola, serão agrupadas por níveis, o que contribui para a consolidação das ciências sociais. Nesta seção encontramos dois importantes artigos orientados sob desta filosofia: o primeiro analisa os efeitos que sobre a informação contabilística das empresas públicas do setor elétrico colombiano teve a implementação da Resolução 743 de 2013, relativa à adopção de Normas Internacionais de Informação Financeira (NIIF) para algumas empresas públicas. Este tópico é um dos aplicativos de importantes avanços do desenvolvimento da teoria contábil para a economia financierista, que apesar disso não consegue establecer sólidas raízes para as condições dos países em desenvolvimento, como o comprova este artigo que encontra que as transformações assumidas são o resultado de uma mudança de modelo econômico, organizacional, onde, mais que atender o modelo de regulação internacional, responde a um processo de concentração de ativos estratégicos por parte de atores que têm a capacidade de capturar a regulação, demonstrando que a abordagem interdisciplinar é um campo fértil para explicar de uma maneira melhor a realidade destes países no ambiente globalizador que caracteriza a economía atual de tais países. O segundo artigo, sobre "o Impacto do autofinanciamento sobre a inovação das micro, pequenas e médias empresas colombianas", permite aprofundar um aspecto que não tem sido explicitamente estudado e que se situa na fronteira entre a economia, as finanças e a administração, dirigido especialmente a um setor importante da economia dos países em desenvolvimento, as empresas Mipymes, que apesar de suas grandes contribuições para o bem-estar económico da população, ao ocupar 80% da mesma em cada um destes países, não lhe foi dedicado um esforço intelectual por parte dos nossos investigadores, desaprovechando um espaço potencial de desenvolvimento da autonomia que permite desbrozar o caminho do verdadeiro desenvolvimento sócio-econômico de nossa região. Os resultados descritivos mostram que as Mipymes colombianas utilizam prioritariamente os recursos próprios para os investimentos, e os resultados inferenciales obtidos através de regressões lineares indicam que o financiamento interno influencia positiva e significativamente na inovação global, assim como a de seus produtos/serviços, processos produtivos e de gestão. Esta é uma variável de importância fundamental para ser envolvida nas políticas de desenvolvimento para a indústria latino-americana e que muito pouco se leva em consideração até agora, no que se tem denominado a economía laranja, que países como a Colômbia querem promover. A realidade é que os recursos internos ou próprios continuam sendo a principal fonte de financiamento para os projectos de investimento destas empresas, e se bem que isso é coerente com os postulados da teoria da hierarquia financeira, tudo parece indicar que as razões são principalmente as barreiras que encontram para acessar o mercado financeiro externo. A nossa seguinte secção, dedicada à disciplina económica, mostra-nos um importante artigo focado à análise da relação entre "Bom governo e eficácia da ajuda ao desenvolvimento", tema de altísima pertinência para as nossas economias. O artigo propõe-se aprofundar na origem e as mudanças experimentadas pela noção de bom governo; analisa os constituintes e determinantes do mesmo, bem como a sua relação com conceitos próximos como a qualidade institucional, e sobretudo, as ideias e a evidência criada sobre as relações entre o bom governo e a efetividade da ajuda ao desenvolvimento. Finalmente chega à conclusão de que não existe um consenso geral quanto a que a ajuda seja eficaz para promover o crescimento económico, e existem tanto defensores como detratores desta ideia. De maneira reflexiva deixa aberto o caminho para verificar empiricamente os verdadeiros efeitos da ajuda económica e as condições baixo as quais seriam possíveis uns melhores resultados em benefício de grandes massas da população. Fechamos esta edição com duas secções: a primeira, tradicional sobre temas de administração como disciplina que se integra estruturalmente com a económica, a contável e financeira, e onde se desenvolvem dois artigos: o primeiro destes se titula "A co-criação e os novos reptos de geração de valor que enfrentam as organizações". Esta temática é de grande atualidade e marca uma tendência na moderna teoria administrativa, que está a girar sobre as novas focagens da geração de valor. Conclui-se que, para gerar um valor sustentado nas organizações, o foco das ações dos gestores deve ser a criação de valor conjunta com os seus clientes e não a exclusiva meta de aumentar as vendas dos seus produtos ou serviços habitualmente desenhados de maneira interna e fechada. O segundo artigo, baixo o título "Modelo para analisar a incidência do capital social no desenvolvimento humano em Bogotá, D.C.", centra-se em identificar se existe um tipo de relação entre o capital social e o desenvolvimento humano no contexto endógeno da cidade de Bogotá. Para tal fim, propõe-se fazer uma investigação descritiva, baseada em análise de regressão múltipla, que facilita a proposição de um modelo que determina o nível de incidência do capital social no desenvolvimento humano, partindo do cálculo do Índice de desenvolvimento humano e do Índice de capital social decomposto em índice de capital cognitivo, ICSC, índice de capital social estrutural, ICSE, Índice de representação social do capital social, IRSCS, componentes do cálculo integral do índice de capital social. Com base nesses cálculos chega-se a comprovar que na cidade se desconhecem o alcance e o uso do capital social, o que gera construir uma sociedade com alto nível de atomização e desinteresse pelos problemas da cidadania. Poder comprovar estes asertos é de soma importância para adotar políticas de desenvolvimento social e humano no D.C., atendendo os diferentes componentes analíticos que se utilizaram no estudo. Na última secção, dedicada à gestão do conhecimento, analisa-se pedagógicamente o tema do bullying por orientação sexual entre estudantes masculinos no ambiente da educação média, que procura contribuir à prevenção de comportamentos de bullying, pelos efeitos que isso tem no bem-estar de uma população que tende a segregarse de maneira antidemocrática e que já faz parte dos modelos educativos que devem orientar à formação de valores. Como pedagogos, achamos que a educação pode e deve criar ambientes de respeito e valoração da diferença, em onde todos possam aceder a ela, sem importar a orientação sexual, o género ou outras construções sociais ou culturais. O conjunto dos oito artigos que pomos ao dispor da comunidade académica, organizados nas secções orientadas segundo os princípios que fundamentam a filosofia científica e a política editorial da revista, se configura em um novo esforço que estamos seguros contribuirá ao fortalecimiento do desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico das nossas disciplinas em um meio que nos é próprio, mas que dialoga com a universalidade do conhecimento a nível global, e que progressivamente constituir-se-ão nos grandes pilares do nosso desenvolvimento humano e social.