Suchergebnisse

This Thesis is the reworking and re-composition of a study based on the experience acquired by the author from the following:• his active participation in the recent psychiatric reform in Greece (establishment and functioning of a shelter for asylum-seeker patients and later a daycentre for autistic children);• his clinical theory reflections on maltreatment and adolescents (offenders and victims of violence), what the author proposes to call violated transitions.• this research stretching over thirty years on the topic the continuing mourning of the missing persons in Cyprus (on account of the invasion of the island by Turkey in 1974) and the individual, social and political interferences with this impossible mourning;• his studies on the extension of the concept of the work of mourning (as a prototype of the psychic work in his report on the cultural work), the limits and obstacles that the mourning encounters in the context of culture and contemporary society.In the course of these developments, the adopted pluridisciplinary approach gives rise to a dialogue involving the Psychoanalysis, Anthropology and Literature of ancient Greece. Pluridisciplinarity allows, at the same time, the multiplication of approaches, in order to better seize of the phenomena in their complexity and relation to their environments, examine that which is developing on the interfaces, bring out in relief our conceptual and methodological limitations, in order to place into perspective the ways of disengagement and overtaking. (The study on the presumed primacy of the mother in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology, as well as the study on postmodern culture as an anti-mournful meta-frame, are examples of this).4In multiplying the expressions of psychic suffering that have to be studied, the environments where they manifest themselves and the perspectives of their examination, the author is forced to show that the structure and the psychic processes of the individual subject, especially their sufferings, cannot be sufficiently understood and ...

This Thesis is the reworking and re-composition of a study based on the experience acquired by the author from the following:• his active participation in the recent psychiatric reform in Greece (establishment and functioning of a shelter for asylum-seeker patients and later a daycentre for autistic children);• his clinical theory reflections on maltreatment and adolescents (offenders and victims of violence), what the author proposes to call violated transitions.• this research stretching over thirty years on the topic the continuing mourning of the missing persons in Cyprus (on account of the invasion of the island by Turkey in 1974) and the individual, social and political interferences with this impossible mourning;• his studies on the extension of the concept of the work of mourning (as a prototype of the psychic work in his report on the cultural work), the limits and obstacles that the mourning encounters in the context of culture and contemporary society.In the course of these developments, the adopted pluridisciplinary approach gives rise to a dialogue involving the Psychoanalysis, Anthropology and Literature of ancient Greece. Pluridisciplinarity allows, at the same time, the multiplication of approaches, in order to better seize of the phenomena in their complexity and relation to their environments, examine that which is developing on the interfaces, bring out in relief our conceptual and methodological limitations, in order to place into perspective the ways of disengagement and overtaking. (The study on the presumed primacy of the mother in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology, as well as the study on postmodern culture as an anti-mournful meta-frame, are examples of this).4In multiplying the expressions of psychic suffering that have to be studied, the environments where they manifest themselves and the perspectives of their examination, the author is forced to show that the structure and the psychic processes of the individual subject, especially their sufferings, cannot be sufficiently understood and ...

Within the list of new colombian historical novels, the novel Bolivar's carriage by Evelio Rosero Diago, writer of Nariño ancestry, is published at the beginning of the year, a work that reveals in the south the complex reality of Colombian society in permanent crisis due to Its founding at once, built on an enormous lie, that of the great military Bolivar concerned with public morality, and whose nefarious example given by the "so-called Liberator" founded what would eventually be the Colombian political culture, according to the statement that Dr. Justo Pastor Proceso López, famous gynecologist of the city of Pasto, where the events take place in the middle of the carnival party of Whites and Blacks between December 28, 1966 and until January 6, 67, a character that Seeks to develop in his life, on the one hand, a political project denouncing, in the manner of Sañudo with his Studies on the life of Bolivar, the lies said about Bolivar, and for which he will sponsor a chariot with his figure to remind people Of the south its past history, in addition to his other project to obtain the love of his wife and the affection of his daughters, projects that will develop parallel in the history of the novel, and that will end with the murder of the doctor on the part of a A cell of the national liberation army that, through its contradictory actions, seeks to clean Bolivar's honor, allegedly defamed by the protagonist. The carnivalized vision of the world offered by the text and thanks to which certain freedoms are allowed, which will enable the development of the doctor's life projects, will reveal the condition of a generalized anomic society, that is the existence of an anomic State as it is The Colombian and, of course, the society of the south of the country, governed by a discredited normative that contributes to its deinstitutionalization, and whose causes go back to the very origins of foundation of the homeland and before which, remembering the past of the region And the idyllic chronotope in which its inhabitants lived, seeks to recover the lost, that is, a harmonious and just way of life free from vexations and lies. Rosero adopts a supra-party ideological position in his evaluation of the Colombian reality which allows him to carry out his proposal through the truth of revelation proper to the aesthetic work. ; Dentro del listado de nuevas novelas históricas colombianas, se publica a comienzos del año 2012 la novela La carroza de Bolívar de Evelio Rosero Diago, escritor de ascendencia nariñense, obra que revela en el sur la compleja realidad de la sociedad colombiana en permanente crisis debido a su fundación a deshora, construida sobre una enorme mentira, la del Bolívar gran militar preocupado por la moralidad pública, y cuyo nefasto ejemplo dado por el "mal llamado Libertador" fundó lo que sería con el tiempo la cultura política colombiana, según la afirmación que hace el doctor Justo Pastor Proceso López, afamado ginecólogo de la ciudad de Pasto, lugar donde se desarrollan los acontecimientos en plena fiesta de carnaval de Blancos y Negros entre el 28 de diciembre de 1966 y hasta el 6 de enero del 67, personaje éste que pretende desarrollar en su vida, por una parte, un proyecto político denunciando, a la manera de Sañudo con sus Estudios sobre la vida de Bolívar, las mentiras dichas sobre Bolívar, y para lo cual patrocinará una carroza con su figura para recordar a la gente del sur su historia pasada, además de su otro proyecto consistente en conseguir el amor de su mujer y el cariño de sus hijas, proyectos que se desarrollarán paralelamente en la historia de la novela, y que terminarán con el asesinato del médico por parte de una célula del ejército de liberación nacional que, a través de su accionar contradictorio, busca limpiar la honra de Bolívar, supuestamente difamada por el protagonista. La visión carnavalizada del mundo que ofrece el texto y gracias a la cual se permiten algunas libertades que posibilitarán el desarrollo de los proyectos de vida del médico, revelarán la condición de una sociedad anómica generalizada, esto es la existencia de un Estado anómico como lo es el colombiano y, por supuesto, la sociedad del sur del país, regida por una normatividad desprestigiada que contribuye a su desinstitucionalización, y cuyas causas se remontan a los orígenes mismos de fundación de la patria y ante lo cual, recordando el pasado de la región y el cronotopo idílico en el que moraban sus habitantes, se busca recobrar lo perdido, esto es, una forma de vida armoniosa y justa libre de vejámenes y mentiras. Rosero adopta una posición ideológica suprapartidista en su evaluación de la realidad colombiana lo que le permite llevar a cabo su propuesta a través de la verdad de revelación propia del trabajo estético.

La medición de las capacidades institucionales para el ejercicio de la salud pública es sin duda un proceso prioritario que toda organización con funciones sanitarias debe emprender, y más aún, cuando tiene una población vulnerable a cargo. Es por ello, que la presente investigación tomando como base las directrices emanadas por la Organización Panamericana de la Salud y las realidades sanitarias de las prisiones colombianas, puso en consideración su evaluación dentro del Sistema Nacional Penitenciario y Carcelario. Por lo tanto y para concretar esta intención, se seleccionó cómo actor representativo al Instituto Nacional Penitenciario y Carcelario –INPEC-, en virtud a que esta Institución tiene entre sus responsabilidades, la administración de la pena, el desarrollo del proceso de resocialización y hasta el año 2012 tuvo la rectoría exclusiva en materia sanitaria. En este marco y partiendo del enfoque de vigilancia en salud pública, se procedió al reconocimiento sanitario bajo un diseño de carácter descriptivo, que posibilitó caracterizar las realidades sociodemográficas, epidemiológicas, higiénico-sanitarias e institucionales que presentaba el INPEC. Bajo este rigor y una vez finalizado este reconocimiento, se procedió a medir las 11 funciones esenciales, mediante el acceso a sus tres niveles de organización territorial, contando para ello, con los aportes de 8 funcionarios relacionados con la gestión de la salud pública intramural. En este respecto, la medición se desarrolló en la Dirección General, en la Dirección Regional Central y en el Complejo Metropolitano de Bogotá-COMEB "La Picota". De igual forma se indica, que para instrumentar la medición se utilizó la herramienta de la OPS, la cual fue ajustada teniendo en consideración las competencias, responsabilidades y campos de acción que en materia sanitaria le concede el ordenamiento jurídico a la Institución. Como resultado de ello, al final del proceso de investigación se presenta una DOFA situacional que precisa los aspectos críticos que desde la órbita territorial y organizacional logran influenciar el presente y el devenir de la salud publica penitenciaria. A nivel de conclusión, se evidenció que los procesos y las acciones sanitarias dentro del ámbito de prisiones presentan un conjunto de carencias y rezagos que son producto de la falta de claridad a nivel de la rectoría en salud pública, así mismo se identificó que el INPEC está sometido a un proceso de desinstitucionalización sanitaria debido a la transferencia de sus funciones y responsabilidades, que a la larga precisará mayores obstáculos en la ardua tarea de garantizar la salud de la población reclusa. ; Abstract. Measuring the institutional capabilities for the exercise of public health is definitely a priority process that every organization should undertake health functions, and more, when you run a vulnerable population. Therefore, the present investigation was based on the guidelines issued by the Panamerican Health Organization and health realities of Colombian prisons took into account its assessment within the National Penitentiary and Prison System. Therefore, and to realize this intention, how representative al-INPEC Actor-Prison, National Penitentiary and pursuant to this institution has among its responsibilities, management of grief, the development process of rehabilitation and was selected to the 2012 had the exclusive stewardship in health. In this context and based on the approach of public health surveillance, we proceeded to the health examination under a descriptive design, which allowed to characterize the sociodemographic, epidemiological, sanitary and institutional realities that had INPEC. Under this rigor and once this recognition is finished, we proceeded to measure the 11 essential functions through access to three levels of territorial organization, counting with input 8 officials related to the management of intramural health. In this respect, the measurement was conducted in the General Directorate, Central Regional Bureau and Metropolitan Complex Bogota COMEB "La Picota". Similarly indicated that to implement the measurement tool OPS, which was adjusted to take into account the skills, responsibilities and fields of action in health statute grants the institution was used. As a result, at the end of the research process that requires situational SWOT critical issues from the territorial and organizational achieve orbit influence the present and the future of public health presents prison. In summary, it was shown that processes and health activities within the scope of prisons present a set of shortcomings and gaps that result from the lack of clarity at the level of the rectory in public health, also identified that INPEC is subjected to a process of deinstitutionalization health due to the transfer of their functions and responsibilities, which will eventually require major obstacles in the arduous task of ensuring the health of the prison population ; Maestría

Considering the socio-political situation in Russia to be devoid of any alternatives has become a dominant view over the past 15 years and has turned into a self-fulfilling prophecy directed towards both the past and the present. Meanwhile, the history of these past 15 years was anything but alternativeless. The country traversed several obvious bifurcation points 1991-1993, 1996, and 1998-1999 when the road taken was not the only possible one. Neither was this road predetermined by history or by the operation of objective natural forces. The choices were made by those in power and thus they were subjective choices. Russian history (after the fall of the Soviet Union) reached the decisive bifurcation point in 1991-1993. The choice was then made in favor of developing capitalism "from above" through the conversion of power into property. The foregone option was to develop it "from below" through the creation of favorable conditions for smalland mediumscale private property, which could have developed alongside the state sector, gradually pushing it out of the most lucrative spheres of economic activity. This choice was reciprocated in the political sphere, where the existing administrative structures were used to attain the economic goals of market liberalization and state property privatization as fast as possible. The long road of the democratic transformation of power was rejected in the name of velocity and depth of the economic transformation. This longer road would have required constant readjusting and reconciling of interests through political compromises and would have led to a decidedly different fate for the Russian large-scale private property holdings. These holdings were created through the direct conversion of power into property under the aegis of the state or 117 № 4 (84) июль-август 2006 Вестник общественного мнения through deals with its individual representatives, and the method of their creation proved to be much more important for the future of these holdings than the speed of their creation or their size. By the middle of 2000s this method also made possible the transition of this property into the hands of those groups that privatized the Russian state. The plebiscitary election of Vladimir Putin to the presidency of Russian Federation has greatly reduced the number of available developmental pathways. An alternative pathway could have emerged from the actions of interest groups opposing the supreme power in its policy of systematically reestablishing vertical controls in all spheres and of eliminating any and all independent centers of political, economic, and social activity. However, the case of M. Khodorkovsky remains the only case of any kind of serious resistance to this policy in more than six years of Putin's stay in power. The real or illusory benefits of subordination proved to be much higher than the costs of resistance. By its very nature the deinstitutionalization of the political system that took place in the first half of the 2000s prevents any alternatives from emerging by depriving them of substance in advance. The state power creates structures that imitate opposition and civil society and imitates the fight against corruption and threat of fascism thus depriving the real opposition of any serious crystallization potential. Neither is this kind of power capable of generating any developmental alternatives from its own midst. In this sense Russia's current situation reproduces a very tragic predicament that has occurred multiple times throughout Russian history. The system cannot be reformed from inside it eventually forces itself into a dead-end by basing its relations with society on vertical structures of control and management. On the other hand, a fast and radical demolition of such a system also proves utterly unhelpful in overcoming its path-dependency. Over the course of the 20th century this kind of demolition has been attempted twice at its beginning and at its end and has both times resulted in the regeneration of the top-down type of relationship between state and society. The current power configuration is not balanced by a developmental alternative originating from outside the power system. An obvious and growing instability of the latter threatens to produce yet another collapse and to result in yet another turn of the old vicious circle. The more urgent is, therefore, the need to produce a developmental alternative outside of the power system in today's Russia. The institutes of political democracy must include the interests of the majority of the population in order to acquire a minimal degree of sustainability and to avoid being destroyed as they were in the 1990s. Democracy in Russia is not possible without the integration of social demands of those who are made redundant both as producers and as consumers in the model of economic development aligned almost exclusively with the needs of the global energy markets. Without the integration of these social strata and without due consideration given to their interests, which are often anti-liberal, any democratic structure will be rootless and any process of democratization reversible. On the other hand, the market cannot be fully functional and the property rights cannot be guaranteed without democracy. This is the only way towards the creation of modern society in Russia. ; Considering the socio-political situation in Russia to be devoid of any alternatives has become a dominant view over the past 15 years and has turned into a self-fulfilling prophecy directed towards both the past and the present. Meanwhile, the history of these past 15 years was anything but alternativeless. The country traversed several obvious bifurcation points 1991-1993, 1996, and 1998-1999 when the road taken was not the only possible one. Neither was this road predetermined by history or by the operation of objective natural forces. The choices were made by those in power and thus they were subjective choices. Russian history (after the fall of the Soviet Union) reached the decisive bifurcation point in 1991-1993. The choice was then made in favor of developing capitalism "from above" through the conversion of power into property. The foregone option was to develop it "from below" through the creation of favorable conditions for smalland mediumscale private property, which could have developed alongside the state sector, gradually pushing it out of the most lucrative spheres of economic activity. This choice was reciprocated in the political sphere, where the existing administrative structures were used to attain the economic goals of market liberalization and state property privatization as fast as possible. The long road of the democratic transformation of power was rejected in the name of velocity and depth of the economic transformation. This longer road would have required constant readjusting and reconciling of interests through political compromises and would have led to a decidedly different fate for the Russian large-scale private property holdings. These holdings were created through the direct conversion of power into property under the aegis of the state or 117 № 4 (84) июль-август 2006 Вестник общественного мнения through deals with its individual representatives, and the method of their creation proved to be much more important for the future of these holdings than the speed of their creation or their size. By the middle of 2000s this method also made possible the transition of this property into the hands of those groups that privatized the Russian state. The plebiscitary election of Vladimir Putin to the presidency of Russian Federation has greatly reduced the number of available developmental pathways. An alternative pathway could have emerged from the actions of interest groups opposing the supreme power in its policy of systematically reestablishing vertical controls in all spheres and of eliminating any and all independent centers of political, economic, and social activity. However, the case of M. Khodorkovsky remains the only case of any kind of serious resistance to this policy in more than six years of Putin's stay in power. The real or illusory benefits of subordination proved to be much higher than the costs of resistance. By its very nature the deinstitutionalization of the political system that took place in the first half of the 2000s prevents any alternatives from emerging by depriving them of substance in advance. The state power creates structures that imitate opposition and civil society and imitates the fight against corruption and threat of fascism thus depriving the real opposition of any serious crystallization potential. Neither is this kind of power capable of generating any developmental alternatives from its own midst. In this sense Russia's current situation reproduces a very tragic predicament that has occurred multiple times throughout Russian history. The system cannot be reformed from inside it eventually forces itself into a dead-end by basing its relations with society on vertical structures of control and management. On the other hand, a fast and radical demolition of such a system also proves utterly unhelpful in overcoming its path-dependency. Over the course of the 20th century this kind of demolition has been attempted twice at its beginning and at its end and has both times resulted in the regeneration of the top-down type of relationship between state and society. The current power configuration is not balanced by a developmental alternative originating from outside the power system. An obvious and growing instability of the latter threatens to produce yet another collapse and to result in yet another turn of the old vicious circle. The more urgent is, therefore, the need to produce a developmental alternative outside of the power system in today's Russia. The institutes of political democracy must include the interests of the majority of the population in order to acquire a minimal degree of sustainability and to avoid being destroyed as they were in the 1990s. Democracy in Russia is not possible without the integration of social demands of those who are made redundant both as producers and as consumers in the model of economic development aligned almost exclusively with the needs of the global energy markets. Without the integration of these social strata and without due consideration given to their interests, which are often anti-liberal, any democratic structure will be rootless and any process of democratization reversible. On the other hand, the market cannot be fully functional and the property rights cannot be guaranteed without democracy. This is the only way towards the creation of modern society in Russia.

Problem setting. The development of modern professional public administration in the EU began with simple but strategic tasks, such as ensuring the stability of public authority and regulating basic social processes. Further differentiation has led to tasks of the social service provision of public concern to clients, prevention and assistance to people in social and other risks (poverty, unemployment, illness, etc.), that is, creating an effective social work system.Recent research and publications analysis. Problems of public administration reform were investigated by foreign scientists: I. Banks, M. Buser, T. Berzel, P. Birkinshaw, G. Bouckaert, R. Foster, L. Fuller, T. Gabler, J. Ziller, M. Clark, J. Clayton, H. Margets, O. Mayers, S. Montin, M. Porter, F. Holger, K. Hood, W. Weiss, F. Schnapp, J. Schumpeter and others. Among domestic scientists should be distinguished G. Androshchuk, O. Bandurka, Y. Bytiak, B. Beschasnyi, M. Hnydiuk, O. Vlasenko, V. Yevdokimenko, L. Melnichuk, Y. Mykhailuk, I. Kolosovska, E. Legeza, M. Pukhtynskyi, G. Pisarenko, V. Tymoshchuk, H. Khachaturian and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the considerable number of scientific works, the study of the of the European countries' experience on the outlined issues, as well as the aspects of theoretical and practical instruments of public administration of the social work system, is of particular importance. The purpose of the article is to analyze and identify the results of the impact of the latest of public administration concepts in EU countries on the development of social work system and identify positive practices for further implementation in the national reform of public administration in the social sphere.Paper main body. The European model of deinstitutionalization (DI) of the system of social work and support for vulnerable groups is considered to be the most balanced and effective today, especially in the first place, with orphaned children and children deprived of parental care. The development of public administration and the improvement of its mechanisms: legal, socio-economic, organizational, informational and others contributed to the development of this model. It is public administration that has played a dominant role in reforming the social work system with families with children.At the same time, social policy measures, based on the theory of the state welfare, that is, creating favorable, equal living conditions, ensuring social justice for all segments of the population were implemented at the state, regional and local levels.Simultaneously application of innovative management practices and standard procedures in public administration challenges the value of social work, transferring social services it into more regulatory practices.Therefore, modern European society wants to reduce its influence in the social sphere under the pretext of guaranteeing more individuality and self-determination to citizens. In addition, the modern state promises to keep state responsibility as the lowest, as well as to develop new forms of distribution of social services in the context of NPM – New Public Management philosophy.The author analyzes the dissemination of neoliberal political beliefs and principles of the New Public Management (NPM) in European countries from the early 1980s and up to the present day, which has significantly influenced the institutional and operational environment in the provision of social services.For social work, a new political strategy may be a growing danger. Namely, the term "social work" can be replaced by the term "social services". The European trend in this direction is clearly traced and leads to many formulations of "Service Principles" and "Service Standards" (for example, in the UK, Czech Republic, Slovakia, etc.). This can cause social work to lose its political and critical function and get positive focus in return.Thus, public and social service institutions, stimulated by the liberalization of the EU market, have been radically restructured through the corporatization, outsourcing and privatization of service provision.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Therefore, New Public Management (NPM) concept implies decentralization of public administration, in order to modernize public administration of the social work system in Ukraine, it would be positive to use certain elements: modern information technologies, social partnership principles, methods and tools of the NPM concepts. The blind copying of European public administration reforms in the field of social services should be avoided now.Thus, the organic introduction of market-based methods and principles of appropriate management has led to the definition of the main directions of adaptation to the current conditions of the existing public administration systems in the leading EU countries. It is about informatization, debureaucratization, decentralization, deconcentration (outsourcing), privatization and introduction of economic mechanisms of regulation of administrative processes and service administration, which can be introduced in the reform of the public administration of the social work system in Ukrainian society. ; Розглянуто досвід та інноваційні методи управління і стандартні процедури вдержавному управлінні країн Європейського Союзу та їх вплив на ефективність надання соціальних послуг. Зроблено аналіз розповсюдження неоліберальних політичних переконань та принципів нового державного управління (далі – NPM) у європейських країнах із початку 80-х рр. ХХ ст. і до сьогодні, що суттєво вплинуло на існуючу систему соціальної роботи. Виокремлено дієві інструменти: інформатизація, дебюрократизація, децентралізація, деінституціалізація, деконцентрація (аутсорсинг), приватизація та запровадження економічних механізмів регулювання управлінських процесів і сервісне адміністрування, які можна впровадити у реформування державного управління системою соціальної роботи в українському суспільстві.

Problem setting. The development of modern professional public administration in the EU began with simple but strategic tasks, such as ensuring the stability of public authority and regulating basic social processes. Further differentiation has led to tasks of the social service provision of public concern to clients, prevention and assistance to people in social and other risks (poverty, unemployment, illness, etc.), that is, creating an effective social work system.Recent research and publications analysis. Problems of public administration reform were investigated by foreign scientists: I. Banks, M. Buser, T. Berzel, P. Birkinshaw, G. Bouckaert, R. Foster, L. Fuller, T. Gabler, J. Ziller, M. Clark, J. Clayton, H. Margets, O. Mayers, S. Montin, M. Porter, F. Holger, K. Hood, W. Weiss, F. Schnapp, J. Schumpeter and others. Among domestic scientists should be distinguished G. Androshchuk, O. Bandurka, Y. Bytiak, B. Beschasnyi, M. Hnydiuk, O. Vlasenko, V. Yevdokimenko, L. Melnichuk, Y. Mykhailuk, I. Kolosovska, E. Legeza, M. Pukhtynskyi, G. Pisarenko, V. Tymoshchuk, H. Khachaturian and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the considerable number of scientific works, the study of the of the European countries' experience on the outlined issues, as well as the aspects of theoretical and practical instruments of public administration of the social work system, is of particular importance. The purpose of the article is to analyze and identify the results of the impact of the latest of public administration concepts in EU countries on the development of social work system and identify positive practices for further implementation in the national reform of public administration in the social sphere.Paper main body. The European model of deinstitutionalization (DI) of the system of social work and support for vulnerable groups is considered to be the most balanced and effective today, especially in the first place, with orphaned children and children deprived of parental care. The development of public administration and the improvement of its mechanisms: legal, socio-economic, organizational, informational and others contributed to the development of this model. It is public administration that has played a dominant role in reforming the social work system with families with children.At the same time, social policy measures, based on the theory of the state welfare, that is, creating favorable, equal living conditions, ensuring social justice for all segments of the population were implemented at the state, regional and local levels.Simultaneously application of innovative management practices and standard procedures in public administration challenges the value of social work, transferring social services it into more regulatory practices.Therefore, modern European society wants to reduce its influence in the social sphere under the pretext of guaranteeing more individuality and self-determination to citizens. In addition, the modern state promises to keep state responsibility as the lowest, as well as to develop new forms of distribution of social services in the context of NPM – New Public Management philosophy.The author analyzes the dissemination of neoliberal political beliefs and principles of the New Public Management (NPM) in European countries from the early 1980s and up to the present day, which has significantly influenced the institutional and operational environment in the provision of social services.For social work, a new political strategy may be a growing danger. Namely, the term "social work" can be replaced by the term "social services". The European trend in this direction is clearly traced and leads to many formulations of "Service Principles" and "Service Standards" (for example, in the UK, Czech Republic, Slovakia, etc.). This can cause social work to lose its political and critical function and get positive focus in return.Thus, public and social service institutions, stimulated by the liberalization of the EU market, have been radically restructured through the corporatization, outsourcing and privatization of service provision.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Therefore, New Public Management (NPM) concept implies decentralization of public administration, in order to modernize public administration of the social work system in Ukraine, it would be positive to use certain elements: modern information technologies, social partnership principles, methods and tools of the NPM concepts. The blind copying of European public administration reforms in the field of social services should be avoided now.Thus, the organic introduction of market-based methods and principles of appropriate management has led to the definition of the main directions of adaptation to the current conditions of the existing public administration systems in the leading EU countries. It is about informatization, debureaucratization, decentralization, deconcentration (outsourcing), privatization and introduction of economic mechanisms of regulation of administrative processes and service administration, which can be introduced in the reform of the public administration of the social work system in Ukrainian society. ; Розглянуто досвід та інноваційні методи управління і стандартні процедури вдержавному управлінні країн Європейського Союзу та їх вплив на ефективність надання соціальних послуг. Зроблено аналіз розповсюдження неоліберальних політичних переконань та принципів нового державного управління (далі – NPM) у європейських країнах із початку 80-х рр. ХХ ст. і до сьогодні, що суттєво вплинуло на існуючу систему соціальної роботи. Виокремлено дієві інструменти: інформатизація, дебюрократизація, децентралізація, деінституціалізація, деконцентрація (аутсорсинг), приватизація та запровадження економічних механізмів регулювання управлінських процесів і сервісне адміністрування, які можна впровадити у реформування державного управління системою соціальної роботи в українському суспільстві.

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People across the globe are experiencing unprecedented challenges from COVID-19 (coronavirus), as the pandemic poses serious impacts on our health and well-being. While the virus can affect anyone, we know from past global health emergencies that crises hit the poor and most vulnerable the hardest, including persons with disabilities.

Persons with disabilities often have underlying health needs that can increase the severity of symptoms if they contract COVID-19. They are also at increased risk of catching the virus because of a lack of information about the spread of the disease and its symptoms. These basic facts often do not come in the accessible formats they may need, such as Braille, large print, sign language, captions, audio provision, and graphics.

Social distancing may also jeopardize the delivery of essential home-based care. Meanwhile, persons with disabilities in care home settings face greater risk of contracting the virus from other residents or staff.

COVID-19 is merely another example of the longstanding health inequities that persons with disabilities face. Although we don't know the full impact yet, we have a good understanding of where we were before the pandemic.

The missing billion

A recent report from the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine, The Missing Billion: Access to Health Services for 1 Billion People with Disabilities, shows how health systems are failing this marginalized group. It found that global health goals such as universal health coverage are unattainable unless access their to healthcare is dramatically improved.

The report outlines the three-fold health needs of persons with disabilities: standard health needs, needs stemming from higher vulnerability to poor health, and needs for specialized medical treatment or rehabilitation services.

Persons with disabilities face significant barriers even in accessing standard services, and as a result they have poorer health outcomes than those without disabilities. For example, the report reveals that persons with disabilities are twice as likely to have HIV/AIDS, three times as likely to have diabetes, and 50% more likely to experience catastrophic health expenditures. In addition, 40% of persons with disabilities have lower life expectancy because of restricted access to healthcare.

Inaccessible facilities, financial barriers, lack of accessible transport, and previous negative experiences with the healthcare system are just some of the ways that persons with disabilities struggle to access the care they need. Even when able to access it, they often contend with stigma, a lack of assistive technologies, or inadequate health worker training, reducing their quality of care.

The path to inclusion

Creating disability-inclusive health systems is a critical part of ensuring quality health care for all. At the World Bank, we understand that inclusion of persons with disabilities is vital to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)and our twin goals of ending extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity.

To achieve SDG 3, health systems need to address the needs of vulnerable and marginalized groups including persons with disabilities. We recognize disability inclusion as an important part of building human capital, and we've made it a mainstream part of our work. We've incorporated it into our IDA19 commitments to projects in the poorest countries as well as the Environmental and Social Framework that we are applying to all our new project financing.

The World Bank's Disability Inclusion and Accountability Framework suggests the following steps to make health systems more accessible and inclusive:

Collect disability-disaggregated data to track the achievement of universal health coverage.
Apply universal access and design approaches in health infrastructure projects, including transport services, accounting for the views of users with disabilities.
Promote disability-inclusive universal health coverage by improving the availability of disability-specific services and ensuring that persons with disabilities can access sexual and reproductive health services.
Develop training programs for healthcare professionals on the specific care needs and rights of persons with disabilities. Programs should also address stigma, including against people with mental health problems and psychosocial disabilities.
Develop community-based approaches in mental healthcare that integrate prevention, treatment, and care services. Promote deinstitutionalization and alternatives to coercive care practices in the mental health system.
In recent decades, the World Bank has helped governments improve health outcomes for persons with disabilities. For example, in the Kyrgyz Republic, the Bank supported the creation of community-based health clinics and schools with a focus on accessibility for persons with disabilities.

In Burundi and Rwanda, the Emergency Demobilization and Transitional Reintegration Project and the Emergency Demobilization and Reintegration Project provided targeted support for vulnerable groups, including housing for ex-combatants with severe disabilities and training activities to support their health and autonomy.

COVID-19 has demonstrated widespread gaps in access to care for persons with disabilities, underscoring the need for effective health systems. As countries work to curb the spread, they can draw from numerous practices, lessons, and recommendations that address the specific health needs of persons with disabilities. Investing in these areas demonstrates commitment to helping all people to have healthy and vibrant lives, including the most vulnerable. Offering quality care to people with disabilities will make health systems better for everyone.



Charlotte McClain-Nhlapo is the Global Disability Advisor at the World Bank.

Phyllis Heydt is a Director at the Office of the WHO Ambassador for Global Strategy.

Professor Hannah Kuper is the Director of the International Centre for Evidence in Disability at LSHTM (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine).









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Charlotte McClain-Nhlapo
Global Disability Advisor
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Phyllis Heydt
Director at the Office of the WHO Ambassador for Global Strategy
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Hannah Kuper
Director of the International Centre for Evidence in Disability
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Abdulrahman Isah Abubakar


August 06, 2021

Well educative article

With the opening of the Internet to the public, in 1994, a new alternative journalistic offer emerged around the world. On the initiative of experienced and recognized professionals, these news websites are part of a common ideological and democratic project: the Internet Media Dreamin'. It represents the dream of rehabilitating a journalism committed to democratic interests and citizens, which has been perverted over the years by the economic logic of the market. To achieve this, these dreamers' adhere to the public cyberspace, as well as to its promises of citizen empowerment, deinstitutionalization of the public debate, and freedom of information sharing. For them, the Internet is more than a technology: it is a solution that would allow them to circumvent a hegemonic information environment. Focusing on the process of reconfiguration of the journalistic landscape, this PhD thesis questions the ability of the online alternative offer to break with the institutional hierarchies of information, by proposing media spaces that promote a polyphonic citizen expression. This initial questioning is developed from three perspectives: 1) the individual and their citizen and media action; 2) the media and their communication positioning in the public debate; and 3) media structures and journalistic practices.Our study panel is composed of 50 news pure plays from Brazil and from France: a global one with editions in each of the two countries, and 48 alternative national projects. For its treatment, we implemented a thematic content analysis based on data collected through information monitoring conducted between 2016 and 2019, and 31 semi-structured interviews with content producers involved in the projects studied. Inspired by the method of media information gender analysis established by Patrick Charaudeau (1997, 2006, 2011), we analyzed the discourse of two "event-theme" articles (Soulages, 2002): women's condition and presidential elections of 2017 in France and 2018 in Brazil. To carry out this study, 3,147 texts were collected using manual and automatic methods, then processed according to the positions and the engagement levels of the speakers, according to two axes: enunciative postures and discursive points of view. To structure our discussions, this thesis is organized in two parts, which refer to the temporal evolution of the ideological and media development of alternative online journalistic projects. The first part, entitled "In Dreams", reveals a theoretical and empirical problematization of three ideological and democratic projects, that we call Internet Dreamin', Media Dreamin' and Internet Media Dreamin '. Then "In flesh and blood" aims to ponder about the incarnation process of the Internet Media Dreamin' in and by the social body. For this, we develop three chapters based on the tensions established by alternative journalism producers regarding the dominant journalistic models: 1) bourgeois and citizen voice; 2) homogeneous and heterogeneous information; 3) dependent and independent media. In addition to these theoretical and empirical contributions, this thesis aims to propose a methodology for the constitution of discursive cartography, eliciting the degree of commitment of the media offer. ; Avec l'ouverture d'Internet au public, en 1994, une nouvelle offre journalistique alternative naît à travers le monde. À l'initiative de professionnels expérimentés et reconnus, ces sites d'information s'inscrivent dans un projet idéologique et démocratique commun : l'Internet Media Dreamin'. Ils rêvent de réhabiliter un journalisme engagé dans les intérêts démocratiques et citoyens, qui a été perverti au fil des années par des logiques économiques de marché. Pour ce faire, les dreamers' adhèrent au cyberespace public, ainsi qu'à ses promesses d'autonomisation citoyenne, de désinstitutionnalisation du débat public et de liberté du partage informationnel. Internet est pour eux bien plus qu'une technologie : c'est une solution qui leur permettrait de dribbler un environnement informationnel hégémonique. Portée sur le processus de reconfiguration du paysage journalistique, cette thèse interroge la capacité de l'offre alternative en ligne à rompre avec les hiérarchies institutionnalisées de l'information, en proposant des espaces médiatiques qui favorisent l'expression citoyenne polyphonique. Ce questionnement initial est décliné en trois perspectives de réflexion : 1) l'individu et son action médiatique citoyenne ; 2) les instances médiatiques et leur positionnement communicationnel dans le débat public ; et 3) les structures médiatiques et les pratiques journalistiques. Notre panel d'étude est composé par 50 pure players d'information du Brésil et de la France : un média global ayant des déclinaisons dans les deux pays étudiés et 48 projets alternatifs nationaux. Pour son traitement, nous avons mené une analyse de contenus thématique à partir des données récoltées lors de veilles documentaires réalisées entre 2016 et 2019, et de 31 entretiens semi-directifs menés auprès des producteurs de contenus inscrits dans les projets étudiés. Inspirés par le dispositif d'analyse de genre d'information médiatique établi par Patrick Charaudeau (1997, 2006, 2011), nous avons procédé à l'analyse de discours de publications selon deux « thèmes-événements » (Soulages, 2002) : la condition féminine et les élections présidentielles de 2017 en France et de 2018 au Brésil. Pour la réalisation de cette étude, 3 147 textes ont été récoltés à l'aide de méthodes manuelles et automatiques, puis traités à partir du positionnement et des degrés d'engagement des locuteurs selon deux axes : postures énonciatives et points de vue discursifs. Pour structurer nos discussions, notre thèse est organisée en deux parties, renvoyant à la temporalité évolutive du développement idéologique et médiatique des projets journalistiques alternatifs en ligne. La première partie, intitulée « en Rêve », révèle une problématisation théorique et empirique de trois projets idéologiques et démocratiques que nous avons convenu d'appeler Internet Dreamin', Media Dreamin' et Internet Media Dreamin'. Ensuite « en Chair et en Os » est dédiée à l'incarnation de l'Internet Media Dreamin' dans et par le corps social. Pour cela, nous développons trois chapitres structurés à partir des tensions établies par les producteurs d'information alternatifs par rapport aux modèles journalistiques dominants : 1) voix bourgeoise et citoyenne ; 2) information homogène et hétérogène ; 3) dépendance et indépendance médiatique. En plus des discussions théoriques et empiriques, cette thèse a pour ambition de proposer une méthodologie pour la constitution des cartographies discursives, révélatrices du degré d'engagement de l'offre médiatique.

With the opening of the Internet to the public, in 1994, a new alternative journalistic offer emerged around the world. On the initiative of experienced and recognized professionals, these news websites are part of a common ideological and democratic project: the Internet Media Dreamin'. It represents the dream of rehabilitating a journalism committed to democratic interests and citizens, which has been perverted over the years by the economic logic of the market. To achieve this, these dreamers' adhere to the public cyberspace, as well as to its promises of citizen empowerment, deinstitutionalization of the public debate, and freedom of information sharing. For them, the Internet is more than a technology: it is a solution that would allow them to circumvent a hegemonic information environment. Focusing on the process of reconfiguration of the journalistic landscape, this PhD thesis questions the ability of the online alternative offer to break with the institutional hierarchies of information, by proposing media spaces that promote a polyphonic citizen expression. This initial questioning is developed from three perspectives: 1) the individual and their citizen and media action; 2) the media and their communication positioning in the public debate; and 3) media structures and journalistic practices.Our study panel is composed of 50 news pure plays from Brazil and from France: a global one with editions in each of the two countries, and 48 alternative national projects. For its treatment, we implemented a thematic content analysis based on data collected through information monitoring conducted between 2016 and 2019, and 31 semi-structured interviews with content producers involved in the projects studied. Inspired by the method of media information gender analysis established by Patrick Charaudeau (1997, 2006, 2011), we analyzed the discourse of two "event-theme" articles (Soulages, 2002): women's condition and presidential elections of 2017 in France and 2018 in Brazil. To carry out this study, 3,147 texts were collected using manual and automatic methods, then processed according to the positions and the engagement levels of the speakers, according to two axes: enunciative postures and discursive points of view. To structure our discussions, this thesis is organized in two parts, which refer to the temporal evolution of the ideological and media development of alternative online journalistic projects. The first part, entitled "In Dreams", reveals a theoretical and empirical problematization of three ideological and democratic projects, that we call Internet Dreamin', Media Dreamin' and Internet Media Dreamin '. Then "In flesh and blood" aims to ponder about the incarnation process of the Internet Media Dreamin' in and by the social body. For this, we develop three chapters based on the tensions established by alternative journalism producers regarding the dominant journalistic models: 1) bourgeois and citizen voice; 2) homogeneous and heterogeneous information; 3) dependent and independent media. In addition to these theoretical and empirical contributions, this thesis aims to propose a methodology for the constitution of discursive cartography, eliciting the degree of commitment of the media offer. ; Avec l'ouverture d'Internet au public, en 1994, une nouvelle offre journalistique alternative naît à travers le monde. À l'initiative de professionnels expérimentés et reconnus, ces sites d'information s'inscrivent dans un projet idéologique et démocratique commun : l'Internet Media Dreamin'. Ils rêvent de réhabiliter un journalisme engagé dans les intérêts démocratiques et citoyens, qui a été perverti au fil des années par des logiques économiques de marché. Pour ce faire, les dreamers' adhèrent au cyberespace public, ainsi qu'à ses promesses d'autonomisation citoyenne, de désinstitutionnalisation du débat public et de liberté du partage informationnel. Internet est pour eux bien plus qu'une technologie : c'est une solution qui leur permettrait de dribbler un environnement informationnel hégémonique. Portée sur le processus de reconfiguration du paysage journalistique, cette thèse interroge la capacité de l'offre alternative en ligne à rompre avec les hiérarchies institutionnalisées de l'information, en proposant des espaces médiatiques qui favorisent l'expression citoyenne polyphonique. Ce questionnement initial est décliné en trois perspectives de réflexion : 1) l'individu et son action médiatique citoyenne ; 2) les instances médiatiques et leur positionnement communicationnel dans le débat public ; et 3) les structures médiatiques et les pratiques journalistiques. Notre panel d'étude est composé par 50 pure players d'information du Brésil et de la France : un média global ayant des déclinaisons dans les deux pays étudiés et 48 projets alternatifs nationaux. Pour son traitement, nous avons mené une analyse de contenus thématique à partir des données récoltées lors de veilles documentaires réalisées entre 2016 et 2019, et de 31 entretiens semi-directifs menés auprès des producteurs de contenus inscrits dans les projets étudiés. Inspirés par le dispositif d'analyse de genre d'information médiatique établi par Patrick Charaudeau (1997, 2006, 2011), nous avons procédé à l'analyse de discours de publications selon deux « thèmes-événements » (Soulages, 2002) : la condition féminine et les élections présidentielles de 2017 en France et de 2018 au Brésil. Pour la réalisation de cette étude, 3 147 textes ont été récoltés à l'aide de méthodes manuelles et automatiques, puis traités à partir du positionnement et des degrés d'engagement des locuteurs selon deux axes : postures énonciatives et points de vue discursifs. Pour structurer nos discussions, notre thèse est organisée en deux parties, renvoyant à la temporalité évolutive du développement idéologique et médiatique des projets journalistiques alternatifs en ligne. La première partie, intitulée « en Rêve », révèle une problématisation théorique et empirique de trois projets idéologiques et démocratiques que nous avons convenu d'appeler Internet Dreamin', Media Dreamin' et Internet Media Dreamin'. Ensuite « en Chair et en Os » est dédiée à l'incarnation de l'Internet Media Dreamin' dans et par le corps social. Pour cela, nous développons trois chapitres structurés à partir des tensions établies par les producteurs d'information alternatifs par rapport aux modèles journalistiques dominants : 1) voix bourgeoise et citoyenne ; 2) information homogène et hétérogène ; 3) dépendance et indépendance médiatique. En plus des discussions théoriques et empiriques, cette thèse a pour ambition de proposer une méthodologie pour la constitution des cartographies discursives, révélatrices du degré d'engagement de l'offre médiatique.

With the opening of the Internet to the public, in 1994, a new alternative journalistic offer emerged around the world. On the initiative of experienced and recognized professionals, these news websites are part of a common ideological and democratic project: the Internet Media Dreamin'. It represents the dream of rehabilitating a journalism committed to democratic interests and citizens, which has been perverted over the years by the economic logic of the market. To achieve this, these dreamers' adhere to the public cyberspace, as well as to its promises of citizen empowerment, deinstitutionalization of the public debate, and freedom of information sharing. For them, the Internet is more than a technology: it is a solution that would allow them to circumvent a hegemonic information environment. Focusing on the process of reconfiguration of the journalistic landscape, this PhD thesis questions the ability of the online alternative offer to break with the institutional hierarchies of information, by proposing media spaces that promote a polyphonic citizen expression. This initial questioning is developed from three perspectives: 1) the individual and their citizen and media action; 2) the media and their communication positioning in the public debate; and 3) media structures and journalistic practices.Our study panel is composed of 50 news pure plays from Brazil and from France: a global one with editions in each of the two countries, and 48 alternative national projects. For its treatment, we implemented a thematic content analysis based on data collected through information monitoring conducted between 2016 and 2019, and 31 semi-structured interviews with content producers involved in the projects studied. Inspired by the method of media information gender analysis established by Patrick Charaudeau (1997, 2006, 2011), we analyzed the discourse of two "event-theme" articles (Soulages, 2002): women's condition and presidential elections of 2017 in France and 2018 in Brazil. To carry out this study, 3,147 texts were collected using manual and automatic methods, then processed according to the positions and the engagement levels of the speakers, according to two axes: enunciative postures and discursive points of view. To structure our discussions, this thesis is organized in two parts, which refer to the temporal evolution of the ideological and media development of alternative online journalistic projects. The first part, entitled "In Dreams", reveals a theoretical and empirical problematization of three ideological and democratic projects, that we call Internet Dreamin', Media Dreamin' and Internet Media Dreamin '. Then "In flesh and blood" aims to ponder about the incarnation process of the Internet Media Dreamin' in and by the social body. For this, we develop three chapters based on the tensions established by alternative journalism producers regarding the dominant journalistic models: 1) bourgeois and citizen voice; 2) homogeneous and heterogeneous information; 3) dependent and independent media. In addition to these theoretical and empirical contributions, this thesis aims to propose a methodology for the constitution of discursive cartography, eliciting the degree of commitment of the media offer. ; Avec l'ouverture d'Internet au public, en 1994, une nouvelle offre journalistique alternative naît à travers le monde. À l'initiative de professionnels expérimentés et reconnus, ces sites d'information s'inscrivent dans un projet idéologique et démocratique commun : l'Internet Media Dreamin'. Ils rêvent de réhabiliter un journalisme engagé dans les intérêts démocratiques et citoyens, qui a été perverti au fil des années par des logiques économiques de marché. Pour ce faire, les dreamers' adhèrent au cyberespace public, ainsi qu'à ses promesses d'autonomisation citoyenne, de désinstitutionnalisation du débat public et de liberté du partage informationnel. Internet est pour eux bien plus qu'une technologie : c'est une solution qui leur permettrait de dribbler un environnement informationnel hégémonique. Portée sur le processus de reconfiguration du paysage journalistique, cette thèse interroge la capacité de l'offre alternative en ligne à rompre avec les hiérarchies institutionnalisées de l'information, en proposant des espaces médiatiques qui favorisent l'expression citoyenne polyphonique. Ce questionnement initial est décliné en trois perspectives de réflexion : 1) l'individu et son action médiatique citoyenne ; 2) les instances médiatiques et leur positionnement communicationnel dans le débat public ; et 3) les structures médiatiques et les pratiques journalistiques. Notre panel d'étude est composé par 50 pure players d'information du Brésil et de la France : un média global ayant des déclinaisons dans les deux pays étudiés et 48 projets alternatifs nationaux. Pour son traitement, nous avons mené une analyse de contenus thématique à partir des données récoltées lors de veilles documentaires réalisées entre 2016 et 2019, et de 31 entretiens semi-directifs menés auprès des producteurs de contenus inscrits dans les projets étudiés. Inspirés par le dispositif d'analyse de genre d'information médiatique établi par Patrick Charaudeau (1997, 2006, 2011), nous avons procédé à l'analyse de discours de publications selon deux « thèmes-événements » (Soulages, 2002) : la condition féminine et les élections présidentielles de 2017 en France et de 2018 au Brésil. Pour la réalisation de cette étude, 3 147 textes ont été récoltés à l'aide de méthodes manuelles et automatiques, puis traités à partir du positionnement et des degrés d'engagement des locuteurs selon deux axes : postures énonciatives et points de vue discursifs. Pour structurer nos discussions, notre thèse est organisée en deux parties, renvoyant à la temporalité évolutive du développement idéologique et médiatique des projets journalistiques alternatifs en ligne. La première partie, intitulée « en Rêve », révèle une problématisation théorique et empirique de trois projets idéologiques et démocratiques que nous avons convenu d'appeler Internet Dreamin', Media Dreamin' et Internet Media Dreamin'. Ensuite « en Chair et en Os » est dédiée à l'incarnation de l'Internet Media Dreamin' dans et par le corps social. Pour cela, nous développons trois chapitres structurés à partir des tensions établies par les producteurs d'information alternatifs par rapport aux modèles journalistiques dominants : 1) voix bourgeoise et citoyenne ; 2) information homogène et hétérogène ; 3) dépendance et indépendance médiatique. En plus des discussions théoriques et empiriques, cette thèse a pour ambition de proposer une méthodologie pour la constitution des cartographies discursives, révélatrices du degré d'engagement de l'offre médiatique.

The process of institutional transition from one coordination mechanism to another one is an important period in the evolution of any society. Transitions are associated with fundamental political, legal, economic and social changes (Danis et al. 2010) affecting all aspects of life (Peng 2003). The transition from planned to open-market economy that has taken place in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), East Asia, and the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union represents an institutional transition. An environment that goes through transition is characterized by high level of vulnerability and uncertainty which impacts all actors evolving in it, including the organizations (Peng 2003). The dynamic relationship environment-organization is reflected in the concept of legitimacy. Legitimacy is a pertinent concept to study the transition stage since it exists on the borderline between the organization and its environment. In transition environments, the processes of deinstitutionalization of the old structures and the reinstitutionalization of the new ones coexist. This leads to a lack of institutional framework to guide behavior of actors or a situation called institutional vacuum. Since institutions regulate economic exchanges (North 1990), the lack of them leads to elevated costs for all actors due to the proliferation of opportunistic behavior (Meyer 2001). In such environments, demonstrating legitimacy becomes crucial for the survival of structures and actors. Legitimation is sought by new elites (Raychev and Stoichev 2008), the government (Peng 2000a), the new laws, decrees and regulations (Stark 1992), and the private organizations (Peng 2000a). The success of the transition directly depends on the strategies of organizations evolving in such environments (Peng 2000). Small and medium-size enterprises (SMEs) play an important role as catalysts of the process of change (McIntyre 2003: 1) since they are expected to spur economic growth and employment (Peng 2000a), and maintain social peace (McIntyre 2003: 1). Despite their central role in transition environments, little is known about the challenges SMEs face and the actions that can be undertaken in order to overcome them (Danis, Chaburu and Lyles 2010). One of the main challenges of SMEs in transition environments is to demonstrate that they are legitimate players implying that they comply with the expectations of relevant stakeholders' groups. The main objective of this study is to shed some light on how SMEs in transition environments gain organizational legitimacy necessary for obtaining stakeholders' support. The interest of the study lies in the fact that if organizational legitimacy is problematic for all organizations due to changing norms, beliefs, and stakeholders' expectations over time (Ashforth and Gibbs 1990), it is even more problematic for small organizations in transition environments since the norms, beliefs and expectations are not clearly defined. In order to address the legitimacy needs of small organizations in transition environments, I propose a signaling theory of legitimacy, which postulates that the legitimacy-claiming entities can rely on valid signals in order to demonstrate (communicate) their adherence to the requirements of the evaluating audiences. In general, the signaling theory of legitimacy should hold for any organization facing a liability - the discount the evaluating audiences place on it in comparison to its potential competitors. Organizations in transition environments face liability of origin (Bartlett and Ghoshal 2000) – a discount that the evaluating audiences (both domestic and foreign) may place on them based on their context of origin. For small organizations , the challenges resulting from liability of origin are even bigger because of their size, they are more prone to import instability from the environment. The higher level of vulnerability of small firms encourages them to engage in opportunistic behavior. Hence, demonstrating their legitimacy is a key issue for SMEs operating in transition environments. Organizational legitimacy becomes especially important when organizations engage in long-term arrangements since this requires an assessment of the organization not only in terms of its products/services but also in terms of its ongoing access to resources and capabilities as well as its reliability as a partner. In order to address the legitimacy needs of small firms evolving in transition environments and trying to obtain long-term partnerships, a new legitimacy typology is proposed. It is comprised of two types – functional and relational legitimacy. Functional legitimacy represents the adherence to the evaluating audiences' requirements regarding relevant resources and capabilities. Relational legitimacy is the conformity with the evaluating audiences' expectations regarding the reliability of an organization as a partner. Hence, this study addresses two research questions: 1. What are the dimensions (and valid signals) of functional and relational legitimacy (for small organizations in transition environment)? 2. Does using signals of specific types of legitimacy (depending on the liability faced) enhance organizational legitimacy? This doctoral research examines the legitimacy challenges of SMEs in transition environments trying to obtain long-term arrangements. In the first part of the study, the two types of legitimacy - functional and relational legitimacy - are constructed. Similar to organizational legitimacy (Deephouse and Carter 2005), functional and relational legitimacy are also multidimensional constructs comprised of different facets. In the second part, I examine whether the signals of functional and relational legitimacy help SMEs in transition environment gain organizational legitimacy. The research model is tested on data collected from the information technology (IT) sector in Bulgaria. Based on the data analysis and results, this research has several theoretical and methodological contributions. The results also have practical implications for the managers of small organizations in transition environments as well as the public policy agents. The theoretical contributions are associated mainly with the signaling theory of legitimacy. It looks at how organizations can overcome certain liabilities by communicating their adherence to the expectations of relevant stakeholders' groups. Organizations can demonstrate their conformity to the evaluating audiences' requirements by using valid signals – organizational characteristics that can be observed, are costly to imitate and are based on shared meaning between the sending and the receiving party. In addition, the study contributes to the literature on transition environments by looking at the particular case of SMEs and their attempt to demonstrate that they are legitimate players when trying to engage in long-term arrangements. The methodological contribution lies in the way the two types of legitimacy (functional and relational) are measured via formative measurement constructs (Diamantopoulos and Winklhofer 2001; Jarvis et al. 2003) under the partial least squares (PLS) technique. Formative constructs are associated with causality that goes from the manifest (directly observable) variable to the latent construct or in other words, the manifest variables cause/build the latent construct (Diamantopoulos 1999). This made possible to match the legitimacy claims of organizations from once side based on the functional and relational signals and the legitimacy granted by relevant stakeholders' groups, on the other side. In addition, the research contributes to the growing number of studies in strategic management that use PLS as a structural equation modeling technique (Birkinshaw et al. 1995; Cool et al. 1989; Fornell et al. 1990; Johansson and Yip 1994; Tsang 2002). The practical implications of this research shed some light on which signals (organizational characteristics) are important for managers of small organizations in transition environments. Signals are costly and since all organizations (and especially small firms) have limited resources, managers have to know which signals to invest in. It is important to note that many managers disregard the relational aspect of their legitimacy claims which (based on the results of the study) are more important in the communication process between the legitimacy-claiming and legitimacy-granting entities. Overall, this study represents a fertile area for future research. Researchers can test the signaling theory of legitimacy in other contexts – i.e., other transition environments (Eastern Europe vs. China), as well as compare the signals used by organizations in transition environments and developed economies. Researchers can also test the signaling theory of legitimacy on organizations facing different liabilities (i.e. liability of market newness) and try to extend the existing legitimacy typologies. In addition, future studies can focus on issues of meaning construction (based on signals) in the communication process between organizations.

Rad koristi interdisciplinarni pristup u okviru kulturne politike, kako bi predstavio potrebe za decentralizacijom kulturnog sistema u Srbiji i istovremeno predložio model decentralizacije kulture koji može biti primenjen. Uvodni deo prvo predstavlja značaj decentralizacije u kulturi za Srbiju, ali istovremeno i naglašava prepreke koje su vezane za tranzicioni period u kome se zemlja nalazi. Takođe, u teoretizaciji same decentralizacije u kulturi, rad uvodi nove ključne aspekte – jednakost, ravnopravnost i pravednost, koji se predstavljaju kroz političko – ekonomske teorije poput liberalizma, socijalizma, anarhizma i feminizma, da bi se socijalna pravda uvela kao glavni princip. Iz toga proizilazi i glavna hipoteza - uz primenu principa pravednosti u modelu, može se ostvariti i princip jednakosti/ravnopravnosti u decentralizaciji kulturnog sistema Srbije. Metodološki postupak zasnovan je na interdisciplinarnim teorijsko-empirijskim istraživanjima koja obuhvataju kulturnu politiku, menadžment u kulturi, teoriju upravljanja, političke nauke, ekonomske nauke, pravne nauke i sociologiju. Cilj istraživanja je modelovanje novog kulturnog sistema decentralizacije u Srbiji, zasnovanog na principu pravednosti. Oslanjajući se na evropske primere decentralizacije kulture, kojima se teži kao pripadajućem prostoru države, rad predstavlja i istorijski pregled decentralizacije u širem smislu, političke i fiskalne, kao preduslova pune decentralizacije u kulturi. U opštem teoretisanju decentralizacije, istovremeno se i sama decentralizacija terminološki odvaja od pojmova poput dekocentracije, demetropolizacije, devolucije i delegacije, a predstavljaju se i suplementarni poput regionalizacije i supsidijarnosti, kao i međusobna uslovljenost navedenih oblika decentralizacije (političke, ekonomske i kulturne). Polazne definicije decentralizacije, trodelna definicija uslovljenosti decentralizacije u kulturi Nobuko Kavašime kao "fer distribucija resursa" i Meklijeva "decentralizacija odlučivanja", odnosno dva principa – top down demokratizacije kulture i bootom up kulturne demokratije, u radu se ne isključuju nego zajedno koriste u susretnom smislu. Rad analizira i teorije o decentralizaciji kulture (Malro i Mekli u Francuskoj, Kavašima u Engleskoj, kao i regionalne poput Dragojevića u Hrvatskoj), kao i teoretske pojmove koje smatra neophodnim za primenu decentralizacije u kulturi poput socijalne (shvatanje Džona Rolsa) i tranzicione pravde, društvene sektore sa posebnim naglaskom na civilni sektor u kulturi, populistički diskurs decentralizacije koji koristi politika, participaciju kao neophodan element decentralizacije kulture, commons i spillover efect. Analiza je obuhvatila i praktične, nekadašnje i sadašnje modele decentralizacije u kulturi u Evropi (sa posebnim naglaskom na Francusku i Englesku), nekadašnjoj Jugoslaviji (sa posebnim akcentom na samoupravni sistem), država u regionu (Hrvatska posebno) i samoj Srbiji (Nacrt strategije Komisije za decentralizaciju kulture), kako bi se predstavile strategije koje se mogu iskoristiti za predloženi model. Utvrđujući putem empirijskog istraživanja (stavovi kreatora kulture u unutrašnjosti Srbije), finansijske analize javnih izdvajanja za kulturu, strateških planova i medijske vidljivosti, visok stepen centralizma, rad predlaže i konkretne mere za ostvarivanje decentralizacije u kulturi. Poseban segment istraživanja je utvrdio i potencijalnu ulogu civilnog sektora u kulturi u decentralizaciji kulture, gde se merio njegov potencijal, održivost, povezivanje (poput Asocijacije nezavisne kulturne scene Srbije i njene uloge) i prevashodno primeri dobre prakse u svetu (omladinski centri Estonije) i kod nas nekada (Otvoreni klubovi Savezne republike Jugoslavije) i danas. Glavni rezultat ovog rada je predlog modela za implementaciju decentralizacije u kulturi Srbije, koji je adekvatan specifičnim uslovima sredine i realno primenljiv. Model je nazvan "susretno-pravednim" jer u sebi sadrži više pristupa koji nisu samostalni nego upravo povezani uslovljenim obligacijama odlučivanja koje dvosmerno dolaze vertikalno (nivoi vlasti) i horizontalno (korisnici i sektori) uz primenu načela pravednosti kao glavnog kriterijuma. Model je trostepeni (kulturna decentralizacija bez političke i fiskalne, kulturna i fiskalna decentralizacija i sva tri vida zajedno) sa trogodišnjim trajanjem svake faze. On predlaže mere i strategije poput regionalizacije (politička decentralizacija), "skandinavskog modela finansiranja" lokalnih samouprava (fiskalna decentralizacija) i kao najbitnije za kulturnu decentralizaciju: jačanje regionalnih i lokalnih resursa (razvoj kadrova i publike, departizaciju, deinstitucionalizaciju, izgradnju i revitalizaciju infrastrukture i obavezne lokalne i regionalne strategije kulture), "kapilarnu decentralizaciju" kulture putem jačanja uloge civilnog sektora, obavezni "lokalni spillover" za manifestacione kreativne industrije i primenu faktora socijalne pravde u finansiranju kulture, difuziji institucija i manifestacija od nacionalnog značaja i u nacionalnoj medijskoj promociji. Naučni doprinos rada je dalja teoretizacija pojma decentralizacije u kulturi sa stanovišta principa jednakosti, ravnopravnosti i pravde. U oblasti kulturne politike, vrednost dizajniranog modela je u tome što može imati i potencijalnu praktičnu primenu, kako od strane nacionalnih, tako i lokalnih subjekata u kulturi Srbije. ; The paper uses an interdisciplinary approach within cultural policy to present the needs for decentralization of the cultural system in Serbia and at the same time propose a model for decentralization of culture that can be applied. The introductory part first presents the importance of decentralization in culture for Serbia, but at the same time highlights the obstacles that are associated with the transition period in which the country is located. Also, in the theorizing of decentralization in culture, the paper introduces new key aspects - equality, equal and justice, which are presented through political - economic theories such as liberalism, socialism, anarchism and feminism, to introduce social justice as the main principle. This leads to the main hypothesis - with the application of the principle of equity in the model, the principle of equality in the decentralization of the cultural system of Serbia can be realized. The methodological procedure is based on interdisciplinary theoretical and empirical research covering cultural policy, cultural management, management theory, political science, economic sciences, legal sciences and sociology. The aim of the research is to model a new cultural system of decentralization in Serbia, based on the principle of equity. Drawing on European examples of decentralization of culture, which strives as belonging to the state space, the paper also presents a historical overview of decentralization in the broad sense, political and fiscal, as a precondition for full decentralization in culture. In the general theorizing of decentralization, decentralization itself is terminologically detached from concepts such as decocentiation, demetropolisation, devolution and delegation, and they are also complementary such as regionalization and subsidiarity, as well as the interdependence of these forms of decentralization (political, economic and cultural). The initial definitions of decentralization, the three-part definition of the conditionality of decentralization in the culture of Nobuko Kawashima as a "fair distribution of resources" and Moeckli's "decentralization of decision-making", that is, two principles - top down of culture democratization and bootom up of cultural democracy, are not mutually exclusive but used together. The paper analyzes the theories of decentralization of culture (Malro and Moeckli in France, Kawashima in England, as well as regional ones like Dragojevic in Croatia), as well as theoretical concepts that he considers necessary for the application of decentralization in culture such as social (John Rolls' understanding) and transitional justice, social sectors with particular emphasis on the civil sector in culture, a populist discourse of decentralization used by politics, participation as a necessary element of cultural decentralization, commons and spillover efect. The analysis also included practical, former and current models of decentralization in culture in Europe (with special emphasis on France and England), former Yugoslavia (with particular emphasis on the self-governing system), countries in the region (Croatia in particular) and Serbia itself (Draft Commission Strategy to decentralize culture), to outline strategies that can be used for the proposed model. By establishing through empirical research (views of cultural creators in the interior of Serbia), financial analysis of public appropriations for culture, strategic plans and media visibility, a high degree of centralism, the paper also proposes concrete measures for achieving decentralization in culture. A specific segment of the research identified the potential role of the civil sector in culture in decentralizing culture, measuring its potential, sustainability, networking (such as the Association of the Independent Cultural Scene of Serbia and its role) and, above all, examples of good practice in the world (Estonian youth centers) and in Balkan once (Open clubs of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and today). The main result of this paper is the proposal of a model for the implementation of decentralization in the culture of Serbia, which is adequate to the specific environmental conditions and realistically applicable. The model has been called "counter-righteous" because it contains more approaches that are not standalone but just linked by conditioned decision-making obligations that come two-way vertically (levels of government) and horizontally (users and sectors), by applying the principle of fairness as the main criterion. The model is three-stage (cultural decentralization without political and fiscal, cultural and fiscal decentralization and all three aspects together) with a three-year duration of each phase. It proposes measures and strategies such as regionalization (political decentralization), the "scandinavian financing model" of local governments (fiscal decentralization) and as essential to cultural decentralization: strengthening regional and local resources (development of staff and audience, depoliticization, deinstitutionalization, construction and revitalization of infrastructure and mandatory local and regional cultural strategies), "capillary decentralization" of culture through strengthening the role of the civil sector, mandatory "local spillover" for creative industries and the application of social justice factors in the financing of culture, diffusion of institutions and events of national importance and in national media promotion. The scientific contribution of the paper is further theorization of the concept of decentralization in culture from the standpoint of the principles of equality and justice. In the field of cultural policy, the value of the designed model is that it can have potential practical application, both by national and local subjects in the culture of Serbia.

Rad koristi interdisciplinarni pristup u okviru kulturne politike, kako bi predstavio potrebe za decentralizacijom kulturnog sistema u Srbiji i istovremeno predložio model decentralizacije kulture koji može biti primenjen. Uvodni deo prvo predstavlja značaj decentralizacije u kulturi za Srbiju, ali istovremeno i naglašava prepreke koje su vezane za tranzicioni period u kome se zemlja nalazi. Takođe, u teoretizaciji same decentralizacije u kulturi, rad uvodi nove ključne aspekte – jednakost, ravnopravnost i pravednost, koji se predstavljaju kroz političko – ekonomske teorije poput liberalizma, socijalizma, anarhizma i feminizma, da bi se socijalna pravda uvela kao glavni princip. Iz toga proizilazi i glavna hipoteza - uz primenu principa pravednosti u modelu, može se ostvariti i princip jednakosti/ravnopravnosti u decentralizaciji kulturnog sistema Srbije. Metodološki postupak zasnovan je na interdisciplinarnim teorijsko-empirijskim istraživanjima koja obuhvataju kulturnu politiku, menadžment u kulturi, teoriju upravljanja, političke nauke, ekonomske nauke, pravne nauke i sociologiju. Cilj istraživanja je modelovanje novog kulturnog sistema decentralizacije u Srbiji, zasnovanog na principu pravednosti. Oslanjajući se na evropske primere decentralizacije kulture, kojima se teži kao pripadajućem prostoru države, rad predstavlja i istorijski pregled decentralizacije u širem smislu, političke i fiskalne, kao preduslova pune decentralizacije u kulturi. U opštem teoretisanju decentralizacije, istovremeno se i sama decentralizacija terminološki odvaja od pojmova poput dekocentracije, demetropolizacije, devolucije i delegacije, a predstavljaju se i suplementarni poput regionalizacije i supsidijarnosti, kao i međusobna uslovljenost navedenih oblika decentralizacije (političke, ekonomske i kulturne). Polazne definicije decentralizacije, trodelna definicija uslovljenosti decentralizacije u kulturi Nobuko Kavašime kao "fer distribucija resursa" i Meklijeva "decentralizacija odlučivanja", odnosno dva principa – top down demokratizacije kulture i bootom up kulturne demokratije, u radu se ne isključuju nego zajedno koriste u susretnom smislu. Rad analizira i teorije o decentralizaciji kulture (Malro i Mekli u Francuskoj, Kavašima u Engleskoj, kao i regionalne poput Dragojevića u Hrvatskoj), kao i teoretske pojmove koje smatra neophodnim za primenu decentralizacije u kulturi poput socijalne (shvatanje Džona Rolsa) i tranzicione pravde, društvene sektore sa posebnim naglaskom na civilni sektor u kulturi, populistički diskurs decentralizacije koji koristi politika, participaciju kao neophodan element decentralizacije kulture, commons i spillover efect. Analiza je obuhvatila i praktične, nekadašnje i sadašnje modele decentralizacije u kulturi u Evropi (sa posebnim naglaskom na Francusku i Englesku), nekadašnjoj Jugoslaviji (sa posebnim akcentom na samoupravni sistem), država u regionu (Hrvatska posebno) i samoj Srbiji (Nacrt strategije Komisije za decentralizaciju kulture), kako bi se predstavile strategije koje se mogu iskoristiti za predloženi model. Utvrđujući putem empirijskog istraživanja (stavovi kreatora kulture u unutrašnjosti Srbije), finansijske analize javnih izdvajanja za kulturu, strateških planova i medijske vidljivosti, visok stepen centralizma, rad predlaže i konkretne mere za ostvarivanje decentralizacije u kulturi. Poseban segment istraživanja je utvrdio i potencijalnu ulogu civilnog sektora u kulturi u decentralizaciji kulture, gde se merio njegov potencijal, održivost, povezivanje (poput Asocijacije nezavisne kulturne scene Srbije i njene uloge) i prevashodno primeri dobre prakse u svetu (omladinski centri Estonije) i kod nas nekada (Otvoreni klubovi Savezne republike Jugoslavije) i danas. Glavni rezultat ovog rada je predlog modela za implementaciju decentralizacije u kulturi Srbije, koji je adekvatan specifičnim uslovima sredine i realno primenljiv. Model je nazvan "susretno-pravednim" jer u sebi sadrži više pristupa koji nisu samostalni nego upravo povezani uslovljenim obligacijama odlučivanja koje dvosmerno dolaze vertikalno (nivoi vlasti) i horizontalno (korisnici i sektori) uz primenu načela pravednosti kao glavnog kriterijuma. Model je trostepeni (kulturna decentralizacija bez političke i fiskalne, kulturna i fiskalna decentralizacija i sva tri vida zajedno) sa trogodišnjim trajanjem svake faze. On predlaže mere i strategije poput regionalizacije (politička decentralizacija), "skandinavskog modela finansiranja" lokalnih samouprava (fiskalna decentralizacija) i kao najbitnije za kulturnu decentralizaciju: jačanje regionalnih i lokalnih resursa (razvoj kadrova i publike, departizaciju, deinstitucionalizaciju, izgradnju i revitalizaciju infrastrukture i obavezne lokalne i regionalne strategije kulture), "kapilarnu decentralizaciju" kulture putem jačanja uloge civilnog sektora, obavezni "lokalni spillover" za manifestacione kreativne industrije i primenu faktora socijalne pravde u finansiranju kulture, difuziji institucija i manifestacija od nacionalnog značaja i u nacionalnoj medijskoj promociji. Naučni doprinos rada je dalja teoretizacija pojma decentralizacije u kulturi sa stanovišta principa jednakosti, ravnopravnosti i pravde. U oblasti kulturne politike, vrednost dizajniranog modela je u tome što može imati i potencijalnu praktičnu primenu, kako od strane nacionalnih, tako i lokalnih subjekata u kulturi Srbije. ; The paper uses an interdisciplinary approach within cultural policy to present the needs for decentralization of the cultural system in Serbia and at the same time propose a model for decentralization of culture that can be applied. The introductory part first presents the importance of decentralization in culture for Serbia, but at the same time highlights the obstacles that are associated with the transition period in which the country is located. Also, in the theorizing of decentralization in culture, the paper introduces new key aspects - equality, equal and justice, which are presented through political - economic theories such as liberalism, socialism, anarchism and feminism, to introduce social justice as the main principle. This leads to the main hypothesis - with the application of the principle of equity in the model, the principle of equality in the decentralization of the cultural system of Serbia can be realized. The methodological procedure is based on interdisciplinary theoretical and empirical research covering cultural policy, cultural management, management theory, political science, economic sciences, legal sciences and sociology. The aim of the research is to model a new cultural system of decentralization in Serbia, based on the principle of equity. Drawing on European examples of decentralization of culture, which strives as belonging to the state space, the paper also presents a historical overview of decentralization in the broad sense, political and fiscal, as a precondition for full decentralization in culture. In the general theorizing of decentralization, decentralization itself is terminologically detached from concepts such as decocentiation, demetropolisation, devolution and delegation, and they are also complementary such as regionalization and subsidiarity, as well as the interdependence of these forms of decentralization (political, economic and cultural). The initial definitions of decentralization, the three-part definition of the conditionality of decentralization in the culture of Nobuko Kawashima as a "fair distribution of resources" and Moeckli's "decentralization of decision-making", that is, two principles - top down of culture democratization and bootom up of cultural democracy, are not mutually exclusive but used together. The paper analyzes the theories of decentralization of culture (Malro and Moeckli in France, Kawashima in England, as well as regional ones like Dragojevic in Croatia), as well as theoretical concepts that he considers necessary for the application of decentralization in culture such as social (John Rolls' understanding) and transitional justice, social sectors with particular emphasis on the civil sector in culture, a populist discourse of decentralization used by politics, participation as a necessary element of cultural decentralization, commons and spillover efect. The analysis also included practical, former and current models of decentralization in culture in Europe (with special emphasis on France and England), former Yugoslavia (with particular emphasis on the self-governing system), countries in the region (Croatia in particular) and Serbia itself (Draft Commission Strategy to decentralize culture), to outline strategies that can be used for the proposed model. By establishing through empirical research (views of cultural creators in the interior of Serbia), financial analysis of public appropriations for culture, strategic plans and media visibility, a high degree of centralism, the paper also proposes concrete measures for achieving decentralization in culture. A specific segment of the research identified the potential role of the civil sector in culture in decentralizing culture, measuring its potential, sustainability, networking (such as the Association of the Independent Cultural Scene of Serbia and its role) and, above all, examples of good practice in the world (Estonian youth centers) and in Balkan once (Open clubs of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and today). The main result of this paper is the proposal of a model for the implementation of decentralization in the culture of Serbia, which is adequate to the specific environmental conditions and realistically applicable. The model has been called "counter-righteous" because it contains more approaches that are not standalone but just linked by conditioned decision-making obligations that come two-way vertically (levels of government) and horizontally (users and sectors), by applying the principle of fairness as the main criterion. The model is three-stage (cultural decentralization without political and fiscal, cultural and fiscal decentralization and all three aspects together) with a three-year duration of each phase. It proposes measures and strategies such as regionalization (political decentralization), the "scandinavian financing model" of local governments (fiscal decentralization) and as essential to cultural decentralization: strengthening regional and local resources (development of staff and audience, depoliticization, deinstitutionalization, construction and revitalization of infrastructure and mandatory local and regional cultural strategies), "capillary decentralization" of culture through strengthening the role of the civil sector, mandatory "local spillover" for creative industries and the application of social justice factors in the financing of culture, diffusion of institutions and events of national importance and in national media promotion. The scientific contribution of the paper is further theorization of the concept of decentralization in culture from the standpoint of the principles of equality and justice. In the field of cultural policy, the value of the designed model is that it can have potential practical application, both by national and local subjects in the culture of Serbia.

AbstractThe purpose of this research was to adapt Antonak and Harth's (1994) Mental Retardation Attitudes Inventory for the Kuwaiti culture and to investigate its four‐dimensional structure. The study also aimed at identifying a unidimensional subset of items besides examining the quality of the identified items and the overall inventory. The 34 ‐item adapted inventor y was administered to 56 4 college students. Item analysis indicated that 29 items have had good psychometric characteristics. However, the exploratory factor analysis, cross‐correlations of scale and item scores, and correlations among scales did not support the four‐dimensional structure of the adapted inventory. Further, the sample was split into two random halves. A uni‐dimensional subset of 20 items was identified in one sample by iterative factor analyzing the item data and discarding items with small loadings. The other sample was used to cross‐validate uni‐dimensionality of the identified items. Analysis indicated that scores of the 20‐item inventory have high Cronbach coefficient alpha, and high stability and generalizability coefficients. Partial support for the validity of the scores had been ascertained by comparing the scores of male and female students, and by regressing the inventor y scores on indicators of familiarity with individuals with mental retardation. Findings were discussed with reference to Kuwaiti culture.Over the last two decades, inclusion has internationally become a critical part of the reform efforts to improve the delivery of services to individuals with Mental Retardation (MR). This trend focuses on increasing the opportunities for the placement of these individuals in the same social and educational set tings as individuals without MR. The new arrangements for providing services have created challenges to people without disabilities concerning acceptance, integration, and inclusion of individuals with MR into the mainstream of society (Praisner, 2003). Many researchers (e.g. Priestly, 1998; Yazbeck McVilly & Parmenter, 2004) have convincingly argued that these challenges have their roots in the societal norms and values that concurrently developed throughout the unfolding history of the meaning of MR. As Priestly (1998) noted, although people with differences have existed in all societies, the degree to which they were integrated or excluded varied according to predominant cultural perceptions. Yazbeck, McVilly and Parmenter (2004) suggested that people's attitudes toward individuals with MR are socially constructed and are acquired through experience over time.Individuals with MR are often judged by people based on their disability instead of their whole lives and what they may accomplish and experience during their life (Blatt, 1987). Consequently, People may rely on false generalization and develop negative attitudes towards individuals with MR. Makas, Finnerty‐Fried, Sugafoos, and Reiss (1988) noted that for nondisabled persons, positive attitude toward people with disability is usually conceptualized as being 'nice' and 'helpful', whereas for a person with a disability, the attitude would be dispensing with the category of disability entirely. A study of community attitudes in one state of Australia found that up to 86% of respondents reported feeling 'uncomfortable' when interacting with individuals with disabilities (Enhance Management, 1999). Another study (European Commission, 2001) found that 40% of Europeans reported feeling 'uneasy' in the presence of people with disabilities.Attitudes manifest themselves as positive or negative reactions toward an object, driven by beliefs that impel individuals to behave in a particular way (Yuker, 1988). They comprise a complex of feelings, desires, fears, convictions, prejudices, or other tendencies learned through varied experiences that give rise to a set or readiness to act toward a person in a certain way (Chaiken & Stangor,1987). This means that attitude is not behavior, but the precondition of behavior. In addition, Myers, Ager, Kerr, and Myles (1998) identified three types of attitudes that influence how non‐disabled people interact with, and include or exclude people with disabilities: (1) A preparedness to engage with people as consumers, neighbors, or friends; (2) a lack of awareness about individuals with MR; and (3) a wariness or hostility regarding the idea of community integration.Research has shown that the third type of attitudes, which represents negative and non‐acceptance of individuals with MR is commonly observed (Gething, 1994; Schwartz & Armony‐Sivan, 2001). Such negative attitudes in a society may present people with MR as a burden on the welfare system. Moreover, people might not see individuals with disabilities as possessing a valuable social role or possessing the same abilities and characteristics that the majority of people possess. Tus, individuals with MR may not be accepted or included in society and may often be treated badly. In turn, Wolfensberger (1988) indicated that individuals with MR, being in a devalued position, would behave badly as they think that this is what is expected of them.As integration of persons with MR is increasingly becoming a global reality, Kuwait has designed social policy aimed at promoting acceptance and inclusion of people with disabilities into the mainstream of society. To implement the policy of integration, the Kuwaiti government is continually forming inclusive services for individuals with MR. The recent policy of inclusion (law 13/96), which has been adopted in 1996, asserts that people with disabilities have a fundamental right to live and grow within their local communities. This law has spawned an expanded system of services to encourage people with disabilities to live like people without disabilities. Inclusion policies give individuals with MR the right to be involved in the same situations as people without MR. For example, more individuals with MR, for example, are being employed. Moreover, most children with Downs syndrome now attend Kindergarten and are included in social programs for children in the general population. The general goal of all types of services provided for individuals with MR is to improve their participation in society.Although the Kuwaiti government has shown a growing interest in the integration of individuals with MR, the chances of these individuals being able to integrate into mainstream society would depend on the attitude of others, such as students, teachers, coworkers, social workers, professionals, towards them. These attitudes, as found in many Western studies (Antonak & Harth, 1994; Gordon, Tantillo, Feldman & Perrone, 2004) are, for the most part, negative, which may contribute to negative outcomes on the part of individuals with MR (Byon, 2000). According to Wright (1983), disability situations are vulnerable to fundamental negative attitudes, and this would seem to be even truer in the culture found in Kuwait.In Kuwaiti culture, disability has stigmatizing effect on members of the immediate and extended family; families tend to keep members with MR out of the sight of other people. This contributes to social exclusion of people with MR. There is also the traditional common belief that disability is related to (1) God's willing that the parent should have a child with a disability, (2) God is punishing the parent, (3) God is testing the parent, or (4) God is selecting the parent for an unknown reason. Commonly, persons with MR have been considered burdensome and shameful, because they are incapable of contributing to traditional social obligations and roles.While those traditional beliefs still exist, the law 13/96 was legislated to support the integration of persons with MR into various aspects of life. Consequently, we expect that people in the society would react to this trend with frustration, anger, or refusal. Usually, people in Kuwait have little or no information about individuals with MR; thereby uninformed determinations, such as stereotypes, reflect their attitudes toward these individuals. According to Blatt (1987), a stereotype will fill in the cracks and unanswered questions in a situation with which people are not familiar. Langer (1989) in her theory of 'mindfulness' also shows that stereotype is 'premature cognitive commitments' that leads people to make judgments without enough information and reflection.Moreover, the society labels given to individuals with MR are often accompanied with stigma and negative connotations. This situation makes it difficult for those individuals to be included into society and be accepted for what they actually are and not for what others assume them to be. According to Biklen and Bogdan (1977), this type of discrimination is called 'handicapism' and is defined as'…a set of assumptions and practices that promote differential and unequal treatment of people because of apparent or assumed physical, mental, or behavioral differences' (p.206). These perceptions may prevent individuals with MR from being accepted, and they might be viewed, based on Erikson's theory, as a pseudo species, or as less than human (Smith, 1981).Furthermore, professionals', leaders', and students' views and beliefs about the integration of individuals with MR into society may result in slowing the process of inclusion and discouraging people from accepting these individuals as what they are. For example, though senior staff in Kuwait's Ministry of Social Affairs succeeded in including children with Downs syndrome into public kindergarten, no other effort has been made since 1996 to integrate other children with disabilities into inclusive educational settings. More critical is that, while leaders make efforts toward inclusion, they continue to support the permanent residence of individuals with MR in social welfare institutions and urge the government to provide free health, social and educational services for the residents. Ahmad (2004) found that between 1992 and 2002, there was an increase in the number of children, and males and females adults with MR who live in the Social Welfare Institution for permanent care. The number of residents with MR has increased from 223 to 296.According to Philips (1992), leaders' and professionals' beliefs about individuals with MR could have commenced with the industrial revolution that brought with it the practice of classifying people who were different, and who were not able to pursue personal dreams or act as the industrial society required. Leaders and professionals may perceive individuals with MR, as Blatt (1987) stated, blessed innocents or surplus population that is unnecessary and expendable. These beliefs may never give the individuals with MR an adequate opportunity to present themselves and their abilities to others.Praisner (2003) suggested that leaders' attitudes are the key factor in successful inclusion. Due to leadership position, leaders' and professionals' attitudes about inclusion either could result in increased opportunities for individuals with MR to be served in different settings or increased efforts to support the segregated special education services. According to Goodlad and Lovitt (1993), leaders and professionals have the decision to develop an inclusive setting, if they (1) make and honor commitments, (2) do what they say in formal and informal settings, (3) express interest in inclusion, (4) act and make their actions known, and (5) organize their staff and their physical surroundings to implement inclusive programs. As Praisner (2003) stated, the success of inclusion depends on how leaders exhibit behaviors that advance the integration, acceptance, and success of individuals with disabilities in general settings.Researchers (e.g., Horne, 1985) have also shown that students' positive attitudes may increase their willingness to work with individuals with MR, and lead to removal of barriers to integrate them into society. The positive attitudes of students may help to encourage the establishment of policies and the allocation of resources to increase the integration of individuals with MR into different settings in the society (Yazbeck, et al., 2004).To enhance the policy of inclusion in Kuwait, society needs to evaluate some of its structures and change people's attitudes to fit the needs of individuals with MR instead of making these individuals fit society's structures. Helping individuals with MR to be included into society and establish socially valued roles would not be difficult if the attitudes of society are less restrictive and less resistant to change.As Kuwait continues to develop social and educational policy about inclusion, researchers must pay attention to the connection between integration and attitudes. The provision of educational and social opportunities for individuals with MR can be legislated by Kuwait's government, but acceptance from other people cannot be ensured without knowing people's beliefs and thoughts about persons with MR.Developing an understanding of the attitudes that is predominant in society, which in turn influences the actions of its members, is critical if we plan for social changes and for evaluating the effectiveness of public policy on promoting an inclusive society (Schwartz & Armony‐Sivan, 2001). Given that there are negative attitudes toward people with MR, particular care must be taken to monitor changing social attitudes toward these individuals to identify any serious impediment to the progress of their inclusion in different settings: schools, workplace, and the wider community.Research that is relevant to individuals with disabilities (e.g. Geskie & Salasek, 1988; Antonak & Harth, 1994) has revealed the need for researchers to investigate the attitudes of people toward MR. Wolfensberger (1983) suggested that the key to changing how people are valued socially is to change the perceptions people have about individuals who may differ from the norm. Research, however, has indicated that the investigation of attitudes toward individuals with MR requires a psychometrically sound instrument. It is crucial to conduct research to gather accurate information about these attitudes; it would clarify people's awareness of persons with MR, and assist in evaluating intervention programs and developing appropriate course work for special education fields. Further, it would inform public policy decisions, funding priorities, and service delivery, which in turn, enhance the likelihood of achieving successful integration and improving qua lit y of life for persons with MR (Antonak & Harth, 19 94; Schalock, 1990). Accurate measurement of attitudes could also lead to early detection of negative attitudes, such as personal prejudices, misconceptions, and irrational fears of professionals, social workers, and teachers when they first get involved in disability work settings. Furthermore, it would help in providing a baseline for monitoring changes in their attitudes over time (Byon, 2000).Changing attitudes would help in supporting efforts of individuals with MR to become autonomous (Philips, 1992), and help to decrease the resistance of others to allow people with MR to make decisions about their own lives and to be independent (Schalock, 1990). As the history of the deinstitutionalization movement has shown, becoming autonomous and independent are not as simple as releasing people from state facilities and hoping they survive on their own. Autonomy and independence are based upon choice‐making, and choice‐making must be taught to people with MR, as they have never been allowed to make their own choices and do not know how to rationally choose for themselves.However, as Crutcher (1990) noted, personal choice is based on opportunity, and opportunity is accessible only when society decides it should be. Therefore, in order for individuals with MR to have the opportunity to make their own decisions and be successfully included in society, special effort must be taken to change peoples' attitudes towards them.Moreover, a psychometrically sound instrument of attitudes helps researchers to assess with known precision respondents' feelings about individuals with MR (affective aspect of attitudes), and their conceptions about them (cognitive aspect of attitudes). On the affective side, there are feelings of approval or disapproval of individuals with MR in the society. On the cognitive side, there are beliefs, knowledge, and expectations that affect people's behavior towards individuals with MR. The affective and cognitive aspects affect the respondents' opinions of what services should be provided for individuals with MR and what policy should be adopted. These also assist in the design, implementation, and evaluation of social intervention program and strategies geared toward removing barriers to integration (Geskie & Salasek, 1988).The present study focused on adapting, for use in Kuwait, the Mental Retardation Attitude Inventory‐Revised (MR AI‐R) of Antonak and Harth (1994). The MRAI‐R was chosen because of the limitations of the MR attitudes' instruments in the Gulf States, and in particular the lack of such an instrument in Kuwait. After reviewing literature, it seemed that there was only one measure of attitudes; an inventory developed by Qaryauti (1988). Despite the claimed appropriateness of Qaryauti's scale, we decided to use the MRAI‐R of Antonak and Harth for several reasons. First, Qaryauti's scale was based on Western instruments that Antonak and Harth criticized and motivated them to construct the MRAI‐R. In contrast, Antonak and Harth constructed the MRAI‐R based on a review of more than 50 years of the attitude literature, and developed their inventory on the most available valid instrument.Second, by reviewing the items of the MRAI‐R and Qaryauti's scale, it was clear to us that the MRAI‐R is more consistent with the requirements of the law 13/96 that was mandated in Kuwait to assure the right of individuals with MR to be included into public schools, workplace, and the wider community (see Table 1). Third, the MRAI‐R, unlike Qaryauti's scale, incorporates several components of attitudes: (1) the integration‐segregation of individuals with MR in various school programs, workplace, and community; (2) the willingness of people to be associated with individuals with MR (Social Distance); (3) the rights of individuals with MR to be included in schools, communities, and the workplace (Private Rights); and (4) the derogatory beliefs of people about the moral character and social behavior of individuals with MR. Of the 22 items in Qaryauti's scale, 13 were related to derogatory beliefs, six to social distance, and only three to private rights and integration‐segregation.Fourth, many transcultural researchers have used the MRAI‐R in populations as diverse as the United States, Australia, and Korea. In the US, Ward (1998) used the MRAI‐R to explore relationships between empathy and attitudes among 200 parents and adult consumers with developmental disabilities. Also, Yozwiak (2002) utilized the MRAI‐R to examine the beliefs and attitudes of 210 community members toward a child with MR who was a witness to a sexual abuse case. In an Australian study, Yazbeck and others (2004) used MRAI‐R to examine differences in attitudes between students and professionals in disability services, and persons in the general community (N=492). In Korea, Byon's study (2000) used the MRAI‐R to investigate the effect of social desirability on attitudes toward MR, and to compare the relationships between attitude measures (both direct and indirect measures) and behavioral outcome indicators. Obviously, findings from a large number of studies using the MRAI‐R contribute to its validity. In contrast, we failed to find any study in which Qaryauti's scale was used.Based on the above arguments, it seems that the MRAI‐R would be useful in needs assessments, especially in schools and mental health clinics. For example, when the ministry of education decides to implement the inclusion policy in schools, there would be a need to assess attitudes of teachers and students towards students with MR. The results of such assessment would help in designing programs that improve attitudes as needed. The MRAI‐R can also be useful for social workers, professionals, and researchers who work in a variety of primary social welfare settings. It helps them to identify and target those people who are the most in need of training and preparation to change their attitudes toward MR. In a wider scale, non‐profit organizations can use results of assessing attitudes in advocating the rights of those individuals.In general, the primary usage of the MRAI‐R could be: (1) screening for early identification of negative attitudes; (2) assessing attitudes of specific groups toward persons with MR; (3) pre‐ or post‐ measurement in intervention studies; and (4) helping researchers who aim at studying the effects of attitudes on different variables in the life of people with MR (i.e. job satisfaction, life satisfaction, family relationship, social support), or the relationship between attitudes and demographic variables (i.e. gender, age, marital status, employment, educational status, familiarity with individuals with MR).Following the recommendation of Antonak and Livneh (1988) that researchers should use the existing instruments and stop creating new ones, the purpose of the present study is to develop an Arabic inventory of attitudes toward individuals with MR by adapting the MRAI‐R to be suitable for use in Kuwait. Specifically, the study aimed at: (1) revising the MRAI‐R items to make them suitable to Kuwait's culture; (2) investigating the suitability of the four‐factor‐structure of the MRAI‐R for measuring attitudes toward individuals with MR in Kuwait; (3) selecting a uni‐dimensional subset of items, if the four‐factor‐structure was not confirmed; and (4) examining the psychometric characteristics of the adapted inventory.We decided to carry out this study on college students for various reasons: (1) college students are prospective educators or professionals who will be either dealing with people with MR or making decisions that affect their lives; (2) college students in Kuwait play an active role in social change and in changing public opinions;(3) they are representative cross‐section of Kuwaiti society; (4) a sample of college students is more easily acquired than a sample from the general population.