Suchergebnisse

Edgardo Antonio Vigo fue un artista plástico que utilizó distintas técnicas y formas de expresión, como la poesía visual, las performances urbanas, el arte correo, la escritura de manifiestos y otros textos, así como la edición de revistas, entre otras actividades. Vigo produjo su poética en clave de rebeldía de su tiempo, especialmente entre los '60 y '70, pero su rebelión transcurrió también por fuera del estereotipo más consolidado para la época. La obra de Vigo retoma algunos procedimientos de las vanguardias, como la utilización del objeto ya hecho, el uso de espacios alternativos de producción y difusión de sus obras, el abandono casi completo del formato de cuadro, entre otros. Interesa pensar en este trabajo de qué modo esta apropiación de técnicas y procedimientos previos, se combina con otra ruptura dirigida no sólo al sistema artístico, sino también al orden social. En este sentido, la obra de Vigo piensa su tiempo. ;Así como tematizó ciertos acontecimientos de relevancia política de los ámbitos nacional e internacional, también realizó una operación novedosa en su obra: la utilización del discurso judicial-administrativo. Se analizan en este trabajo algunos de sus usos en acciones artísticas. Concluimos en que se trató de una materia que incorporaría en su poética para desnaturalizarla de su lugar original, aristocrático y privatista. En este sentido, toma un aspecto no menor del funcionamiento del orden social disociándolo de su lugar normal y, al ofrecerlo a todos a través de acciones artísticas, permite una apropiación descentrada, fuera de los límites impuestos por su naturaleza ; Edgardo Antonio Vigo was a plastic artist who used different technologies and forms of expression, as visual poetry, urban performances, mail art, the writing of manifests and other texts, as well as the edition of magazines, between other activities. Vigo produced his poetics in key of rebelliousness of his time, specially between '60s and '70s, but his revolt passed also externally of the stereotype most consolidated for the epoch. The work of Vigo takes again some procedures of the avant-gardes, as utilization of the ready made, use of alternative spaces of production and diffusion of his works, almost complete abandon of the format of picture. It is interested in thinking in this paper of what way this appropriation of technologies and previous procedures, combines with another directed break not only to the artistic system, but also to the social order. In this respect, the work of Vigo thinks his time. As well as he used certain events of political national and international relevancy, also realized a new operation in his work: the utilization of the judicial - administrative speech. There are analyzed in this work some of its uses in artistic actions. We conclude in that it was a question of a matter that he would incorporate in his poetics to denaturalize it of the original aristocratic and specific place. In this respect, he takes an aspect of the functioning of the social order separating it from its normal place and, on having offered it to all across artistic actions, allows an off-centre appropriation, out of the limits imposed by its nature ; Fil: Bugnone, Ana. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.

This study, about techniques used in commercial leasing contracts in companies that practice economic development, is influenced by a specific working hypothesis. It is the study of an entrepreneurial organization that succeeded in the space of a few short years to create an economic initiative capable of promoting the development of a flourishing commercial district in the Cagliari area. This example can give insight into a beneficial use of linked contracts systems for the creation of big economic operations and the development of productive activities during times where resources are scarce and the economy is contracting. Commercial leasing has always been thought of (and this is also the case with Policentro Domus de Janas corporation) as an excellent contractual technique for developing economic initiative. Even if one only considers how it gives the property owner an income from giving the right to use all or part of a productive activity, and how the tenant (who generally does not have the capital to risk investing in the beginning) tests the market by starting its own professional activity. With this objective in mind, this paper will develop in the space of three chapters. 1 The first chapter will frame commercial leasing in the context of the circulatory phenomena of productive apparatuses. The second will concentrate on analyzing the types of contracts used. In this way, the evolution of commercial leasing contracts will be retraced. Evolution that has affected applicable regulations of the business branch and the importance of the starting plan for the purposes of presenting negotiations in doctrine and in jurisprudence. The implications that this kind of contract has on a procedural level should not be omitted. With the inclusion of this figure by the legislator on the list of matters to be decided according to article 447 bis c.p.c. on one side, and subject to the condition of admissibility pronounced by the legislative decree no. 28/2010 on the other. The body of this treatise will consist of analysis in the third chapter of the kind of contracts used by the Policentro Domus de Janas Corporation for the development of its commercial structures. It will also examine the linked contracts system prepared for the economic operation, the marketing of the areas. This sequence, which would eventually get underway with the signing of a preliminary leasing contract and then evolve into a sale of the same areas leased, makes it clear that they are specific in nature with regard to the so called organizational and promotional contract and the veritable business leasing contract. In the first of the two negotiations, the parties intend to base the economic operation and regulate all aspects about the start up and entrance of an entrepreneur in an integrated commercial structure. With the second, the strategy involved in deciding to give to that entrepreneur the right to use the areas through a kind of branch business leasing contract instead of a business lease or a rental of commercial space. 2 In conclusion, the final objective is to understand the peculiarities and limits of application of the model created by the Policentro and the eventual exportability to other kinds of commercial development projects. It is clear that negotiating tools such as commercial leasing allow for mobilizing capital and getting past restrictions on economic initiatives, restrictions due to the unwillingness of property owners to risk entrepreneurially during economic recession and to scarce creditfrom banking institutions.

Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; The invasion of the Iberian peninsula in 1808 led to one of the greatest political crises of the Spanish empire. This crisis was of such colossal magnitudes that it doubted the legitimacy of the government that until that moment had ruled all the empire. The colonies in America did not escape this crisis of legitimacy, which would culminate with the rupture of these with the crown. In New Spain, as in the rest of the overseas possessions, defending the sovereignty of the legitimate monarch became the focal point of political debates among the groups that emerged in the wake of the monarchist crisis. On the one hand, there were those who fought to keep power to the king, causing the power to reside in the town and then return it to the monarch in full. On the other, the sector that saw in the crisis the opportunity to fulfill the autonomist desires that were emerging in the Creole groups that had been affected by the Bourbon reforms. In the peninsula, the result of safeguarding the real sovereignty is concretized with the creation of the Cortes of Cadiz and the publication of the Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy in 1812. With the Constitution of Cadiz was sought to fill the void of legitimacy left by the invasion , Safeguard the integrity of the empire by uniting the two hemispheres that formed the Spanish empire, granting liberties to each of the individuals that formed the empire, ensuring a new level of participation of the empire within a new system of government that would ruin Bourbon absolutism: a monarchy ruled by the Constitution. ; La invasión sufrida por la península ibérica en 1808 derivó en una de las mayores crisis políticas que hasta el momento había sufrido el imperio español. Esta crisis fue de magnitudes tan colosales que puso en duda la legitimidad del gobierno que hasta ese momento había regido todo el imperio. Las colonias en América no escaparon de esta crisis de legitimidad, la cual culminaría con la ruptura de éstas con la corona. En la Nueva España, como en el resto de las posesiones ultramarinas, defender la soberanía del monarca legítimo se volvió el punto central de los debates políticos entre los grupos que surgieron ante la crisis monárquica. Por un lado, existían quienes pugnaban por guardar el poder al rey, haciendo residir el poder en el pueblo para después regresarlo íntegro al monarca. Por otro el sector que veía en la crisis la oportunidad de cumplir los deseos autonomistas que se veían gestando en los grupos criollos que habían sido afectados por las reformas borbónicas. En la península, el resultado de resguardar la soberanía real se concretiza con la creación de las Cortes de Cádiz y la publicación de la Constitución de la Monarquía Española en 1812. Con la Constitución de Cádiz se buscaba llenar el vacío de legitimidad dejado por la invasión, salvaguardar la integridad del imperio al unir los dos hemisferios que formaban el imperio español, otorgar libertades a cada uno de los individuos que formaban el imperio, asegurando un nuevo nivel de participación de los mismos dentro de un nuevo sistema de gobierno que echaría por tierra el absolutismo borbónico: una monarquía regida por la Constitución.

[spa] La gestión ambiental de los territorios basa su actuar en los postulados de la Teoría General de Sistemas y en el paradigma del Desarrollo Sostenible, desde una visión holística e integral, a partir de los postulados de L. V. Bertalanffy. La geografía, como ciencia del territorio, no escapa de esta influencia y desarrolla el concepto de paisaje, y la Geoecología emerge como una disciplina integradora del tiempo y el espacio (temporal y topológica). Desde el informe Brundtland, publicado el año 1987, hasta la primera década del siglo XXI, la materialización del concepto de sostenibilidad en el ámbito urbano, ha estado marcado en los últimos años por el surgimiento de los ecobarrios en Europa, cuya materialización busca el plasmar los postulados de la sostenibilidad urbana, los cuales se remontan a los comienzos del urbanismo moderno, siendo el objetivo final a búsqueda de ciudades eficientes y que tuviesen las cualidades para lograr una buena calidad de vida. A partir de los postulados de la Geoecología del Paisaje y del Desarrollo Sostenible, amparado en los alcances legales que tienen los gobiernos locales para su desarrollo y ámbito de acción, la aplicación de la metodología geoecológica para el estudio del paisaje, en sus diferentes fases de inventario, análisis, diagnóstico y pronóstico, permite la comprensión del territorio a partir de su complejidad. De esta forma, mediante la incorporación de variables intangibles y temporales, el desarrollo de un plan de gestión ambiental local tendría su materialización en un horizonte de 40 años, a partir de la incorporación de los diferentes actores, como los órganos del gobierno municipal como a otros organismos del estado y de la sociedad civil. ; [eng] The territories' environmental management, bases its act on the principles of the General System Theory and the paradigm of sustainable development, from a holistic and comprehensive vision, from the postulates of L. V. Bertalanffy. Geography as a science of the territory doesn't escape from this influence and develops the concept of landscape, and on the other hand, Geoecology emerge as an integrative discipline between time and space (temporal and topological). Since the Brundtland report, published in 1987, until the first decade of the XXI century, the understanding of the concept of sustainability in urban areas, has been marked in the last years by the emergence of eco-neighborhoods in Europe, that seeks to capture the principles of urban sustainability, which dates back since the beginning of modern urbanism, whose ultimate aim was searching for efficient cities that would have had some qualities to accomplish a good quality of life for its inhabitants. From the postulates of the landscape Geoecology and Sustainable Development, protected by the legal scope that local governments have for its development and its sphere of influence, the application of geo-ecological methodology for the study of landscape, in its different inventories' phases, analysis, diagnosis and prognosis allows the understanding of the territory from its complexity. Therefore, by adding intangible and temporary variables, the development of a local environmental management plan, which incorporates different actors that are involved in its materialization, as local government bodies as others state agencies and civil society, would have its manifestation in a horizon of 40 years.

AbstractSince 1995, the Government has encouraged people to establish Centre of Development and Implementation of Traditional Medicine or Sentra Pengembangan dan Penerapan Pengobatan Tradisional (SP3T) through the Ministry of Health's decree No. 0584/Menkes/SK/VI/1995. At the moment several centers have been realized and provided herbal medicine (HM) in their service. The aim of the survey was to get the picture of the perception and the usage of HM by medical doctors. Questionnaires were distributed by online system to 267 doctors. The results showed that 53% respondents were 41-55 years old, whereas 47% were 40 or younger, more than half (59%) were female. With regards to their medical specializations 29% were GPs, 18%, internists, 6% neurologists and obstetricians, and 41% other specializations. Sixty five percent respondents did not prescribe HM but 35% prescribed occasionally. Those who are not practicing or prescribing HM to their patients stated that they never learnt it (41%), were doubtful to its efficacy (41%), knew nothing about HM (29%), and were concern about the quality (18%). Although HM is relatively cheaper than modern medicine (59%), but 82% respondents stated that information on HM is lacking. They proposed that awareness about HM should be increased through seminars (88%), courses/workshops (53%), journal publication (63%), brochures and leaflets (24%), and medical representative (18%). The use of HM by respondents is mainly for non-specific diarrhea (63%), hypertension and rheumatoid arthritis (38%), hypercholesterolemia (25%) and diabetes mellitus (13%). Respondents agreed that HM should be taught in medical schools (94%) for at least one semester (60%) or two semesters (40%).Keywords: phytopharmaca, medical education, perception, herbal medicine AbstrakSesuai dengan Keputusan Menteri Kesehatan No. 0584/Menkes/SK/VI/1995, sejak 1995 Pemerintah telah menganjurkan masyarakat untuk membentuk Sentra Pengembangan dan Penerapan Pengobatan Tradisional (SP3T). Saat ini sudah ada beberapa pusat pelayanan pengobatan herba. Tujuan survei ini untuk mendapatkan gambaran tentang persepsi dan penggunaan obat herba (OH) oleh para dokter. Kuesioner disebarkan secara daring kepada 267 alumni dan non-alumni Fakultas Kedokteran UKI. Hasilnya memperlihatkan 53% responden berusia 41-55 tahun, 47% berusia sampai 40 tahun, serta 59% terdiri atas perempuan. Dari segi spesialisasi didapatkan 29% dokter umum, 18% spesialis penyakit dalam, 6% spesialis penyakit syaraf dan ahli kandungan sedangkan 41% memiliki spesialisasi lain. Enam puluh lima persen responden tidak meresepkan OH dan hanya 35% responden yang meresepkan secara tidak rutin. Hal itu karena mereka tidak pernah belajar OH (41%), tidak yakin akan efikasinya (41%), tidak tahu sama sekali tentang OH (29%) dan tidak yakin akan mutunya (18%). Meskipun OH relatif lebih murah daripada obat konvensional (59%) tapi 82% responden menyatakan informasi tentang OH sangat kurang. Mereka mengusulkan agar informasi OH ditingkatkan melalui seminar (88%), kursus/lokakarya (53%), publikasi lewat jurnal (63%), brosur dan liflet (24%) dan medical representative (18%). Penggunaan OH oleh responden terutama untuk diare non-spesifik (63%), hipertensi dan artritis reumatoid (38%), hiperkolesterolemia (25%) dan diabetes mellitus (13%). Responden setuju agar OH diajarkan di fakultas kedokteran (94%) sekurang-kurangnya satu semester (60%) atau dua semester (40%).Kata kunci: fitofarmaka, pendidikan kedokteran, persepsi, obat herba

After decades of neglect, volatile food prices and the persistence of hunger and malnutrition have brought agriculture and nutrition to the forefront of the international development agenda. As governments, donors, and other key actors deepen their commitments, they are also increasing their focus on how successful development interventions can be "scaled up," meaning how they can be expanded, replicated, and adapted to new and different contexts, for greater and sustained impact. In late 2011, IFPRI's 2020 Vision Initiative approached Johannes Linn to develop a set of policy briefs that would contribute to a better understanding of scaling up in agriculture, rural development, and nutrition. The authors and other experts met at a workshop in Washington, DC, in January 2012, to discuss their draft briefs. The resulting series brings together a variety of experiences from around the world, delineates different pathways for scaling up, identifies both the key drivers that push the scaling-up process forward and the key spaces that enable initiatives to be scaled up, and outlines the lessons learned. These briefs were written by a wide range of actors, from local communities and nongovernmental organizations to private businesses and donors. They provide an invaluable perspective on the challenges and opportunities for successful scaling up. ; Introduction Shenggen Fan and Rajul Pandya-Lorch; 1. Overview: Pathways, Drivers, and Spaces Johannes F. Linn; 2. Investing in Agriculture to Reduce Poverty and Hunger Kevin Cleaver; 3. Moving Local- and Community-Driven Development from Boutique to Large Scale Hans P. Binswanger- Mkhize and Jacomina P. de Regt; 4. Empowering Local Communities in the Highlands of Peru Barbara Massler; 5. Rehabilitating China's Loess Plateau John Mackedon; 6. Building on Successes with Regreening in the West African Sahel Chris Reij; 7. Scaling Up Agricultural Value Chains for Pro-Poor Development Arntraud Hartmann; 8. Scaling Up Agricultural Supply Chains in the Private Sector Beth Sauerhaft and Ian Hope-Johnstone; 9. SUN: A Global Movement to Accelerate Reduction of Maternal and Child Undernutrition David Nabarro, Purnima Menon, Marie Ruel, and Sivan Yosef; 10. Alive & Thrive: Expanding Community Interventions to Improve Nutrition in Bangladesh Raisul Haque, Kaosar Afsana, Tina Sanghvi, Saiqa Siraj, and Purnima Menon; 11. Delivering Nutrients Widely through Biofortification: Building on Orange Sweet Potato Howdy Bouis and Yassir Islam; 12. Addressing Institutional Challenges to Large-scale Implementation Richard Kohl; 13. Aga Khan Development Network: Expanding Rural Support Programs in South Asia Henri Suter, Leanne Sedowski, and Joanne Trotter; 14. SEWA: Supporting Village-Level Organizations to Improve Rural Livelihoods Raj M. Desai and Shareen Joshi; 15. Oxfam America: Learning from the System of Rice Intensification in Northern Vietnam Gina E. Castillo, Minh Nguyet Le, and Kimberly Pfeifer; 16. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation: Catalyzing Agricultural Innovation Prabhu Pingali; 17. IFAD: Adopting a New Systematic Approach to Scaling Up Agricultural and Rural Development Cheikh M. Sourang; 18. Learning from the Experience of Vertical Funds Keith Bezanson, Paul Isenman, and Alex Shakow; 19. Going to Scale in Fragile States: Can it Work? Should We Try? Laurence Chandy; 20. Lessons on Scaling-up: Opportunities and Challenges for the Future Johannes F. Linn ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; 2020 ; DGO; PHND

Die Arbeit befasst sich mit dem Aspekt der Steuerungsfähigkeit von Kommunalparlamenten im Rahmen interkommunaler Zusammenarbeit. Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung ist (die grundsätzliche Annahme), dass Kommunalparlamente im Rahmen kommunaler Selbstverwaltung über die Möglichkeit der politischen Steuerung verfügen. Diese basiert auf den in den Gemeindeordnungen getroffenen Zuständigkeitsentscheidungen für die verschiedenen kommunalen "Organe". Forschungsleitend ist die Frage, wie sich unterschiedliche institutionelle Rahmenbedin-gungen (Können) und Akteurshandeln (Wollen) auf die Steuerungsfähigkeit von Kommunalparlamenten im Rahmen interkommunaler Zusammenarbeit auswirken. Der theoretische Ansatz der Untersuchung kann als akteursbezogener Institutionalismus bezeichnet werden. Im akteursbezogenen Institutionalismus erklärt sich das politische Geschehen aus institutionellen Regeln und Akteurshandeln. Bezogen auf die Machtpositionen im kommunalen Entscheidungssystem besteht die zentrale These darin, dass die interkommunale Zusammenarbeit zu einem Steuerungsverlust der Kommunalparlamente und zu einer Stärkung der Verwaltung führt. Die Arbeit basiert auf der Annahme, dass durch interkommunale Zusammenarbeit Ent-scheidungsstrukturen verändert werden. Dabei liegt es in der Natur der Kooperation, dass Entscheidungen durch ein Zusammenwirken der Beteiligten getroffen werden. Die Form der Entscheidung hängt ab von der gewählten Organisationsform für die interkommunale Zusammenarbeit. So können Entscheidungen im einfachsten Fall informell durch Absprachen zwischen den Beteiligten getroffen werden oder aber im Falle einer höheren Formalisierung, wie z. B. beim Zweckverband, in neuen Entscheidungsgremien. Diese von den Bestimmungen der Gemeindeordnungen abweichenden Entscheidungsstrukturen tangieren somit immer die selbständigen Entscheidungskompetenzen der kommunalen Organe. Die Untersuchung erfolgt in Form eines Vergleichs institutioneller Regeln aus den 3 Bundesländern Bayern, Schleswig-Holstein und Niedersachsen sowie mit 3 Fall-beispielen aus diesen Bundesländern. Anhand der landesspezifischen Kommunalverfassungen wird der Einfluss von institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen auf politische Entscheidungen untersucht und mit der darauf folgenden Untersuchung von Fallbeispielen der Einfluss von spezifischem Akteurshandeln. Bei den untersuchten Fallbeispielen handelt es sich um eine interkommunale Zusammenarbeit in Form von Zweckverbänden. ; The paper examines the degree to which local councils can control outcomes in the con-text of collaboration between local authorities. The starting point for the investigation is (the fundamental assumption) that, under their powers of local self-government, local councils are in a position to control political outcomes. This is based on the responsibilities allocated to the various local authority "bodies" by virtue of the local by-laws. The leading question in this research project is how the various institutional frameworks (ability) and stakeholders' actions (determination) affect the ability of local councils to control outcomes in the context of collaboration between local authorities. The theoretical approach to the investigation may be termed stakeholder-centred institu-tionalism. Stakeholder-centred institutionalism seeks to explain political behaviour by looking at institutional rules and what the stakeholders do. In relation to positions of power in the local government system of decision-making, the central thesis is that collaboration between local authorities results in local councils losing some of their control capability and in administrative departments gaining strength. This paper is based on the assumption that collaboration between local authorities changes decision-making structures. Per se, cooperation means that decisions are made in consultation with all those involved. How decisions are made will depend on the type of organization chosen for collaboration between local authorities. At the simplest level, decisions can be reached informally by agreement between those involved or, at a more formal level, e.g. in a joint board (Zweckverband), taken by new decision-making bodies. These decision-making structures depart from the rules contained in local by-laws and thus also impinge on the independent decision-making competences of the local authority bodies. The investigation takes the form of a comparison of institutional rules in 3 Federal Sates; Bavaria, Schleswig-Holstein and Lower Saxony, and looks at three case studies from the-se states. In reference to the states' specific local authority constitutions, the paper first examines how the institutional framework influences political decisions and then - by means of case studies - the influence of specific stakeholder actions. The case studies chosen represent collaboration between local authorities through a joint board.

This study undertakes to contest the concept of sphere of infl uence from a historical perspective with a focus on normative questions and international order. While the concept of sphere of infl uence is frequently used in political parlance, it has not been studied within the discipline of International Relations. What is more, the term "sphere of infl uence" is used in a pejorative sense to criticise Russian foreign policy. The research identifi es the pejorative uses of the concept and then proceeds to discuss normative aspects of spheres of infl uence in international theory. In the process, sphere of influence is transformed from a map metaphor into a concept which encompasses issues of justice and international order. The history of the concept of sphere of infl uence begins with identifying how it acquired its pejorative ring, that is, the concept became associated with the foreign policy of Russia. What follows are four chapters on the history and theory of spheres of infl uence. The fi rst episode explores historical examples such as suzerainty and colonialism, as well as the emergence of a hierarchical international order. The second reveals the untapped pool of ideas related to international order, sovereignty, great powers, the balance of power and non-intervention in the English School theory. The pluralist and solidarist underpinnings of international society come alive as a framework for linking the concept of sphere of infl uence to conceptualisations of international order. Spheres of infl uence are situated at the equilibrium point of a pendulum which sweeps an arc from the sovereign nation-state at one end to humanity at the other. The third chapter looks into theories on spheres of infl uence "between nation and humanity" which were developed in the turmoil of the world wars. The ideas of Friedrich Naumann, Carl Schmitt, E.H. Carr, James Burnham, Walter Lippmann and George Orwell focus more on bringing about peace than causing war and confl ict. Finally, a chapter on the Cold War, drawing on the example of the Cuban Missile Crisis, explores the period in history which has made the strongest impact on the present understanding of sphere of infl uence. It becomes clear that even Cold War spheres of infl uence are a source of theory which we have ignored. Once the historical and theoretical roots of the concept have been unveiled, Russian ideas on international order and infl uence beyond state borders are analysed in order to problematise the Western canon dealing with "Russia's sphere of infl uence". The Russian idea of a sphere of influence is clouded by an indecision in choosing between the pluralist and solidarist international orders. The Russian authors' unwavering defence of sovereignty and simultaneous admiration of "the concert of great responsible powers" has resulted in an inability to openly propose a system of international governance with spheres of influence. The unique contribution of this dissertation is to put forward normative considerations pertaining to spheres of infl uence instead of using the concept in a pejorative sense. The study connects the English School tradition, post-war international order, the Cold War and Russian thought with the concept of sphere of infl uence with the aim of initiating a debate which will enrich the discipline with a fresh outlook on an old but topical concept.

Sciences Economiques ; L'énorme disparité qui caractérise la distribution des revenus au Brésil représente une remarquable dette sociale à combler, car il est inacceptable qu'un pays aussi riche que le Brésil soit si inégalitaire et si injuste pour la majorité de ses citoyens. Malgré le changement de la politique socio-économique intervenu dans les deux dernières décennies et ciblant une politique sociale plus active et dirigée vers la redistribution du revenu, l'inégalité de la société brésilienne reste criante. L'étude du développement du capitalisme national, à travers ses racines, implantées dès la colonisation, est indispensable si l'on veut comprendre comment la nation est parvenue à une telle situation. La formation structurelle et institutionnelle du capitalisme brésilien a engendré plusieurs distorsions dans le partage de la richesse et les politiques économiques et sociales adoptées n'ont pas été capables de construire une société juste pour l'ensemble de la population. Une analyse détaillée de l'historique de la croissance économique et de l'accumulation du capital dans l'économie brésilienne montre la trajectoire de la concentration du revenu, et souligne la responsabilité des politiques gouvernementales, peu favorables à un partage plus équitable de la richesse nationale. Les élites dominantes ont pris les rênes de la machine gouvernementale pour maintenir leurs privilèges et s'approprier la richesse nationale produite, en l'absence de toute volonté politique d'améliorer la distribution du revenu dans l'ensemble de la nation. Le principal objectif ici est donc d'étudier les effets des politiques gouvernementales dans l'accumulation du capital et dans la distribution des revenus au Brésil, en tenant compte de l'insertion brésilienne dans le système capitaliste et des résultats des politiques publiques nationales. La méthode de l'économie politique, fondée sur la théorie de distribution du revenu de Kalecki, est présente tout au long de l'analyse. ; The huge disparity in income distribution in Brazil is a remarkable social debt to be filled, it is inaceptable that a rich country like Brazil to be so unequal and unfair to the majority of its citizens. Despite the change of the socio-economic policy in the last two decades, targeting a more active social policy and led to the redistribution of income, inequality in Brazilian society is glaring. The study of the development of the national capitalism, since the roots of colonization, is mandatory to understand how the nation has reached such a situation. The structural and institutional formation of the Brazilian capitalism has created several distortions in the distribution of wealth; economic and social policies adopted have not been able to build a fair society for all people. The detailed analysis of the economic history and the accumulation of capital in the Brazilian economy show the trend of income concentration, since government policies were unfavorable to a more equitable distribution of the national wealth. The ruling elites have taken power of the government machine to maintain its privileges and to appropriate of a bigger share of the national wealth produced, lacking the political will to improve the distribution of income across the nation and its individuals. The main objective here is to study the effects of government policies in capital accumulation and income distribution in Brazil, taking into account the insertion of Brazil in the capitalist system and the results of national public policies. The method of political economy, based on the theory of income distribution in Kalecki, appears in the analysis. ; N/A

La literatura relacionada con el impacto del cambio climático empieza a dar cuenta de los diversos grados de vulnerabilidad de la población y de la capacidad de respuesta y de adaptación de distintos sectores sociales en el mundo. Sin embargo aún son pocos los estudios que, al analizar las respuestas a los riesgos para la salud derivados del cambio climático, señalen las limitaciones y oportunidades que dan forma a procesos de adaptación orientados a enfrentar los retos de salud. En este estudio se intenta avanzar por esa línea enfocándose en un sector pobre de la población indígena campesina mexicana. El artículo se basa en una investigación de hogares que se llevó a cabo de diciembre de 2006 a abril de 2007 en tres comunidades de la Sierra Tarahumara, ubicada al suroeste de Chihuahua. Los resultados revelan que incluso en un contexto de extrema pobreza y vulnerabilidad al cambio climático, la población desarrolla respuestas para afrontarlo y adaptarse. Así, los hogares tarahumaras han desarrollado tres tipos de estrategias: a) las basadas en sus usos y costumbres, b) la utilización del sistema de salud que ofrecen las instituciones públicas y las organizaciones no gubernamentales, y c) las prácticas sociales orientadas al exterior y la emigración a las zonas urbanas como canales de integración con la sociedad "occidental". También se advierte que varias políticas gubernamentales orientadas al desarrollo de las comunidades, con impacto en la salubridad de la población, presentan limitaciones por su falta de coordinación intersectorial; un caso peculiar en el cual se observa la generación de cierta sinergia es el del área de servicios de salud, donde se ha logrado retomar los usos y costumbres de la población valiéndose de representantes de las comunidades y de las ONG. AbstractThe literature on the impact of climate change is beginning to describe the various degrees of vulnerability of the population and the capacity for response and adaptation of the various social sectors throughout the world. However, there are still very few studies which, when analyzing the responses to health risks derived from climate change, indicate the constraints and opportunities that shape the adaptation processes designed to cope with health challenges. This study seeks to advance this line by focusing on a poor sector of the Mexican indigenous peasant population. The article is based on a household study undertaken from December 2006 to April 2007 in three communities in the Sierra Tarahumara in the southeast of Chihuahua. The results show that even in a context of extreme poverty and vulnerability to climate change, the population develops responses for coping with it and adapting. Tarahumara households have developed three types of strategies:a) those based on their customs, b) the use of the health system offered by public institutions and non-governmental organizations and c) social practices oriented towards other countries and emigration to urban zones as a means of integrating with "western" society. It also shows that various government policies oriented towards community development, with an impact on the population's health, have constraints due to the lack of inter-sectoral coordination. One exception in which there has been a certain amount of synergy is the area of health services, which has taken up the population's customs through the assistance of community representatives and NGOs.

Riflettere sul fenomeno leghista, oggi, significa ragionare sulle motivazioni della crisi della nostra repubblica che abbiamo fatto risalire, secondo un acuto temporale periodizzante, con i governi di solidarietà nazionale 1976-1979. Il saggio cerca di chiarire la via d'uscita che è stata scelta, come antidoto alle fratture a quel tempo presenti. Gli anni Ottanta si sono caratterizzati come il tempo del riflusso, del privato che finalmente ritorna prioritario non solo sulla politica, ma soprattutto sul politico. Questo ha fatto il paio con un discorso antipolitico che ha modificato il lessico dell'opinione pubblica, lessico denigratorio della politica e delle sue manifestazioni, della democrazia parlamentare. Ma in questo scenario frammentato, privo di punti di riferimento solidi e inequivocabili, nel tempo della transizione abbiamo visto comparire sulla scena politica un nuovo imprenditore politico, il leghismo, frutto del localismo prima, sistema partito e di potere, nei primi anni Novanta, quando diventa Lega nord, con il suo leader Umberto Bossi ad inventare una tradizione, una storia, un immaginario collettivo per quella porzione di elettori delle regioni più ricche del Paese smarriti dopo Tangentopoli. L'analisi della parabola della Lega nord s'incrocia con le vicende della storia della Repubblica, una storia degli anni Ottanta e Novanta che si è caratterizzata per la costante dissoluzione dei corpi intermedi della politica e della società, parliamo dei partiti, delegittimati nelle loro funzioni, e di un sindacato in piena crisi di rappresentanza. La fotografia è quella di una democrazia povera di luoghi di ricomposizione del conflitto, dove la Lega è l'unico partito di massa.Today, a reflection on the phenomenon of the Lega means considering the motivations of the problems of our Republic that we have traced back to the 1976-1979 governments of national solidarity. This essay tries to clarify the way out that was chosen as an antidote to the fractures present in that time. The 1980s are characterized as the time of reflux, of the individual that finally came back as a priority, not only in politics but especially for the politician. This was coupled with an anti-political discourse that modified the lexis of public opinion, the disparaging lexis of politics and its manifestations and parliamentary democracy. But in this fragmented scenario, lacking firm unequivocal reference points, in the time of transition, a new political player appeared on the l scene, Leghism, the product of localism, system of party and power in the early 1990s when it became the Lega nord, with its leader Umberto Bossi who invented a tradition, a history, and a collective imagination for that portion of the electors of the richest regions of the country who disappeared after Tangentopoli (an inquiry into corruption). The analysis of the history of the Lega nord is crossed with the events of the history of the Republic, a story of the 1980s and 1990s characterized by the constant dissolution of the intermediary bodies of politics and society; parties delegitimized in their functions and a trade union with many problems of representation. The picture that emerges is that of a democracy that has few areas of recomposition of conflict, where la Lega is the only party for the masses.

International audience ; Reorganizing public transport in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro ahead of the Summer Olympic Games 2016.Public transportation played a decisive role in Rio de Janeiro's bid to host the Summer Olympic Games 2016. To convince the CIO, the local authorities have promised a radical overhaul if the current transport infrastructure. The ambitious plan will rely on various unfinished projects, which were abandoned to a certain extent due to financing problems. But the primary reason for these unfinished projects is to be found in politicians' inability to effect changes to the management of public transport, which is then left in the hands of the powerful bus company cartels. The currently infrastructure is gradually less capable of responding to the needs of a metropolis of more than 11 million inhabitants and this contributes to widen the social and geographical imbalances of the city, which then further impacts the current infrastructure making even more fragile. This paradox is even greater when one thinks that Curitiba in the southern part of the country is known as an example of innovation in bus transportation with its famous BRT (Bus Rapid Transit) system that inspired so many cities worldwide and has been adopted by almost all other large Brazilian urban centres. For Rio, the preparation for the Olympic Games 2016 is a big task. Presented as infrastructure investments, the BRT projects will need to connect the sites of the Olympic games as well as promote the emergence of new exchange hubs structuring the future of the city. The big question now is whether the current plans will deliver the required changes to the current infrastructure. This is an uncertain bet, whose result will depend on the redefinition of the power struggle between private transport companies and the public authorities ; La question des transports a joué un rôle décisif dans la candidature de Rio aux Jeux Olympiques de 2016. Pour remporter d'adhésion du CIO, les autorités locales ont fait la promesse d'une restructuration radicale de l'offre. L'ambitieux plan à réaliser s'appuie sur les divers projets laissés jusque-là sans suite. Faute de financements ? En partie seulement. La raison plus profonde est à chercher dans l'incapacité structurelle des politiques à modifier le cadre d'exercice du service public des transports, laissé au puissant cartel des sociétés d'autobus. L'organisation actuelle répond de plus en plus mal aux besoins de mobilité d'une métropole de plus de 11 millions d'habitants et contribue à approfondir les déséquilibres sociaux et spatiaux que l'offre de transport informel suscitée par la carence du système contribue encore à le fragiliser. La situation de Rio est d'autant plus paradoxale que la seconde ville du pays est restée à l'écart des innovations retenues par l'emblématique ville de Curitiba, dont les solutions de Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) ont été adoptées dans la plupart des métropoles du pays. Pour Rio, l'échéance des Olympiades est donc un défi de taille. Présentés comme des investissements d'infrastructure, les projets de BRT doivent relier entre eux les sites olympiques et au-delà assurer l'émergence de pôles d'échange structurants à l'échelle métropolitaine. La question est alors de savoir si les aménagements planifiés vont parvenir à agir comme un levier pour restructurer en profondeur l'offre. Un pari encore incertain dont l'enjeu est la redéfinition des rapports de pouvoir entre les sociétés de transport privées et les autorités publiques.

The study there proposes a model of strategic integral development to stimulate the competitiveness of the Region Amazon; It is an investigation propositional, the followed methodology was initially to diagnose by means of indicators and the analysis FODA, the reality of the economic - productive sectors of the region: agriculturalist, rancher, fishing boat, mining, forest, industrial and tourist; the results indicate us that it fails to the producers of the different sectors to organize, are not competitive, scanty utilization exists to the available resources, available because one uses the factors traditions of production (land, work and the capital);as offer there is formulated an organization articulated between the private and public sector with systemic approach, to create a system of organized and competitive production with new technologies and to take advantage as strength of the biodiversity of the available resources; with a vision and mission to face the challenges before world factors that influence in the present century: the globalization and the liberalization of the trade on the world markets, the growth of the population and the urbanization, the biotechnology, the new technologies of the information and the communications, the preferences of the consumer, the environment and the governmental policies. One concludes that the strategic aims are: to promote the utilization of the resources of the region; to promote and to strengthen the associativity, competitiveness and inter-agency integration; strategy of development of competitive and sustainable products; generalization of results of the pilot centers and experimentation, sustained in three backbones: social, economic and environmental joint of policies; quality of life of agreement to cultural and intercultural diversity; viability and economic, social and ecological sustainability of the economic activities. ; El estudio propone un modelo de desarrollo estratégico integral para impulsar la competitividad de la Región Amazonas; es una investigación propositiva, la metodología seguida fue inicialmente diagnosticar mediante indicadores y el análisis FODA, la realidad de los sectores económico-productivos de la región: agrícola, ganadero, pesquero, minero, forestal, industrial y turístico; los resultados nos indican que a los productores de los diferentes sectores les falta organizarse, no son competitivos, existe escaso aprovechamiento a los recursos disponibles, porque se emplea los factores tradiciones de producción (tierra, trabajo y capital) ;como propuesta se formula adicionalmente una organización articulada entre el sector privado y público con enfoque sistémico, para crear un sistema de producción organizada y competitiva con nuevas tecnologías y aprovechar como fortaleza la biodiversidad de los recursos disponibles; con una visión y misión para enfrentar los retos ante los factores mundiales que influyen en el presente siglo: la globalización y la liberalización del comercio en los mercados mundiales, el crecimiento de la población y la urbanización, la biotecnología, las nuevas tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones, las preferencias del consumidor, el medio ambiente y las políticas gubernamentales. Se concluye que los objetivos estratégicos son: promover el aprovechamiento de los recursos de la región; promover y fortalecer la asociatividad, competitividad e integración interinstitucional; estrategia de desarrollo de productos competitivos y sostenibles; generalización de resultados de los centros piloto y experimentación, sustentados en tres ejes centrales: articulación de políticas social, económica y ambiental; calidad de vida de acuerdo a diversidad cultural e intercultural; viabilidad y sostenibilidad económica, social y ecológica de las actividades económicas. ; Tesis

Many studies have explored the phenomena of Islamic parties in Indonesia, the largest predominantly Muslim country in the world. However, little effort has been made to explore the organizational structures of Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia. The existing studies have also paid little attention to the role of Islamic parties at the regional level in the implementation of the decentralized system in terms of the relationship between the central and regional governments. This study is an attempt to provide a more comprehensive analysis of the way the Islamic parties at the regional level in post-Suharto Indonesia organize. In doing so, the organization of the Islamic parties is examined in three different dimensions, i.e., the party organization on the ground (political linkage between the Islamic parties and their members or supporters), the party organization in central office (leadership of the Islamic parties), and the party organization in public office (the role of the Islamic parties in policy-making). As the units of analysis, this study selects six major Islamic parties, i.e., the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional or PAN), National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa or PKB), Reform Star Party (Partai Bintang Reformasi or PBR), United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan or PPP), Justice and Prosperity Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera or PKS) and Star and Crescent Party (Partai Bulan Bintang or PBB). Despite the fact that these parties experienced a significant decrease at the national level, most of them succeeded in maintaining or increasing their level of political support at the regional level. Meanwhile, this study focuses on the Tasikmalaya district as the locus of study because it has become one of the regional bases for these parties to maintain or increase their political achievement. The district also has a long historical root in the Islamic state movement in Indonesia. As a result, Muslims in the district have a strong Islamic sentiment. This study proposes two major findings. Firstly, the way the Islamic political actors organize the Islamic parties in Tasikmalaya district suggests that these parties contain some elements of the elite-based party, mass-based party, electoralist party, and cartel party models. In other words, the Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia have hybrid features. Therefore, the organizational features of the Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia are not completely exceptional or unique compared to the organizational features of party politics in other developing countries. Moreover, the organizational development of the contemporary Islamic parties in Indonesia takes different trajectories. In the case of the PAN and PPP, these parties are in a transitional stage from the mass-based party model to the electoralist party model. The organizational development of the PKS suggests that this party is experiencing a maturation process of the mass-based party model, while the organizational development of the PKB, PBR and PBB shows that these parties are experiencing a stagnation process in the stage of the elite-based party. Secondly, the case of the Tasikmalaya district also indicates that the Islamic political actors in Indonesia rely on rational calculations rather than ideological considerations when they manage their Islamic parties. In this sense, the PBB, PKS, PPP and PBR as the Indonesian Islamist parties have experienced a moderation process. The way these parties organize has not led to the Islamisation of the state, but it has led to the long term Islamisation of society.

This research study inscribes itself within that particular area of the juridical knowledge named Legislation Science, and it aims at expanding on the drafting techniques of criminal law. The analysis is first conducted in the frame of the constitutional principles, especially in the light of the principle of legality in those of its declinations which more directly affect the definition of the relations between the Parliament and the juridical order: precision, steadfastness and imperativeness. On the other hand, a truly complete reconstruction of the constitutional dimension of the principle of penal legality claims – in our opinion – a conceptual broadening regarding the criminal trial, mainly in the attempt to endow that principle with more meaningful contents and to enforce its value as a parameter of constitutionality of the ordinary penal legislation. Penal legality, thus, is put in strict correlation with the different principle (rectius: with the rule) of cross-examination for the evidence (art. 111 Constitution). The clear and precise formulation of the penal case in point, actually, proves to be a necessity imposed not only by the principle of legality, but also by the principles of the so called "fair trial", from whose accurate implementation depends the functioning of an accusatorial judgment, which relies on the cross-examination method and on the effective exercise of the right of defending oneself by evidence. As much fundamental appears to be a reconstruction of the international dimension of the principle of legality/steadfastness. What is here mainly pointed out is the regulatory and jurisprudential system of the European Convention on Human Rights, without leaving aside the Institutive Statute of the International Criminal Court, inside which the principle of clarity certainly has a key role. After having outlined the overall frame of the Gründnormen able to act as points of reference during the drafting of the penal rules, the research is directed toward an analysis of the current "spiritual situation" of criminal law, in order to highlight the noticeable creativity which characterizes the present interpretative and applicative activity of our jurisprudence. A creativity which has to be ascribed to an almost deliberate and already fairly settled activity of judicial supply. After verifying the very low level of the applicative hold of the criminal law's principle of steadfastness, the work largely focuses on the main technical procedures of lawmaking on the matter. The practical needs of criminal law are thus considered in the light of the different writing alternatives provided by legislation science: synthetic or general clauses technique and case-studies technique; descriptive or regulatory concepts (both judicial and extrajudicial); legal definitions and legal denominations. The treatment of the above-mentioned techniques of penal rules formulation takes always place with the look constantly directed to some of the most impressive hypothesis of drafting deficit shown by current criminal law. That aims at offering a picture of those jurisprudential enforcements which mostly show a "bad use" of the aforesaid techniques criminal law formulation. De iure condito e condendo, this research ends with the offer of some interpretational proposals directed towards a recovery of the steadfastness, having taken into account especially the solutions provided until now within various reform projects of the penal code since 1992.