Suchergebnisse

In the Master's Thesis "Implementation of the Principles of Fair Remuneration for Work", the establishment of the principles of fair remuneration for work in the legislation of international and regional organisations, as well as in legal acts of the Republic of Lithuania, is discussed. In accordance with the perspective of the representatives in law and economic fields, as well as the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, definition of fair remuneration for work is revealed. Although this principle is generally acknowledged and constantly developed in further documents of international organisations, in the national legal system of the Republic of Lithuania, a common opinion regarding the elements that constitute the contents of fair remuneration for work is still lacking. Pursuant to the legislation and the established doctrine, the diverging interpretations in contents and elements of the principles of fair remuneration for work are analysed and compared. The Master's Thesis analyses the establishment in legislation and implementation in Lithuania of two of the most problematic elements of the principle of fair remuneration for work: remuneration which will give the workers and their families a decent standard of living and the worker's right to equal pay for the equal work or work of equal value, as well as the protection against discrimination. Analysis regarding the definitions, determination and relationship between remuneration enabling an appropriate standard of living for the workers and their families and the minimum wage is carried out based on the opinions and findings of the Lithuanian and foreign authors, as well as the experts of international and regional organisations. In addition to this, the amount of the minimum monthly wage established in Lithuania is compared with the relative and absolute poverty thresholds. It should be noted that in this Thesis, the statistics of the minimum wage from the period of 2018-2019 provided by Eurostat and the situation of Lithuania in the context of the European Union is reviewed and analysed. Pursuant to the established doctrine, the opinion of Committee of Experts at International Labour Organization, the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, the conception of non-discriminatory remuneration for the equal work or work of equal value is revealed. Moreover, individual remedies for the persons potentially suffered from discrimination in the field of remuneration are discussed. The Master's Thesis emphasises legal regulations on remuneration of women and men for the equal work or work of equal value, as well as gender pay gap which is widely discussed in practice, in addition to that, the analysis of influencing factors is carried out.

In the Master's Thesis "Implementation of the Principles of Fair Remuneration for Work", the establishment of the principles of fair remuneration for work in the legislation of international and regional organisations, as well as in legal acts of the Republic of Lithuania, is discussed. In accordance with the perspective of the representatives in law and economic fields, as well as the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, definition of fair remuneration for work is revealed. Although this principle is generally acknowledged and constantly developed in further documents of international organisations, in the national legal system of the Republic of Lithuania, a common opinion regarding the elements that constitute the contents of fair remuneration for work is still lacking. Pursuant to the legislation and the established doctrine, the diverging interpretations in contents and elements of the principles of fair remuneration for work are analysed and compared. The Master's Thesis analyses the establishment in legislation and implementation in Lithuania of two of the most problematic elements of the principle of fair remuneration for work: remuneration which will give the workers and their families a decent standard of living and the worker's right to equal pay for the equal work or work of equal value, as well as the protection against discrimination. Analysis regarding the definitions, determination and relationship between remuneration enabling an appropriate standard of living for the workers and their families and the minimum wage is carried out based on the opinions and findings of the Lithuanian and foreign authors, as well as the experts of international and regional organisations. In addition to this, the amount of the minimum monthly wage established in Lithuania is compared with the relative and absolute poverty thresholds. It should be noted that in this Thesis, the statistics of the minimum wage from the period of 2018-2019 provided by Eurostat and the situation of Lithuania in the context of the European Union is reviewed and analysed. Pursuant to the established doctrine, the opinion of Committee of Experts at International Labour Organization, the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, the conception of non-discriminatory remuneration for the equal work or work of equal value is revealed. Moreover, individual remedies for the persons potentially suffered from discrimination in the field of remuneration are discussed. The Master's Thesis emphasises legal regulations on remuneration of women and men for the equal work or work of equal value, as well as gender pay gap which is widely discussed in practice, in addition to that, the analysis of influencing factors is carried out.

In the Master's Thesis "Implementation of the Principles of Fair Remuneration for Work", the establishment of the principles of fair remuneration for work in the legislation of international and regional organisations, as well as in legal acts of the Republic of Lithuania, is discussed. In accordance with the perspective of the representatives in law and economic fields, as well as the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, definition of fair remuneration for work is revealed. Although this principle is generally acknowledged and constantly developed in further documents of international organisations, in the national legal system of the Republic of Lithuania, a common opinion regarding the elements that constitute the contents of fair remuneration for work is still lacking. Pursuant to the legislation and the established doctrine, the diverging interpretations in contents and elements of the principles of fair remuneration for work are analysed and compared. The Master's Thesis analyses the establishment in legislation and implementation in Lithuania of two of the most problematic elements of the principle of fair remuneration for work: remuneration which will give the workers and their families a decent standard of living and the worker's right to equal pay for the equal work or work of equal value, as well as the protection against discrimination. Analysis regarding the definitions, determination and relationship between remuneration enabling an appropriate standard of living for the workers and their families and the minimum wage is carried out based on the opinions and findings of the Lithuanian and foreign authors, as well as the experts of international and regional organisations. In addition to this, the amount of the minimum monthly wage established in Lithuania is compared with the relative and absolute poverty thresholds. It should be noted that in this Thesis, the statistics of the minimum wage from the period of 2018-2019 provided by Eurostat and the situation of Lithuania in the context of the European Union is reviewed and analysed. Pursuant to the established doctrine, the opinion of Committee of Experts at International Labour Organization, the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, the conception of non-discriminatory remuneration for the equal work or work of equal value is revealed. Moreover, individual remedies for the persons potentially suffered from discrimination in the field of remuneration are discussed. The Master's Thesis emphasises legal regulations on remuneration of women and men for the equal work or work of equal value, as well as gender pay gap which is widely discussed in practice, in addition to that, the analysis of influencing factors is carried out.

In the Master's Thesis "Implementation of the Principles of Fair Remuneration for Work", the establishment of the principles of fair remuneration for work in the legislation of international and regional organisations, as well as in legal acts of the Republic of Lithuania, is discussed. In accordance with the perspective of the representatives in law and economic fields, as well as the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, definition of fair remuneration for work is revealed. Although this principle is generally acknowledged and constantly developed in further documents of international organisations, in the national legal system of the Republic of Lithuania, a common opinion regarding the elements that constitute the contents of fair remuneration for work is still lacking. Pursuant to the legislation and the established doctrine, the diverging interpretations in contents and elements of the principles of fair remuneration for work are analysed and compared. The Master's Thesis analyses the establishment in legislation and implementation in Lithuania of two of the most problematic elements of the principle of fair remuneration for work: remuneration which will give the workers and their families a decent standard of living and the worker's right to equal pay for the equal work or work of equal value, as well as the protection against discrimination. Analysis regarding the definitions, determination and relationship between remuneration enabling an appropriate standard of living for the workers and their families and the minimum wage is carried out based on the opinions and findings of the Lithuanian and foreign authors, as well as the experts of international and regional organisations. In addition to this, the amount of the minimum monthly wage established in Lithuania is compared with the relative and absolute poverty thresholds. It should be noted that in this Thesis, the statistics of the minimum wage from the period of 2018-2019 provided by Eurostat and the situation of Lithuania in the context of the European Union is reviewed and analysed. Pursuant to the established doctrine, the opinion of Committee of Experts at International Labour Organization, the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, the conception of non-discriminatory remuneration for the equal work or work of equal value is revealed. Moreover, individual remedies for the persons potentially suffered from discrimination in the field of remuneration are discussed. The Master's Thesis emphasises legal regulations on remuneration of women and men for the equal work or work of equal value, as well as gender pay gap which is widely discussed in practice, in addition to that, the analysis of influencing factors is carried out.

Every 40 seconds, somewhere in the world someone dies by suicide, with certain groups such as youth and men being most at risk. Research abounds as to the risks and protective factors, but there is still a huge gap in our knowledge as to what leads one person to act on suicidal ideation and another to refrain. Risks factors vary by country, culture, gender and class, and represent a complex and potentially synergistic interplay between biological, psychological, social, environmental and personal factors. These will be discussed in this paper. Many prevention programmes have been established, but no one intervention stands out. At a minimum, country-wide efforts raising awareness of suicide and deliberate self-harm, highlighting risk and protective factors and identifying and treating mental health problems early, particularly in youth, are essential. Targeted methods include public education and media campaigns, providing training for front-line staff in early recognition and, in the case of primary care clinicians, appropriate referrals for treatment of mental illness, generating policies on restricting easy access to lethal means or substances such as alcohol which disinhibit behaviour and reducing the stigma of, and promoting, help-seeking. These efforts should go some way towards slowing what might otherwise become a self-destructive epidemic. We all have a role to play. ; Svakih 40 sekundi negdje na svijetu netko počini samoubojstvo pri čemu su određene skupine, poput mladih i muškaraca pod većim rizikom. Istraživanja ukazuju na brojne kako rizične, tako i zaštitne čimbenike, ali i dalje postoji veliki nedostatak u znanju što neku osobu vodi da djeluje prema svojim suicidalnim idejama, a drugu da se suzdrži od počinjenja suicida. Rizični čimbenici variraju ovisno o državi, kulturi, spolu, klasi i predstavljaju kompleksno, potencijalno sinergističko međudjelovanje bioloških, psiholoških, društvenih, okolišnih i osobnih činitelja o čemu raspravlja ovaj članak. Utemeljeni su mnogi preventivni programi, ali ni jedna intervencija se posebno ne ističe svojom većom učinkovitošću. Potreban minimum treba uključivati: napore na nacionalnoj razini u podizanju svjesnosti o suicidu i namjernom samoozljeđivanju, ukazivanje na rizične i zaštitne čimbenike, rano identificiranje i tretman problema duševnog zdravlja, osobito u mladih. Ciljane metode prevencije uključuju: javnu edukaciju i medijske kampanje, provođenje edukacije i treninga stručnjaka prve linije u ranom prepoznavanju, u slučaju primarne zdravstvene skrbi adekvatno upućivanje na liječenje mentalnih poremećaja, stvaranje politike restriktivnog pristupa smrtonosnim sredstvima ili supstancijama poput alkohola koji dezinhibira ponašanje, reduciranje stigme i promoviranje traženja pomoći. Sve bi ove aktivnosti trebalo smanjiti ono što bi u suprotnom moglo postati epidemija autodestruktivnog ponašanja. Svi mi u ovome imamo svoju ulogu.

Women's participation has largely nourished social movements, fundamentally what we call in Mexico "independent (non pro-governmental) popular (poor people) organizations" (IPOs). Therefore, the life of IPOs is due (and we're not exaggerating) to female participation, which is not restricted to routine activities, but has even included avoiding violent aggressions from government and traditional pro-governmental organizations. However, even if the IPOs are composed to 90% by women, leaders are always males, and women are grass roots, never leaders. "Machismo" is the spirit prevailing in men's hearts… but also in women's, who have accepted male leadership because they aren't secure of their abilities to head their organizations. But also because they have to go on with housekeeping, raising their children and, very importantly, attending to their husbands, who usually don't agree with their wives' participation. Women's struggle for their rights has had an strong international impact, but it seems that the IPOs in Puebla haven't been penetrated enough by this process in order to go beyond the borders that women have imposed on themselves and in which they are trapped. This article explores some elements concerning the gap between women's comprehension of their situation and their difficulty to change it. Key words: gender, organization, poverty. ; Los movimientos sociales en Puebla se han nutrido ampliamente de la participación de las mujeres; sobre todo, cuando hablamos de las organizaciones populares independientes (OPI). Su participación ha mantenido vivas a muchas organizaciones que de otra manera habrían desaparecido ya, pues no sólo participan en las tareas cotidianas de la organización sino, también, son las primeras en dar la cara cuando hay enfrentamientos con el gobierno y sus organizaciones corporativas, en donde han repelido agresiones incluso violentas. Sin embargo, a pesar de que las OPI se compongan en 90% por mujeres, sus líderes son hombres y ellas son base, no dirigencia. El machismo se mantiene en la mentalidad de ellos… y de ellas, que aceptan que sean los hombres quienes tomen las riendas, porque ellas se sienten inseguras para encabezar a la organización y, además, las tareas del hogar tampoco se los permiten. La lucha de la mujer por sus derechos ha tenido un fuerte impacto internacional, pero tal parece que en las OPI de Puebla este proceso no ha logrado penetrar lo suficiente como para romper los propios límites que se ha impuesto la mujer por una larga tradición que la atrapa en su papel de esposa y ama de casa. En este artículo nos interesa explorar las razones por las que la participación en los movimientos sociales ha permitido que la mujer comprenda su situación, pero no la ha inducido a modificarla. Palabras clave: género, organización, pobreza.

Politische Parteien müssen die Diskrepanz zwischen ihrer Ideologie und dem politischen Diskurs sowie konkreten politischen Handlungen überbrücken. Daher sollte sich die Linke mit ihrem eigenen Diskurs kritisch auseinandersetzen.Diese Diplomarbeit wendet den Zugang der Kritischen Diskursanalyse an, um den Diskurs der Linken in Großbritannien zu untersuchen und um herauszufinden, ob und wie sehr der Diskurs linker politischer Parteien und Interessensgruppen mit der Ideologie der Linken übereinstimmt. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf den Werten der Geschlechtergleichheit, der Gleichheit von Menschen unterschiedlicher Herkunft und des Kollektivismus. Um zu untersuchen, ob der Diskurs der britischen Linken in Einklang mit diesen Werten steht, wird eine linguistische Analyse von Texten der Grünen, der Liberaldemokraten, der Labour-Regierung (bis Mai 2010) und verschiedener Interessensgruppen durchgeführt. Die Darstellung von Frauen und Männern in Texten zu häuslicher und sexueller Gewalt, die Beschreibung von MigrantInnen und die Verwendung eines kollektivistischen oder individualistischen Arbeitsdiskurses werden untersucht.Die Analyse zeigt, dass der Diskurs der britischen Regierung eindeutig am wenigsten in Einklang mit der linken Ideologie steht, während der Diskurs der Interessensgruppen und der Grünen am meisten mit dieser übereinstimmen. Dies lässt vermuten, dass ein höherer Grad an Institutionalisierung einer politischen Partei oder Gruppierung eine stärkere Abweichung von ihren ursprünglichen Werten bedingt.Darüber hinaus beweist diese Arbeit, dass die Kritische Diskursanalyse ein hilfreicher Zugang ist, um sich mit sozialen Fragestellungen auseinanderzusetzen und dass man mit Hilfe einer linguistischen Analyse zu aussagekräftigen Schlussfolgerungen im Hinblick auf soziale Tendenzen kommen kann. ; The political Left frequently discusses and criticizes right-wing discourse. Although this fulfils an important social function, the Left also need to reflect on their own discourse. Left-wing political parties, and probably political parties in general, have to bridge the gap between their ideologies, convictions and proclaimed values on the one hand and political discourse as well as concrete political actions on the other.This thesis uses the approach of Critical Discourse Analysis to investigate the discourse of the Left in the UK and to determine whether and to what extent the discourse of left-wing political parties and pressure groups is in accordance with left-wing ideology. The main focus of the analysis is on the three values of gender equality, racial equality and collectivism. In order to investigate whether the discourse of left-wing politics in the UK is in accordance with these values, a linguistic analysis of texts from the Green Party, the Liberal Democrats, the Labour government (up to May 2010) and various pressure groups is carried out. The representation of women and men in texts about domestic and sexual violence, the description of immigrants and the use of a collectivist or individualist work discourse are examined.The analysis demonstrates that the discourse of the UK Labour government is clearly least in accordance with left-wing ideology while that of the pressure groups and the Greens is so most strongly. This implies that the more institutionalized a political party or group is, the less faithful it remains to its original values.On the methodological level, this thesis proves that Critical Discourse Analysis is a useful approach for analysing social issues and that by carrying out a linguistic analysis it is possible to arrive at meaningful conclusions about social tendencies. ; vorgelegt von Angela Pilz ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2010 ; (VLID)211861

In terms of economy, it is practically impossible to tackle separately the issues of unemployment and labor market, Only in the non-market economy environment that existed till the very end of the past century the issue of human resources employment was treated as a dominant ideological and political issue. That resulted in inherited high rate of hidden unemployment, low labour productivity, technological gap in relation to the countries with the developed market economy, imbalanced regional development, and the like. People's psychological fear from unemployment resisted the reestablishment of the labour market. Many of them have experienced stressful job losses. Regretfully, in the first years of the market reestablish men t, due to well-known circumstances, new jobs have been created much slower than the surplus jobs have been eliminated in the rationalization process. That additionally increased the fear from unemployment and resistance to necessary transformation of labour legislation which should free the labour market from inflexible administrative restrictions. High unemployment rate does not characterize only the less developed countries. We have highlighted the problem in the EU member states, as well. Although we have not conducted a detailed empirical analysis, we have concluded that the issue of labour market functioning and unemployment have been the major internal problem for EU for many years now. EU plans to reach full employment in the foreseeable future. To reach the set goal, the labour legislation is being changed in terms of further labour market liberalization and achievement of flexible employment; establishment of European institutions with the task to tackle unemployment problems; and allocation of significant resources to finance employment programmes through structuring funds, first of all the European Social Fund. The general conclusion and the message to be drawn out of this paper are in that that the government and its social partners should, each in their domain of responsibility, do their best to free still hidden potentials of the labour market. In order to keep his job or to return to the work environment, a worker should master new competences and skills, and his employer should feel free to make decisions regarding his employees as much as he is free to choose work technology or the product he is going to produce. Of course, the labour market, particularly in high unemployment rate environment, does not imply employer's unlimited self-will toward his employees. Humane attitude and the heritage of the democratic world, which include equality among people without any kind of discrimination, gender equality, free movement, health care, right to social welfare, education, and the like, should be the leading principles. After all, EU has in its Social Welfare Charter clearly expressed its attitude toward man and his rights.

Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. Institucional en Filosofía de la Cultura ; This thesis is entitled "Maternity and philosophy: analysis of the concept of maternity of Simone de Beauvoir and outline of a political ethic of care," which bridges the gap on the reflection of the concept and maternal practice that is established from which women give birth to their daughters and sons. This reflection is from the philosophical discipline and the feminist approach to sexual difference. The aim of this thesis was to analyze the concept of motherhood developed by the existentialist philosopher Simone de Beauvoir, which maintains that motherhood is one of the practices that the patriarchal system uses to keep women in the private space, which limits reach other life projects. It is also important to say that maternal practice is difficult to disassociate from being female, inasmuch as this practice depends on the very survival of humanity. However, it is necessary that these maternal functions be socially and culturally valued by men to raise awareness of the powers that are generated from the responsibility of maternal care and plant this practice as a moral duty of all people, not only of the feminine gender. In this way it is possible for women to access the public space with equal rights and opportunities at the same level as the male sex. In such a way that a greater contribution is necessary in all the spaces where the human being enters, the home, the school, the society, the culture (the mass media, the cyberspace), the economy and the politics, so that the future citizens not only possess a psychic and emotional balance, but also human beings with human values and wills according to ethical environments and where utopian unequal divisions of sex and gender disappear to build new ways of relating, support, grow, to live in equal circumstances and opportunities, and to reach an ethically superior humanity. ; El presente trabajo de tesis tiene por título "Maternidad y filosofía: análisis del concepto de maternidad de Simone de Beauvoir y esbozo de una ética política del cuidado", el cual zanja la brecha sobre la reflexión del concepto y la práctica materna que se establece a partir de que las mujeres dan a luz a sus hijas e hijos. Esta reflexión es desde la disciplina filosófica y el planteamiento feminista de la diferencia sexual. El objetivo de esta tesis fue analizar el concepto de maternidad que desarrolla la filósofa existencialista Simone de Beauvoir, la cual sostiene que la maternidad es una de las prácticas que el sistema patriarcal utiliza para mantener a las mujeres en el espacio privado, el cual, limita alcanzar otros proyectos de vida. También es importante decir que la práctica materna resulta difícil de desarticularse del ser mujer, en cuanto que de dicha práctica depende la sobrevivencia misma de la humanidad. No obstante, es necesario que estas funciones maternas sean valoradas social y culturalmente por parte de los varones para crear conciencia de las potencias que se generan a partir de la corresponsabilidad del cuidado materno y plantar esta práctica cómo un deber moral de todas las personas, no solo del género femenino. De esta manera se posibilita que las mujeres accedan al espacio público con igualdad de derechos y oportunidades en el mismo nivel en que lo ha hecho el sexo masculino. De tal manera que es necesario una mayor contribución en todos los espacios donde el ser humano incursiona, el hogar, la escuela, la sociedad, la cultura (los medios de comunicación, el ciberespacio), la economía y la política, para que los futuros ciudadanos no sólo posean un equilibrio síquico y emocional, si no también sean seres humanos con valores y voluntades humanas acorde a entornos de actuación éticos y donde utópicamente las divisiones desiguales de sexo y de género desaparezcan para construir nuevas formas de relacionarnos, apoyarnos, crecer, vivir en igualdad de circunstancias y de oportunidades, y poder alcanzar una humanidad éticamente superior.

Governments, nongovernmental organizations, donors, and the private sector have increasingly embraced value-chain development (VCD) for stimulating economic growth and combating rural poverty. Innovation for Inclusive Value-Chain Development: Successes and Challenges helps to fill the current gap in systematic knowledge about how well VCD has performed, related trade-offs or undesired effects, and which combinations of VCD elements are most likely to reduce poverty and deliver on overall development goals. This book uses case studies to examine a range of VCD experiences. Approaching the subject from various angles, it looks at new linkages to markets and the role of farmer organizations and contract farming in raising productivity and access to markets, the minimum assets requirement to participate in VCD, the role of multi-stakeholder platforms in VCD, and how to measure and identify successful VCD interventions. The book also explores the challenges livestock-dependent people face; how urbanization and advancing technologies affect linkages; ways to increase gender inclusion and economic growth; and the different roles various types of platforms play in VCD. ; PART 1 Innovation for Inclusive Value-Chain Development: Highlights Douglas Horton, Jason Donovan, André Devaux, and Maximo Torero PART 2 Challenges and Approaches for Inclusive Value-Chain Development: Introduction Jason Donovan, Dietmar Stoian, and Mark Lundy Chapter 1 Guides for Value-Chain Development:A Comparative Review Jason Donovan, Steve Franzel, Marcelo Cunha, Amos Gyau, and Dagmar Mithöfer Chapter 2 Value-Chain Development for Rural Poverty Reduction: A Reality Check and a Warning Dietmar Stoian, Jason Donovan, John Fisk, and Michelle F. Muldoon Chapter 3 Changing Asset Endowments and Smallholder Participation in Higher-Value Markets: Evidence from Certified-Coffee Producers in Nicaragua Jason Donovan and Nigel Poole Chapter 4 Contract Farming in Developing Countries: Theory, Practice, and Policy Implications Nicholas Minot and Bradley Sawyer PART 3 Integrating Agricultural Innovation and Inclusive Value-Chain Development: Introduction André Devaux, Claudio Velasco, and Matthias Jager Chapter 5 Enhancing Innovation in Livestock Value Chains through Networks: Lessons from Fodder Innovation Case Studies in Developing Countries Seife Ayele, Alan Duncan, Asamoah Larbi, and Truong Tan Khanh Chapter 6 Transformation of Smallholder Beef-Cattle Production in Vietnam Werner Stür, Truong Tan Khanh, and Alan Duncan Chapter 7 Collective Action for Market-Chain Innovation in the Andes André Devaux, Douglas Horton, Claudio Velasco, Graham Thiele, Gastón López, Thomas Bernet, Iván Reinoso, and Miguel Ordinola Chapter 8 Multistakeholder Platforms for Linking Small Farmers to Value Chains: Evidence from the Andes Graham Thiele, André Devaux, Iván Reinoso, Hernán Pico, Fabián Montesdeoca, Manuel Pumisacho, Jorge Andrade-Piedra, Claudio Velasco, Paola Flores, Raúl Esprella, Alice Thomann, Kurt Manrique, and Doug Horton Chapter 9 Unraveling the Role of Innovation Platforms in Supporting Coevolution of Innovation: Contributions and Tensions in a Smallholder Dairy-Development Program Catherine W. Kilelu, Laurens Klerkx, and Cees Leeuwis Chapter 10 Dealing with Critical Challenges in African Innovation Platforms: Lessons for Facilitation Kees Swaans, Beth Cullen, André van Rooyen, Adewale Adekunle, Hlami Ngwenya, Zelalem Lema, and Suzanne Nederlof Chapter 11 Impact of Third-Party Enforcement of Contracts in Agricultural Markets—A Field Experiment in Vietnam Christoph Saenger, Maximo Torero, and Matin Qaim Chapter 12 Linking Smallholders to the New Agricultural Economy: The Case of the Plataformas de Concertación in Ecuador Romina Cavatassi, Mario González-Flores, Paul Winters, Jorge Andrade-Piedra, Patricio Espinosa, and Graham Thiele Chapter 13 Lapses, Infidelities, and Creative Adaptations: Lessons from Evaluation of a Participatory Market Development Approach in the Andes Douglas Horton, Emma Rotondo, Rodrigo Paz Ybarnegaray, Guy Hareau, André Devaux, and Graham Thiele Chapter 14 Using Quantitative Tools to Measure Gender Differences Within Value Chains Lucia Madrigal and Maximo Torero ; PR ; IFPRI1; CRP2; C Improving markets and trade; B Promoting healthy food systems ; MTID; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

The Indonesian government is largely concerned that there are too many graduates leaving secondary school without the skills necessary to ensure their economic welfare, and to contribute to national economic and industrial development. Furthermore, the Indonesian youth unemployment and underemployment rates are high and rising. The Indonesian community has a great number of students who, despite their qualifications, find it very difficult to find employment. Because of this, the Indonesian government decided to develop technical and vocational education and training (TVET) secondary schools, also known as SMKs, as the Indonesian government believed that the vocational nature of the TVET curriculum better enabled students to master a number of specific job-related knowledge and skills needed for employment, and therefore it would be easier for them to find employment. However, since the initiation of the Indonesian government's development plan for SMKs, there has been a prolific debate about whether the Indonesian government should have pushed funding into SMKs, and whether the development projects will succeed. There are several factors, which support the Indonesian government's decision. Firstly, the youth unemployment rate of lndonesia was very high and it was understood that SMK graduates found employment more easily than those from general secondary schools (SMAs). Secondly, the SMK enrollment rate was declining and the quality of SMK facilities, teaching staff (most notably, the uneven balance of students and teaching staff), and national accreditation system was very poor and needed improvement if graduates were to be given an improved chance for employment. Thirdly, there were not sufficient links between SMKs and industry apprenticeships. These links provide valuable work experience and relationships within the labour market. And lastly, the SMK student demographic caused great concern for the Indonesian government. There was strong gender segregation, was largely comprised of students from low-income families. As a result, the Indonesian government has started developing TVET in Indonesia. The Government has done this through various different avenues, however the two leading SMK development projects are (a) the Indonesian Vocational Education Strengthening Project (INVEST), in which the Indonesian government in partnership with the Asian Development Bank will fund US$ I l 5 million into development of SMK schools and linkage programs; and (b) Indonesia's Long-Term Development Plan 2005-2025, which apart from many other plans, aims to increase SMK enrolment to 70% in 2015. As part of these projects the Ministry of National Education has also chosen to extend SMK programs from three years to four, and to introduce Open SMKs so that students may work and study if they need to. There are countless benefits that arise from the development of SMKs in Indonesia. These include, (a) increased enrolment in SMK in number of students and percentage of SMK:SMA; (b) improved quality of SMKs, through teacher training, improved fac ilities etc; (c) stronger SMK-industry linkage programs which will give more students the opportunity to gain valuable work experience; (d) greater access by allowing students to study and work simultaneously, and lastly (e) businesses will also benefit by part-taking in SMK-apprenticeship programs. However, there are a lso several problems that have been brought to the government attention. Firstly, the development into the improvement of SMKs may not able to reduce the youth unemployment rate in Indonesia. The Indonesian government's belief that SMA graduates experience a lower rate of unemployment has since been disproved. SMK graduates now experience a similar unemployment rate to SMA graduates. Secondly, expansion of SMKs are not cost effective and will cause disadvantage to students better suited to SMAs. Thirdly, society does not hold TVET education above general education. Fourthly, the teacher-student gap is vast, and therefore is going to be difficult to resolve, and lastly, the gender stereotypes that are entrenched in society are going to be especially difficult to change. Overall, while the Government decision to develop SMKs in Indonesia is more than justified. There are various flaws in SMKs development plan that are outweighing the benefits, however with a few additional development strategies, it is likely the full success of the development to SMKs may be realised.

The impact of infectious diseases on populations all over the world has long been recognized as an imminent global crisis.[1]The 21st century has seen an increase in outbreaks of emerging infectious diseases ("EIDs"), which threaten the health and safety of citizens all over the globe.[2]EIDs are diseases that have "recently appeared in a population or have already existed but are rapidly increasing in incidence or geographic range,"[3]which explains the widespread fear such disease outbreaks can incite. However, despite how many times EID outbreaks have made global news headlines in contemporary history, the international community has struggled to adequately respond, leaving vulnerable populations at risk. Many factors contribute to the disproportionate impact of EIDs on vulnerable populations, including those stemming from disparities regarding poverty and gender. Socioeconomic status influences health, to the point where "poverty breeds disease and ill health leads to poverty."[4]Data on gender differences in infectious disease outbreaks also show that disease does not affect everyone equally.[5]Although both men and women suffer from different diseases due to biological inequalities and social differences,[6]women are particularly vulnerable due to the lack of attention and integration of women in global health policies and management strategies of EID outbreaks. One case study that demonstrates the disparate impact on vulnerable populations during EID outbreaks is the current Ebola Virus Disease ("EVD") outbreak in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo ("DRC"). This outbreak began in August 2018 and has grown to become the second largest EVD outbreak on record.[7]As observed in the 2014–2016 West African EVD outbreak and other large-scale EID outbreaks such as Zika or SARS,[8]the 2018 Eastern DRC EVD outbreak has had a significant impact on women. While research has been conducted on "diseases of poverty" and the vulnerability of women in EID outbreaks, the preference to deal with the immediate outbreak instead of addressing more systemic societal concerns forgoes the focus on the individual and their human rights. As a result, little has been done to bring in a human rights perspective to the management and response mechanisms of such outbreaks. A human rights perspective not only brings to the forefront these core issues of inequality, but also introduces supplemental and useful tools for considering how to achieve the most effective response to these emergencies. The first section of this paper provides an important background to the relationship between poverty, women, and EIDs by considering both legal and public health perspectives. The second section analyzes the role of women in global health, particularly in responses to EIDs, by examining how women have been impacted in past EID outbreaks and the current 2018 Eastern DRC EVD outbreak as a case study. Finally, this paper concludes with a discussion of how global health policymakers and healthcare professionals can address this gap by applying a gendered lens to EID outbreak management. Background The human right to health as a foundation for addressing inequality in poverty and gender As human rights have developed throughout history, the issue of health has consistently been regarded as a core, fundamental human right.[9]Beginning with the United Nations ("UN") Charter (1945), this emphasized the need for international cooperation in Chapter IX, particularly for finding solutions to health problems.[10]In 1946, the World Health Organization ("WHO") Constitution declared that the objective of the WHO is the "attainment by all peoples of the highest possible level of health."[11]In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ("UDHR") referenced this same objective for health in Article 25(1): "everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health of himself and his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care, and necessary social services . . . ."[12]In 1966, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights ("ICESCR") stated in Article 12: "The States Parties . . . recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health"[13]and to achieve this, highlighted the "prevention, treatment and control of epidemic, endemic, occupational and other diseases"[14]as a vital prerequisite for success. The drafting history of this provision demonstrates that the object and purpose of this provision was to obligate States to address the prevention of disease and malnutrition, two major factors which pose obstacles for achieving health for all.[15]Additionally, the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights ("CESCR") General Comment 14 further explained ICESCR Article 12(2)(c), stating that "The right to treatment includes the creation of a system of urgent medical care in cases of accidents, epidemics and similar health hazards, and the provision of disaster relief and humanitarian assistance in emergency situations"[16]and "[t]he control of diseases refers to States' individual and joint efforts to . . . make available relevant technologies, using and improving epidemiological surveillance and data collection on a disaggregated basis, the implementation or enhancement of immunization programmes and other strategies of infectious disease control."[17]With these core international instruments, basic standards of health, treatment, and particularly disease management all set the stage for a baseline of States' obligations to respect, protect, and fulfill the right to health. Currently, the Sustainable Development Goals ("SDG") also highlight the right to health. In SDG 3.3, States' target to end "the epidemics of AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and neglected tropical diseases . . . ."[18]is particularly relevant because neglected tropical diseases ("NTDs") are a subset of EIDs and mainly affect the poorest populations in the world.[19]SDG 3.c to "substantially increase health financing and the recruitment, development, training and retention of the health workforce in developing countries, especially in least developed countries . ." and 3.d to "strengthen the capacity of all countries, in particular developing countries, for early warning, risk reduction and management of national and global health risks"[20]are both also important goals for addressing the disproportionate disease burden on States that currently lack the capacity to respond to health crises such as EIDs. These goals, voluntarily assumed by States, continue to build upon the human rights foundation of the right to health and further solidify the importance of addressing health through a human rights framework. Just as the right to health has been established through international treaties, women's rights have also been protected through Article 12 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women ("CEDAW"), which "obligates States Parties to eliminate discrimination against women in the field of health care and to ensure women access to appropriate services in connection with pregnancy."[21]Like the CESCR, the CEDAW Committee further explained the importance of protections for women's health through its General Recommendation regarding CEDAW Article 12, stating that the "duty of States parties to ensure . . . access to health care services, information and education implies an obligation to respect, protect and fulfill women's rights to health care."[22]Additionally, another CESCR General Comment addresses women's health in particular by articulating "State obligations as including identifying how gender roles affect health and removing legal restrictions on reproductive health, among other things."[23]These international treaty provisions demonstrate the importance of protecting the right to health especially as it applies to women. Poverty as a determining factor of health outcomes in EIDs Poverty is a main determining factor of EIDs in communities[24]because "poor health and poverty are intertwined in developing countries. Poverty breeds disease and ill health leads to poverty."[25]With almost 900 million people living in extreme poverty[26]across the globe, understanding how poverty and disease are related is urgent.[27]Poverty is an important factor which contributes to more opportunities for infectious diseases to impact humans.[28]NTDs are a subset of EIDs which particularly thrive and persist under conditions of poverty.[29]One disease example is tuberculosis ("TB"), which is often described as a "disease of poverty" because it is "significantly associated with poor housing, low literacy and nutritional status, and lack of access to health services."[30]NTDs are often called infectious diseases of poverty and are the result of the "complex interaction of biological, social, and environmental factors [because they] disproportionately affect poor and disadvantaged populations in which the poverty context reinforces risk and vulnerability."[31]This is compounded by the fact that disease "control tools such as drugs, vaccines, and diagnostics often do not reach the populations that most need them because of social issues . or because they are ill adapted to the cultural, social, and economic realities in which people live."[32] Another connection between poverty and disease is that since EID outbreaks such as the 2014–2016 West African EVD outbreak, the 2015–2016 Zika outbreak, and the current 2018 Eastern DRC EVD outbreak can have a very significant impact on a community, they can essentially reach the level of a crisis or disaster. When disasters hit, people living in poverty are much more vulnerable.[33]On top of this, women make up approximately 70% of people living in poverty worldwide, so this indicates that overall, women are more likely to be affected by disasters in poverty-stricken areas.[34] Gender as a determining factor of health outcomes in EIDs Another key determinant of health is gender.[35]The term "gender" refers to societal and cultural factors that are different between traditional male and female roles.[36]Studies on the relationships between sex and gender to infectious diseases have been conducted across a variety of disciplines, which has actually acted as a barrier to application of this research in outbreak settings because each discipline tends to work in isolation.[37]Thus, to fill this gap, it is important to integrate a gendered lens into outbreak response and management. Disease does not affect men and women equally.[38]Women are a particularly vulnerable group because they "disproportionately bear the burden of poverty and disease."[39]Thus, vulnerability is deeply gendered.[40]Not only do over 80% of women in the world live in low- or middle-income countries,[41]putting them at higher risk for more EIDs, women also live longer in general. Over a lifetime, the "social context of women's lives place exceptional burdens on the quality of life lived." Understanding the pre-existing biological and socio-cultural conditions in which women live is an important foundation for understanding their vulnerability in crises and disasters. Risks related to health concerns from cooking fumes in the home and complications with pregnancy "overlap with developing countries and are exacerbated in the contexts of poverty combined with conflict . [and] such risks are further aggravated in situations of humanitarian crisis."[42] State and international core obligations to protect health for all Although there are international instruments protecting health, given the vulnerabilities of those living in poverty, especially women, it is not surprising that many States lack the capacity to "progressively realize and ensure that a minimum core of a properly functioning health system and infrastructure . exists for people to gain access to health services."[43]While States are required to "take all appropriate measures subject to available resources,"[44]to prevent diseases, the States that experience the most NTDs "are least able to counter the existing imbalance in disease prevention research and development."[45]The lack of capacity in many States in the Global South has been attributed to "historical vulnerability from slavery, colonialism, neocolonialism, bad governance, and neoliberal reform policies like structural adjustment."[46]In addition to States' obligations, there is also an "obligation of international co-operation under the right to health."[47]If a State lacks capacity, the international community is called upon to address this problem via a 'collective responsibility.'[48]The ICESCR addressed collective responsibility, stating that States should realize the rights in the Covenant "individually and through international assistance and co-operation, especially economic and technical."[49] Case study on the 2018 DRC EVD outbreak The most recent EVD outbreak began in August 2018 in the eastern region of the DRC, originally concentrated in North Kivu and Ituri provinces.[50]It has since grown to be the second largest EVD outbreak on record, the largest being the 2014–2016 West African EVD outbreak.[51]Although this is the tenth EVD outbreak to take place in the DRC, there are many factors which differentiate this outbreak from those in the past.[52] First, past outbreaks in the DRC have not been concentrated in the eastern region of the DRC. This region has been a conflict zone for decades and violence continues today.[53]Compared to the 2014–2016 West African EVD outbreak, North Kivu province houses an even denser population than Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone combined, and also shares borders with four more provinces and two other countries.[54]This subregion of the DRC has a history of insecurity and presence of well over one hundred active non-state armed groups,[55]which still remain in the region after conflicts such as the DRC independence in 1960, the bordering 1994 Rwandan genocide, and the civil war that established the regime of recent President Joseph Kabila.[56] In the broader context, the history of the DRC has not provided a backdrop conducive to effective management of deadly EIDs. Centuries of colonialism led to decades of armed conflict, which continues today and has spread deep-rooted mistrust for the government across the country, especially in the Eastern DRC.[57]The DRC is also one of the three poorest countries in the world, despite its rich natural resources, so while colonialization may no longer be an issue, there is still an ongoing presence of exploitation.[58]These elements all contribute to the context in which the current 2018 Eastern DRC EVD outbreak is taking place, which is important to understand for the purposes of analyzing the impact of EIDs on women in poverty. Women play an integral role in global health and applying a gendered lens in all levels of EID responses provides better protections for women and more effective management strategies of EID outbreaks The role of women in global health Informal caregivers The 2014–2016 West African EVD outbreak began in December 2013, but in just eight months, data reported that "55-60% of all Ebola fatalities in Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone were women."[59]Additionally, news headlines asking "Why Are So Many Women Dying from Ebola?" revealed that "women in Ebola-hit countries do not enjoy the promise of equality called for under human rights law."[60]Since increased risk in transmitting EVD comes from basic day-to-day interactions, traditional gender roles put women in especially vulnerable positions.[61] One role that women in many societies fill is that of the caregiver in the home. This societal expectation for women to care for the family greatly contributes to the disproportionate impact that EIDs such as EVD and HIV have on women.[62]For especially fatal diseases such as EVD, women are not only caring for more individuals, but the work is also laborious and dangerous because the disease is spread through direct contact with bodily fluids.[63]This is a particular challenge because often the intensity of the care given at home is equal to that given at a health care facility, yet not all women are formally trained health care professionals.[64]There is a gap in education and important information for women as informal caregivers, which further perpetuates the disparate impact of EIDs on women. As caregivers and due to traditional gender roles, women are also often heavily involved in the mourning and burial rituals once their loved ones have died and they are the "ones to perform funeral rites such as washing bodies and preparing them for burial."[65]During the 2014–2016 West African EVD outbreak, one area of Sierra Leone reported that as many as 365 deaths were connected to one funeral, and when the outbreak first began in Guinea, approximately 60% of all EVD cases were connected to traditional burial practices.[66]Since EVD is still transmissible after death and women play such a prominent role in these rituals, their gender role as caregiver and mourner puts them at a disproportionately higher risk of infection.[67] Additionally, while women in many societies are seen as the primary caregivers in the household, when they fall ill the roles are not reversed. Instead of the men taking care of the women, other women in the community are responsible for caring for each other.[68]This is partially due to socio-cultural aspects of what are appropriate roles for men and women, and also contributes to women being more vulnerable to EIDs. Nevertheless, while the role of women as caregivers is clear, in past EVD outbreaks it is shown that "men dominated informational meetings on the disease,"[69]leaving out the key voice of women and putting them in a vulnerable place without adequate information or agency to voice their concerns during these discussions. Health workers The healthcare workforce is also a vulnerable population during EID outbreaks due to the nature in which the disease is spread, such as EVD. Since EVD is spread through contact with bodily fluids once the patient has started to show symptoms and even after death during burial, the level of close contact that healthcare workers have to infected patients puts them higher risk of transmission. Healthcare workers are between 21 to 32 times more likely to be infected with EVD than the general adult population during an outbreak.[70]Especially in countries where the healthcare workforce is already scarce (i.e. West African countries during the 2014–2016 West African EVD outbreak), losing healthcare workers to EVD is especially challenging for effective management of the outbreak.[71] While men often perform higher-level healthcare positions such as doctors due to gendered differences in education levels, women also play a very important role in the healthcare workforce. In almost all countries, the nursing staff is predominately female, and nurses make up a considerable amount of the healthcare workforce.[72]For example, during the 2014–2016 EVD outbreak in Sierra Leone, 70% of the healthcare workers were nurses and midwives.[73]The work conducted by nurses differs from doctors because nurses are often the healthcare workers who are in direct contact with the most patients, making them more vulnerable to contracting diseases.[74]The WHO reports that "nurses and nurse aids account for more than half of all health worker infections."[75]As a result, since nurses are overwhelmingly female and the duties of nurses put them at higher risks of contracting diseases, "the occupational exposure of nurses can be considered a gender related exposure."[76] Another important consideration related to the high infection rates of healthcare workers is that a decrease in healthcare workers also results in a decrease in availability of health care services for women.[77]This is especially significant in States that already lack adequate health infrastructure and resources. Because women already experience many health inequalities, disasters such as EID outbreaks only exacerbate them further.[78]Especially given the specific provisions under international law to protect women's health, the lack of available health care services for women due to a decrease in healthcare workers is a serious concern. Global health security requires a gendered lens to adequately address the disparate impact of EIDs on women Global health security recently emerged in the 21st century. It expands upon the definition of public health security[79]and also includes "the health consequences of human behavior, weather-related events and infectious diseases, and natural catastrophes and man-made disasters . . . ."[80]Also, "public health emergency preparedness" brings in an additional legal aspect, in both a proactive and reactive manner to best prepare and respond to such emergencies.[81] Because women play such an integral role in global health and are greatly and differentially impacted by EIDs, it is important to consider these issues with a gendered lens. The CESCR recognized this by recommending that States "integrate a gender perspective in their health-related policies, planning, programmes and research in order to promote better health for both women and men [because] a gender-based approach recognizes that biological and sociocultural factors play a significant role in influencing the health of men and women."[82]Thus, women are a key voice that should be "included at all levels of planning and operations to ensure the effectiveness and appropriateness of a response."[83] However, though these recommendations have been made by many international actors, little has been done to integrate women into global health security responses. During the 2014–2016 West African EVD outbreak, women were "invisible" at every point of international response.[84]It is clear how women are closely intertwined in EID responses, "yet they are invisible in global health strategy, policy or practice . [and] only made visible through motherhood."[85]When it comes to addressing gender during a disaster such as an EID outbreak like EVD, the tendency is to focus on "Ebola first, gender later," as if gender concerns are an optional add-on that others can address after the outbreak has ended.[86] However, not only do women play important roles in global health security, but particularly in societies like the DRC's North Kivu province, women are often leaders and heads of households. They are not only responsible for caring for their families, but their position gives them social power as well, and they care for entire communities.[87]This is especially important for EIDs like EVD because community fear and distrust of governmental and international actors in recent outbreaks have greatly complicated the EVD management response. In just seven months after the start of the 2018 Eastern DRC outbreak, studies reported "low levels of trust in government institutions and widespread belief in misinformation about EVD,"[88]which has led to "reduced adherence to EVD preventative behaviors" such as vaccinations.[89]To combat these challenges, it is vital to build up community trust by "engaging locally trusted leaders and service providers . . . to build trust with Ebola responders who are not from these communities."[90] One example of how the WHO has tapped into women as a resource[91]to address this is through a partnership with Mama Mwatatu, a woman so well known in her community in North Kivu she earned the nickname "Mother Counsellor of Beni."[92]Listeners of her radio show are mostly female, so the impact she has had on the EVD management efforts in Beni has been significant.[93]On her broadcast, she answers her listeners' questions about EVD, emphasizing the reality of the disease. If she is unable to answer a question, she "carefully notes it down and consults with WHO experts,"[94]thus forming an invaluable partnership between the WHO and the local female community. Julienne Anoko, a social anthropologist for the WHO has also proven the power of women by collaborating with the Collectif des Associations Feminines to educate 132 women leaders about EVD and send them out to their local communities to conduct a two-week information campaign, explaining EVD vaccines, treatment, contract tracing, and the vulnerability of women and children to EVD, ultimately reaching over 600,000 people that would not have otherwise been reached due to fear and stigma.[95]These are just a few examples of ways in which women can contribute to the management of an EID outbreak. They are a key connection to the local population, and at a time when trust of authority figures is low and belief in misinformation is high, it is vital to reach all corners of affected communities. Conclusion Gender might not be the first element global health policymakers and healthcare professionals responding to an EID consider, but it should be. Applying a gendered lens to EID outbreaks reveals the disproportionate impact of EIDs on women, due to their higher rate of living in poverty and susceptibility to disease as a result of gendered roles in many societies. Women's rights in health have been codified in many provisions in international law, but the connection between gender and EID response has not yet been developed. Due to women's heightened susceptibility and integrated role in EID management, empowering women to do global health work in their communities and supporting them is an extremely effective way to combat not just this current EVD outbreak, but to strengthen global health security as a whole.

This report presents the results of a study of retirement behaviour among Norwegian state employees aged 50 to 70 years. The purpose of the study is to document any trends in the average age of retirement of state employees from 2001 to 2007, map the specific retirement routes used by state employees, and to analyse variation in the timing and choice of retirement route by gender, education level, and between occupational groups and different branches (services) within the state sector. The study draws on data combined from two sources: a governmental employee register and a register for a occupational pension (superannuation) program for state employees. The employee register provides information about all governmental employees by 1st October each year from 2001 to 2007. The occupational pension register provides information about the take up of pensions from 2001 to May 2008. Retirement behaviour is thus investigated over a succession of 12 month periods (from October one year to October the following year) plus the shorter period from October 2007 to May 2008. The obligatory retirement age for most state employees is fixed at the age of 70, but they have a right to retire and take out old age pensions three years earlier from the age of 67. Some groups of state employees face lower age thresholds at 60, 63 or 65, known as special age limits. The option to voluntarily leave three years earlier than the age limit also applies to these groups. The majority of state employees also have the option to leave from age 62 as part of a negotiated early retirement pension program known as AFP, which is more beneficial to take out, however, from age 65. All groups can be granted a disability pension at any age up to 67, when claimants are forced to take out an ordinary old age pension. The analysis applies three types of statistical methods. Survival curves indicate at which age a theoretical cohort leave state employment and/or take up a pension. Average retirement age indicates the average age of those retiring, in terms of leaving employment and taking up a pension. Also discrete time (proportional odds) models indicate how retirement ages have changed and vary between occupational groups and services. This is an alternative method which provides better statistical control for the age composition of the employees and those retiring. Various types of retirement routes are also investigated using competing risk (multi nominal) discrete time models. By and large, the different statistical methods provide consistent results, with a slight exception when comparing state branches/ services and some individual years. The age distribution of state employees is almost uniform from age 50 to 60. The number of employees drops sharply, however, in the age brackets above 60. This drop reflects that many employees start retiring from their early 60s and (in addition) that cohorts born after Wold War II are much larger than those born up to 1945. Survival curves show that some retire already at age 57, typically men working in the police force and the military services. Most other groups can retire only from age 62. More men than women retire before 62 but more men than women also tend to work after 66. Women retire most typically between 62 and 66 years. Surviving curves also show that people retired later in 2006/2007 than in 2001/2002. In particular, fewer people retired in the age bracket 62-64 in 2006/2007 compared to similar age groups five years before. Also average retirement age among retirees and discrete time models indicate that people retired later over the study period. Average retirement age increased from 61.3 in 2001/2002 to 62.4 in 2006/2007. The retirement age increased more strongly among women than men. In 2001/2002 women retired earlier than men, in 2006/2007 women retired later than men did. The analysis distinguishes between 13occupationalgroupsand 22 governmental services. The largest occupational group is 'executive officers', people who are responsible for dealing with various types of applications. Universities and higher education is the largest service. Police and military personnel retire earlier than any other occupational group, whereas university/college teachers and researchers retire latest. Among services, it is also the police who retire earliest whereas the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the oldest retirees. Linear regression models indicate that the very low retirement age among police and military personnel is explained by the high frequency of special age limits which apply to these groups. Retirement age is positively correlated with education level; people with higher education retire later than people with less education. The high retirement age at universities/ colleges is only partially explained, however, by the high education level in this service. Retirement age vary more between occupational groups than between services. This is even more clearly when analysing both factors in a single statistical model. Much of the occupational level variation is explained by special retirement ages, however, which tends to be granted to occupational groups rather than services. Some occupational level variation is also explained by education level. When controlling for special retirement ages and education level, occupational level and service level variations are of similar magnitude. The composition of occupational groups changed over the study period. This compositional change in occupations can help explain why average retirement age increased in the period. This factor can only explain a minor part of the increased retirement age, however, estimated to 24%. Also increased education level could contribute to higher retirement age but this factor appears to work via the changing composition of occupations. Retirement age developed differently within occupational groups and services. Clerks delayed their retirement more strongly than any other occupational group. But this groups was also substantially reduces in numbers, and may not be fully comparable throughout the fire year period. Also executive officers, advisers (in governmental departments), and university/ college teachers and researchers increased their retirement age substantially. Technicians and military personnel were the only occupational groups reducing their retirement age. Retirement age also developed differently between services but these results tend to be sensitive to variation between individual years. Still, the Labour and Welfare Administration (NAV), the Public Road Administration and governmental departments increased their retirement age substantially over the period. The data cannot fully identify all available types of retirement in terms of pension programs, and even less so when analysing how retirement changed over the study period. Disability retirement has seemingly decreased more strongly over the study period than the take up of other pensions. One should be careful to note here that some services, particularly many manual jobs, were privatized and moved out of the governmental sector during the study period. Some employees continue working also after taking up a pension, typically known as flexible retirement. Before 62 years of age such flexibility is more frequent among women than men, typically by combining a 50% disability pension with a 50% job. Above 62 years the gender gap in flexible retirement narrows. Flexible retirement increased over the study period. There is only moderate variation in flexible retirement between occupational groups and services. The report investigates retirement behaviour using various methods, including the average retirement age among retirees and discrete time (proportional odds) models for everyone at risk for retirement.By and largethe twomethods give similar results, particularly when comparing occupational groups (adjusted r=0.965). There is some variation between the two methods, however, when comparing governmental services (adjusted r=0.85). ; Rapporten beskriver pensjoneringsatferden blant statsansatte mellom 50 og 70 års alder i perioden 2001 til 2008 med data fra Statens tjenestemannsregister og Statens Pensjonskasse. Analysene gjør bruk av overlevelseskurver, gjennomsnittlig avgangsalder blant de som gikk av med pensjon, og diskrettids forløpsmodeller som også tar hensyn til antallet ansatte i hvert alderstrinn. Disse metodene gir stort sett sammenfallende resultater. Avgangsalderen økte relativt jevnt gjennom perioden fra 2001 til 2008. Det ble også vanligere å kombinere pensjon med arbeid i denne perioden. Avgangsalderen økte mer blant kvinner enn menn. Avgangsalderen varierer mellom yrkesgrupper og etater, og yrkesvariasjonen er større enn etatsvariasjonen. Grunnen er at særaldersgrenser og utdanningsnivå varierer mer mellom yrker enn mellom etater. Endringer i yrkessammensetningen kan bidra til å forklare en mindre del av den økte avgangsalderen i perioden. Avgangsalderen viser noe ulik utvikling over tid mellom yrkesgrupper og etater.

Received 30.10.2020. Intensification of the final resolving processes over the Kosovo issue made it necessary to pay closer attention to social and economic features of the self-declared polity, which are often underestimated losing scores in favor of political, not economical, agenda. With emphasis on the most recent data (2015–2020), Kosovo official statistics, international and local organizations, mass media materials, with high involvement of interviews and surveys conducted during working trips to the Balkan region, and long-term observations, this paper is urged to remove this gap and to answer the question of economic independence and viability, directly concerned with the fundamental matter of sovereignty. Despite the thesis on favorable starting conditions in a form of abundance of various natural resources and ready-made industrial base, widely used in public rhetoric during separatist movement, the words have mostly remained just words – no significant structural changes have taken place in Kosovo's economy since its self-declared independence in 2008. Reports reflect some increase of economic activity since 2015, but in almost all key directions – administrative reform, fundamental rights, fight against corruption and organized crime, regional cooperation development, etc. – there has been a very little progress up to date. Huge informal sector, desperate situation with youth's unemployment, gender disproportion in the labor and legal fields – these are among the strongest economic challenges and the highest barriers for Kosovo on its way to European integration. In recent years, local economy drivers were state investments into infrastructure and private consumption, which is still mostly based on large transactions from abroad, together with increasing salary rates and lending. Economic diversification goes slowly. Base metals and mineral products dominate – same as during previous years – in regional export of goods, providing slightly less than a half of its entire volume. Excessive reliance on import is another feature of economic development in contemporary Kosovo. List of services and goods providers remains stable for the past decade, led by Germany and Italy, with growing influence of China and Turkey. Some improvement of business climate co-exists with essential economic problems. Kosovo's economy still highly depends on external incomes and internal trade sector. Local educational system does not match local labor market needs. Financial discipline, efficient distribution of resources, optimization of sectoral interaction, fight against corruption and crime – these tasks remain the ones of high priority and are still in the current economic agenda today, like they were five and 10 years ago. Kosovo's real investment attractiveness is in question; however, much work has been done in the legal field to speed up and secure the fundraising process. Unresolved problems of property rights and lack of political will to handle these issues hurt investment perspectives and slow down economic development. COVID‑2019 brings additional damage to Kosovo's economy, but its overall results are to be yet evaluated.

18 pages, 4 figures, 1 table, supplementary material https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fmars.2020.565968/full#supplementary-material ; Like most ocean regions today, the European and contiguous seas experience cumulative impacts from local human activities and global pressures. They are largely in poor environmental condition with deteriorating trends. Despite several success stories, European policies for marine conservation fall short of being effective. Acknowledging the challenges for marine conservation, a 4-year multi-national network, MarCons, supported collaborative marine conservation efforts to bridge the gap between science, management and policy, aiming to contribute in reversing present negative trends. By consolidating a large network of more than 100 scientists from 26 countries, and conducting a series of workshops over 4 years (2016–2020), MarCons analyzed challenges, opportunities and obstacles for advancing marine conservation in the European and contiguous seas. Here, we synthesize the major issues that emerged from this analysis and make 12 key recommendations for policy makers, marine managers, and researchers. To increase the effectiveness of marine conservation planning, we recommend (1) designing coherent networks of marine protected areas (MPAs) in the framework of marine spatial planning (MSP) and applying systematic conservation planning principles, including re-evaluation of existing management zones, (2) designing MPA networks within a broader transboundary planning framework, and (3) implementing integrated land-freshwater-sea approaches. To address inadequate or poorly informed management, we recommend (4) developing and implementing adaptive management plans in all sites of the Natura 2000 European conservation network and revising the Natura 2000 framework, (5) embedding and implementing cumulative effects assessments into a risk management process and making them operational, and (6) promoting actions to reach 'good environmental status' in all European waters. To account for global change in conservation planning and management, we further recommend (7) developing conservation strategies to address the impacts of global change, for example identifying climate-change refugia as high priority conservation areas, and (8) incorporating biological invasions in conservation plans and prioritizing management actions to control invasive species. Finally, to improve current practices that may compromise the effectiveness of conservation actions, we recommend (9) reinforcing the collection of high-quality open-access data, (10) improving mechanisms for public participation in MPA planning and management, (11) prioritizing conservation goals in full collaboration with stakeholders, and (12) addressing gender inequality in marine sciences and conservation ; This article was undertaken in the framework of COST Action 15121 "Advancing marine conservation in the European and contiguous seas" (MarCons; http://www.marcons-cost.eu; Katsanevakis et al., 2017), supported by COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology). KY was supported by a NERC Knowledge Exchange Fellowship (NE/P00668X/1). CP would like to acknowledge FCT/MCTES national funds for the financial support to CESAM (UID/AMB/50017/2019). AB received salary support from the Canada Research Chairs Program ; Peer reviewed