La provincia de La Pampa ocupa un lugar central, desde la geografía, en el territorio nacional. Sin embargo el conocimiento sobre su pasado arqueológico recién comienza a delinearse alrededor de 1980. Actualmente el conocimiento arqueológico del sector ha alcanzado un promisorio desarrollo bajo el impulso de varios grupos de trabajo y el apoyo de instituciones provinciales y nacionales. A partir de ello, el conocimiento del pasado pre y posthispánico, se ha reposicionado respecto al interés que despierta para los propios investigadores locales y regionales, así como para los de regiones colindantes. A tal punto que muchos datos y resultados han llevado a replantear macro - regionalmente los sistemas de organización social, político, tecnológico y la demografía de las sociedades preexistentes. El nodo de caminos indígenas, asentamientos, paraderos y cementerios donde dejaron sus señales milenarias poblaciones en diferentes momentos, ha promovido el desarrollo de un importante corpus de información desde distintas especialidades y temáticas tales como la dinámica de poblaciones, bioarqueología, arqueología del paisaje, arqueología histórica, procedencia de recursos y materiales culturales, interacción social, arqueobotánica, biogeografía, ecología isotópica, tafonomía, entre otros muchos abordajes venidos y por venir. Esto ha incentivado también la relación entre los investigadores y las comunidades locales, y su interés por el conocimiento del pasado, convirtiéndolos en guardianes y custodios de este legado. ; La Pampa Province is placed in a geographical central position within the national territory. However, the archaeological knowledge about its past just starts to take shape around 1980. Archaeological knowledge has reached a promising development under the impulse of various working groups and the support of provincial and national institutions. From this, the knowledge of the pre and post-Hispanic past has been repositioned on the interest aroused for local and regional researchers themselves as well as for neighbouring regions, to the extent that many data and research results have led to reconsider macro-regionally the system of social, political, and technological organization and the demography of pre-existing societies. The indigenous roads node, settlements, and cemeteries where ancient people left signs has promoted the development of an important body of information from different disciplines and topics such as population dynamics, bioarchaeology, landscape archaeology, historical archaeology, origin of cultural resources and materials, social interaction, archaeobotany, biogeography, isotopic ecology, taphonomy, among many other approaches to come. This has encouraged also the relationship between researchers and local communities and its interest in the knowledge of the past, making them guardians and custodians of this legacy. ; Fil: Beron, Monica Alejandra. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Museo Etnográfico "Juan B. Ambrosetti"; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires; Argentina
International audience ; This study evaluates the determinants of Palestinian migration from the West Bank and Gaza. Data are employed for the post-1967 period of Israeli rule to specify and test competing models as well as the structure of expectations in the migration decision. Results of the analysis support a simple static expectation formulation, as is consistent with much of the short-term, low mobility cost migration between the West Bank and Jordan. Findings further point to the importance of various Israeli-Palestinian economic and political economic interactions in the determination of this controversial movement of population, including those associated with employment opportunity for Palestinian labour in Israel, elements of Israeli West Bank settlement policy and changes in local standard of living. Various policy implications of the research are indicated.
En el documento se analizan los hechos más relevantes de la colonización adelantada en la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta y Serranía de Perijá, así como en la zona agrícola al sur de Ciénaga, más tarde conocida como Zona Bananera del Magdalena. El período de estudio se extiende entre los siglos XVII y XIX. Durante el siglo XVIII, las autoridades coloniales decidieron retomar la colonización de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta y su primer paso fue la evangelización de las comunidades indígenas allí establecidas. También, en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII, el sistema colonial ordenó establecer una colonia agrícola con irlandeses, a mitad de camino entre Santa Marta y Valle de Upar, en territorio dominado por los indígenas chimilas. Estos proyectos fundacionales cumplían propósitos militares, religiosos y económicos. Más adelante, el proceso de la Independencia generó expectativas económicas en la nueva dirigencia política colombiana, que sólo empezarían a concretarse tres décadas más tarde. Aparejado a estas nuevas dinámicas, fue ganando fuerza el proyecto racial de crear empresas de inmigración y colonización en diferentes zonas del país, para atraer inmigrantes europeos. Pero estas empresas tropezaron con múltiples inconvenientes como la pobreza fiscal en los diferentes niveles de gobierno y las guerras recurrentes. La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta no fue ajena a la expansión cafetera nacional, lo que generó una colonización moderada a partir de las últimas décadas del siglo XIX. Lo cierto es que la colonización e inmigración planificada de la Sierra fue un fracaso, pero en cambio prosperó la emprendida por empresas particulares o por familias con vocación empresarial. De allí se pueden destacar las haciendas cafeteras organizadas en las cercanías de Santa Marta, Valledupar y Villanueva. ; The document analyzes the most relevant facts of the early colonization in Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and Serrania de Perijá, as well as in the agricultural area south of the Ciénaga, later known as the Magdalena Banana Zone. The period of study extends between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. During the 18th century, the colonial authorities decided to take back colonization of Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, and their first step was the evangelization of the indigenous communities established there. In addition, in the second half of the 18th century, the colonial system ordered the establishment of an agricultural colony with the Irish community, halfway between Santa Marta and Valle de Upar, in territory dominated by the indigenous people known as Chimilas. These foundational projects fulfilled military, religious and economic purposes. Later, the process of Independence generated economic expectations in the new Colombian political leadership, which would only begin to materialize three decades later. Together with these new dynamics, the racial project of creating immigration and colonization companies in different areas of the country to attract European immigrants was gaining strength. Nevertheless, these companies encountered multiple problems such as fiscal poverty at different levels of government and recurrent wars. Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta was not unfamiliar with the national coffee expansion, which generated a moderate colonization from the last decades of the nineteenth century. It is true that colonization and the planned immigration of the Mountain range was a failure but, on the other hand, the one undertaken by private companies or families with business vocation was prosperous. As examples, it is worth mentioning coffee plantations organized nearby Santa Marta, Valledupar and Villanueva. ; En busca de nuevas tierras y vecinos: Proceso de colonización en la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Serranía de Perijá y Zona Bananera del Magdalena (siglos XVII - XIX) Enfoque Luego de la derrota definitiva de los indígenas tairona a principios del año 1600, las partes medias y altas de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta fueron abandonadas por los conquistadores y colonizadores españoles durante casi dos siglos. Surge la pregunta de por qué los españoles no colonizaron la Sierra Nevada y varias de sus zonas aledañas en ese período, pero en cambio sí emprendieron el descubrimiento del territorio muisca, en la cordillera de los Andes, zona montañosa con características similares en algunos aspectos a los terrenos ubicados en las cercanías de Santa Marta, Riohacha y Valledupar. Para responder esta pregunta, en el documento se analizan los hechos más relevantes de la colonización adelantada en la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta y Serranía de Perijá, así como en la zona agrícola al sur de Ciénaga, más tarde conocida como Zona Bananera del Magdalena, ocurridas durante el período que se extendió entre los siglos XVII y XIX. Contribución Algunos estudios han analizado el fenómeno de la colonización en estas zonas del país de manera aislada (Sierra Nevada, Zona Bananera, Serranía del Perijá), pero ninguno los había estudiado en forma conjunta durante este período de tiempo. Así mismo, antropólogos o historiadores se han enfocado en estudiar la presencia de evangelizadores, viajeros, exploradores o etnógrafos en la zona, pero su análisis se ha circunscrito a un personaje o una comunidad en específico. En esta investigación se analizará de manera conjunta los aportes de cada uno de estos investigadores a través de sus escritos, así como los documentos consultados en diferentes archivos y bibliotecas. DESTACADO: La colonización e inmigración planificada de la Sierra fue un fracaso, pero en cambio prosperó la emprendida por empresas particulares o por familias con vocación empresarial. Resultados Durante el siglo XVIII, las autoridades coloniales decidieron retomar la colonización de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta y su primer paso fue la evangelización de las comunidades indígenas allí establecidas. También, en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII, el sistema colonial ordenó establecer una colonia agrícola con irlandeses, a mitad de camino entre Santa Marta y Valle de Upar, en territorio dominado por los indígenas chimilas. Estos proyectos fundacionales cumplían propósitos militares, religiosos y económicos. Más adelante, el proceso de la Independencia generó expectativas económicas en la nueva dirigencia política colombiana, que sólo empezarían a concretarse tres décadas más tarde. Aparejado a estas nuevas dinámicas, fue ganando fuerza el proyecto racial de crear empresas de inmigración y colonización en diferentes zonas del país, para atraer inmigrantes europeos. Pero estas empresas tropezaron con múltiples inconvenientes como la pobreza fiscal en los diferentes niveles de gobierno y las guerras recurrentes. La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta no fue ajena a la expansión cafetera nacional, lo que generó una colonización moderada a partir de las últimas décadas del siglo XIX. Lo cierto es que la colonización e inmigración planificada de la Sierra fue un fracaso, pero en cambio prosperó la emprendida por empresas particulares o por familias con vocación empresarial. De allí se pueden destacar las haciendas cafeteras organizadas en las cercanías de Santa Marta, Valledupar y Villanueva.
Innovation practice is a transdisciplinary field that aims to create a better world out of an existing one by pooling methods and mindsets of inquiry and creation. The field observes design contexts, assimilates the collected knowledge into problems to be addressed, ideates solutions to those problems, and iteratively tests those solutions in real environments to determine how they address these problems. Over the past decade, the field has become more accessible to a much broader collection of amateur designers. They utilize the field to understand more diverse contexts, to include and adapt more disciplines, and to address a wide variety of complex and seemingly intractable issues. Due to the evolution of the fields' popularity, debates began to arise about the fields' utility and place in society. Development professionals treated design thinking and related fields as a silver bullet that could easily address issues of global poverty. Critics asked if the field was different from existing disciplines, whether the field delivers demonstrable impact, and if the democratization of design practice to 'amateur' designers is even worthwhile. However, these debates revealed how little knowledge is collected about how practitioners conduct innovation practice in the first place. To learn about the activities, benefits, methods, and obstacles of beneficial development-focused design practice, I detail three studies that apply lenses of analysis to innovation narratives to see how various collectives of self-determined innovators actually practice their craft. The first study outlines a systematic literature review of human-centered design for development. By applying design principles to a population of researcher-designers and their narratives, we learn if these designers actually practice innovation with these principles of human-centeredness in mind. I outline three previously conducted studies about the nature of this field, which describe the population, location, history, and methods these projects use across various contexts. and detail an analysis of the participatory nature of human-centered design for development. In so doing, I describe statistics about the prevalence of participatory design practice, reveal how the studies report the complexities of participation, and collect insights about the stakeholders who are allowed to design. The study then sums up the importance of investigative analysis methods across populations of design narratives, so that researchers can learn more about how 'good practice' is perceived. The second study describes an ethnographic evaluation study of notable actors in the Botswana innovation community. This study begins with a reflection on epistemological frictions between the popular fields of innovation practice and impact evaluation. After revealing the theoretical and practical gaps in how innovators evaluate, I introduce the Botswana history, policies, and institutions that support innovation practice on the national level, while describing their activities and how innovation actors perceive them. I then detail the creation of a grassroots innovation community that practices participatory co-design of locally beneficial technologies by outlining the history of its indigenous stakeholders and describing an ethnographic narrative of two formative innovation workshops. I then describe the methods, approaches, purpose, and stakeholders involved in the evaluation of innovation in the local and national institutions. This analysis reveals evaluation tools applicable to many innovation contexts, and insights about how these evaluation approaches are aligned and misaligned with each other. Finally, I describe insights on the practice and facilitation of innovation in the country, to clarify cultural, institutional, and practical barriers and qualities that hinder the potential benefit of innovation. The final study is a reflection on the inadequacies of ethics systems in Botswana to support beneficial innovation practice. While investigating the previous chapter, I happened upon narratives with no simple solutions, and few resources for development-centric designers to effectively navigate this ethics space. Moreover, while facing the country's institutional review board system, I gained first-hand experience with the goals, dynamics, and limitations of the Botswana research system of ethics. This chapter unpacks how the ethical system fails to align with the needs of beneficial innovation practice and suggests theoretical alternatives to draw upon for future use. This dissertation describes the complex possibilities of participatory design practice, the various goals, activities, and perceptions of the evolving Botswana innovation ecosystem, and details the frictions between the understudied field of ethics in design for development and existing institutions. These studies reveal how 'good' innovation practice is wholly based on the context it is applied: on its practitioners, their tools, their goals, the environment where it is used, and the stakeholders with whom the designers interact. Though these studies outline how the methods and mindsets of innovation practice are accessible to more communities than ever, it does not mean that innovation practice itself becomes simpler. These lenses of cross-contextual analysis, participation, evaluation, and ethics reveal how the amorphous, evolving field requires innovators who are responsive and respectful of the contexts in which they are situated. These studies outline a few of many approaches that reveal the unique dynamics in development-centered innovation practice but are essential for any designers' toolbox to ensure we collectively create a better world.
На территории Красноярского края России, в долине р. Ус, на границе в Республикой Тыва, до настоящего времени проживает особая тувинская общность усинские тувинцы. Статья посвящена их истории и основывается на документах архивов Красноярского края, Минусинска, Иркутской области, Республики Тыва. Науке хорошо известны тувинцы Монголии и Китая. Усинские тувинцы же практически не изучались и не включались в число коренных народов Красноярского края. Лишь в последние 5 лет появились работы ученых Сибирского федерального и Тувинского госуниверситетов по этносоциальным и языковым особенностям усинских тувинцев. Есть две версии истории заселения тувинцами Усинского района: 1) предки тувинцы кочевали в долине Уса, и этот район входил в территориальную область завершающего этапа тувинского этногенеза после XVII в.; 2) заселение тувинцами долины началось почти одновременно с появлением первых русских переселенцев. Можно предположить, что современный этап тувинского освоения Усинской долины начался в XVIII в., после окончательного закрепления этой территории за Россией и после оформления в Китайской империи административного образования Урянхай. Активное русское освоение Усинского района началось в XIX в. Это привело к изменениям в тувинском освоении этой территории, например, тувинские власти в 1860-х гг. пытались создать препятствия русской земледельческой колонизации. Стали сокращаться тувинские кочевья, развивается хозяйственная кооперация и рост зависимости тувинцев от русских предпринимателей и крестьян. Тем не менее, на рубеже XIX-ХХ вв. тувинское население округа оставалось многочисленным. Росли русско-тувинские противоречия. Принятие Тувы под политическое покровительство России в 1914 г. вызвало и вопрос об организации усинских тувинцев. Они полностью сохраняли все атрибуты подданства цинскому императору. Наличие постоянного тувинского населения на соседней территории обусловило территориальные претензии Тувинской Народной республики. Вопрос о присоединении Усинского района к Туве сохранял остроту несколько первых десятилетий ХХ в. В целом, с момента пограничного русско-китайского размежевания в первой половине XVIII в. и до вхождения Тувы в состав России в 1944 г. постоянно проживавшие в Усинском районе тувинцы русской властью воспринимались в качестве иностранцев. Лишь с 1950-х гг. в делопроизводственных документах местного сельсовета отражается местное тувинское население. Между тувинцами Тувы и Усинского района сохранялись активные миграционные процессы, но усинские тувинцы всегда имели этнокультурную специфику, которая формировалась фактом их проживания за пределами национального государственного образования и тесным взаимодействием с русским населением. ; In the valley of the Us river, in the borderlands between Krasnoyarskii Krai and the Republic of Tuva, lives a community of the so-called Usinsk Tuvans. The article examines the history of this sub-ethnicity as it is shown in the documents preserved at the archives of Krasnoyarskii Krai, Minusinsk, Irkutsk Oblast and the Republic of Tuva. Unlike the Tuvans living in Mongolia and China, Usinsk Tuvans have received almost no scholarly attention and have not been listed among the indigenous minorities of Krasnoyarskii Krai. It was only in the last 5 years that they have been for the first time studied by the researchers from Siberian Federal and Tuvan State Universities, with a special focus on ethnosocial and linguistic peculiarities of the Usinsk Tuvans. Two versions of how the Tuvan population arrived in the contemporary Usinsk rayon are known to exist. According to the first, the nomadic ancestors of the Tuvans roamed the Us valley, and since the 17th century, this area has witnessed the final stage of Tuvan ethnogenesis. The second version maintains that the Tuvans arrived in the area almost at the same time as the first Russian settlers. It can be suggested that the contemporary stage of settling in the Us valley began in the 18th century when Russia's hold on the area was formalized by a treaty with China, and the Chinese empire, in its turn, set up the administrative unit of Uriankhai. In the 19th century, Russians started to actively settle in what now is known as Usinsk rayon, which led to a change in Tuvan settlement of the same territory. In the 1860s, for instance, Tuvan leaders tried to prevent Russian agricultural colonization of the area. Nevertheless, nomadic camping grounds grew smaller, and agricultural cooperation began, which made Tuvans increasingly dependent on Russian traders and farmers. However, at the turn of the 20th century the Tuvan population of the area was still small, and the tension between Russians and Tuvans grew high. When Tuva became a political protectorate of Russia in 1914, the issue of administrative status of Usinsk Tuvans came to a head. With Tuvans preserving the subjecthood of the Qing empire, their presence in the adjacent area gave rise to the territorial claims of the People's Republic of Tuva. The issue of possible cession of Usinsk rayon to Tuva had remained urgent for several decades in early 20th century. Overall, from the Russian-Chinese border delineation in the first half of the 18th century to Tuva's accession into the USSR in 1944, the Tuvans permanently residing in Usinsk rayon were viewed by Russian authorities as foreign subjects. They appeared in the documentation of local village councils as late as in 1950s. There have always been active migration between Usinsk rayon and the Republic of Tuva, but Usinsk Tuvans at the same time have remained ethnoculturally distinct, which was upheld by the fact of residing outside the national region and close contacts with the Russian population.
One of the hallmarks of the last decade has undoubtedly been the rise to prominence of a group of five emerging economies – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa - that have come to be known collectively as the 'BRICS bloc'. As a direct result of the increasingly prominent role of the BRICS bloc in global politics and economics, there has been a consequent increasing demand for improved infrastructure within these rapidly industrialising powers. This has compelled multilateral development banks to develop innovative funding solutions. Among these mechanisms is project finance, a relatively novel legal and financial structure typically used to fund public and private capital-intensive facilities and utilities. Multilateral development banks' (MDBs) participation in large-scale public-sector infrastructure projects financing is primarily governed by the loan agreements they conclude with governments, other financial institutions, and private sector entities. However, projects of this nature have predictably widespread effects, particularly on stakeholders not party to the contractual scheme – they frequently involve resettlement of local populations, transformation of indigenous lands, deforestation, pollution, and employment of labour for heavy industrial tasks. This far-reaching impact has necessitated increased accountability for MDBs' financing practices, particularly where the actions of MBD lenders impact on human rights and have broader social and environmental effects. This thesis examines two mechanisms to achieve accountability. The first of these solutions lifts the veil and entails reconceptualisation of how MDBs are held accountable at domestic level by reconfiguring the role of domestic judicial forums. The second is the formation of what is termed an independent 'super mechanism', an international body which would be created by agreement among all participating multilateral development banks and would serve to provide effective oversight and enhanced accountability. This thesis ultimately focuses on advancing a novel contribution on the establishment of a super mechanism and it does so with reference to the interface between global administrative law principles and domestic administrative law principles. It addresses how supranational regulatory mechanisms should render the exercise of discretion and authority at the international level more transparent and accountable for the benefit of stakeholders in the developing world. The thesis formulates four benchmark criteria against which the development of an effective and successful super mechanism should be measured, it should: (i) be empowered with jurisdiction to conduct comprehensive investigations; (ii) provide remedies that are effective; (iii) be empowered to monitor and enforce remedies and corrective measures at MDBs; and (iv) operate in a manner that does not directly or indirectly contribute to undermining the national sovereignty of developing states. The thesis takes this further by examining how a super mechanism aligns with the core objectives and values of the BRICS bloc, and then advances a proposal to establish a BRICS super mechanism. It does this with reference to the practical challenges that may arise around the implementation of a BRICS-specific super mechanism, and it interrogates measures that the bloc has already implemented that may mitigate some of the theorised challenges.
The United Nations call on climate change generates governmental and economic macro-narratives that are presented as expressions of validation and inclusion admitted by univocal forms of development and progress, as well as are reproduced by Civil Society, but contrasted by the original communities of the Mexican population who present ethical, political and environmental perspectives. In the present work, adaptation to climate change is evidenced as a requirement of the modes of development and progress generated by a world structure of neocolonial and capitalist projects, and it is realized how colonialist strategy disavows the singular and concrete forms of environmental care of a variety of collectives and popular organizations scattered throughout the Mexican territory. For this, the Mayan Train project and the Morelos Integral Project are considered as standard models and reference of a documentary hermeneutic of popular actions and of indigenous communities with actions, arguments and governmental decisions, which proceed vertically and institutionally in the transformation process and territorial care. The results are crossed by the signaling and discrediting of the commitment of the different groups to care for the environment, as well as the persistence of practices from extractivist and neocolonial logics, whose dynamics continue to expose the lives of the people who are in defense of the Earth. To conclude, adaptation to climate change is affirmed as an inclusion tactic for native people that results in death and precariousness. ; La convocatoria de las Naciones Unidas ante el cambio climático genera macronarrativas gubernamentales y económicas que se presentan como expresiones de validación e inclusión admitidas por formas unívocas de desarrollo y progreso, así también son reproducidas por la Sociedad Civil, pero contrastadas por las comunidades originarias de la población mexicana quienes presentan perspectivas éticas, políticas y ambientales. En el presente trabajo se evidencia la adaptación al cambio climático como una exigencia de los modos de desarrollo y progreso generada por una estructura mundial de proyectos neocoloniales y capitalistas, y se da cuenta de la manera en que estrategia colonialista desautoriza las formas singulares y concretas de cuidado ambiental de una variedad de colectivos y organizaciones populares diseminados por el territorio mexicano. Para ello, se considera el proyecto del Tren Maya y el Proyecto Integral Morelos como modelos tipo y referencia de una hermenéutica documental de acciones populares y de las comunidades originarias con las acciones, argumentos y decisiones gubernamentales, que proceden de forma vertical e institucional en el proceso de transformación y cuidado territorial. Los resultados se encuentran atravesados por el señalamiento y la desacreditación del compromiso de los distintos colectivos por el cuidado del medio ambiente, así como la persistencia de las prácticas desde lógicas extractivistas y neocoloniales, cuya dinámica sigue exponiendo la vida de las personas que se encuentra en defensa de la Tierra. Para concluir se afirma la adaptación al cambio climático como una táctica de inclusión para los pueblos originarios que redunda en muerte y precarización.
El Pacífico colombiano puede llegar a ser una potencia nacional e internacional en materia ambiental, social y político-económica. Esta región hace parte del "Chocó Biogeográfico" y de la Macrocuenca del Pacífico conformada por 9 biomas diferentes, lo cual presenta una oportunidad propositiva para su gestión y aprovechamiento sostenible. No obstante, históricamente en este territorio se ha llevado a cabo una gestión insostenible por diversas prácticas legales e ilegales que impiden preservar su diversidad biológica. Además, esta región cuenta con una enorme diversidad étnica y cultural, en donde un 90% de la población es afrocolombiana y un 6% está conformada por pueblos indígenas, comunidades que han luchado históricamente por el reconocimiento efectivo de sus derechos territoriales y culturales. Por otro lado, el Pacífico colombiano cuenta tanto con la costa como el puerto más grande del país, esta zona se configura como un corredor comercial estratégico con relevancia política nacional e internacional con acuerdos internacionales como la Alianza del Pacífico. A pesar de contar con las anteriores ventajas, el diagnóstico de la región Pacífico en los Planes de Desarrollo Nacional (PND) es enfático en la presencia constante del conflicto armado, la pobreza y la deficiencia en la cobertura de servicios públicos. El objetivo de este documento académico es presentar un panorama de los contextos histórico, político, social, jurídico, tecnológico, económico y ambiental para el Pacífico colombiano del 2012 al 2019. Lo anterior con el fin de establecer una línea base para analizar el avance de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible ODS estipulados en la Agenda 2030 para esta región. ; The Colombian Pacific can emerge as a national and international role model in environmental, social, political and economic matters. This region is part of the Chocó Biogeográfico and the Macrocuenca del Pacífico which has 9 biomes that represents a propositional opportunity for its management and sustainable use. However, unsustainable management has been carried out in this territory by various legal and illegal practices that deteriorates its biological diversity. Furthermore, this region has a vast ethnic and cultural diversity, in which 90% of the region population is afro-descendant and 6% corresponds to indigenous people, both communities that have historically struggled for the effective recognition of their territorial and cultural rights. Despite its advantages, the Pacific region diagnosis explained in the Plan Nacional de Desarrollo (PND), it emphasizes the constant armed conflict, its high poverty areas, and the deficiency to supply public services. On the other hand, the Colombian Pacific has both the coast and the largest port in the country, it becomes a strategic commercial corridor with national and international political relevance as corroborated by the Alianza del Pacífico agreement. The purpose of this paper is to present an overview of the historical, political, social, legal, technological, economic and environmental contexts for the Colombian Pacific from 2012 to 2019. The above in order to establish a baseline to analyze the progress of the SDG Sustainable Development Goals stipulated in the 2030 Agenda for this region. ; Resumen -- Introducción -- Contexto Histórico -- Contexto Político -- Contexto Social -- Contexto Normativo -- Contexto Tecnológico -- Contexto Económico -- Contexto Ambiental -- Referencias
In the article, the author attempts to consider the nature of contemplation of the international community on the deportation of Ukrainians from ethnic lands in Poland during 1944-1946. The author implements this task through archival documentation, which to some extent justifies extensive quotations. Today, the subject of post-war resettlement for Ukrainians and Poles is ambiguous, both in interpretation and in the politics of memory. The deportation of Ukrainians of the borderlands is a conflict of the historical memory of both peoples: Ukrainians want to remember the history which Poles prefer to forget. We learn about the terrible conditions of social adaptation of Polish deportees in the USSR from the epistolary of deportees, which they had been sending abroad in hope that relatives would read the letters. However, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR had been intercepting those letters. In this sense, a conscious part of the local intelligentsia of the region was aware of the passive position of international politicians and the public on the unjustified eviction of autochthonous Ukrainians, but sincerely sought and expected its help. The analysis of The Open Letter of Ukrainians living behind the Curzon line entitled "To the whole civilized world" written in October 1945 convincingly evidences it. Losing hope of voluntary eviction, this letter was a kind of mouthpiece of Ukrainians in the region to the international community, hoping to be heard and supported. The author concludes that the international community did not live up to the hopes and expectations of Ukrainians who found themselves in a "war after war" and gradually lost their native lands, where they were indigenous. The deportation of 1944-1946, the local population from Lemkovschina, became a tragic ethno-political experiment of the USSR and Poland, which Lemkos had to survive in modern times. ; У статті автор робить спробу розглянути характер споглядальності міжнародної спільноти за депортаційними процесами українців з території етнічних земель у Польщі впродовж 1944-1946рр. Реалізацію завдання автор виконує через архівну документалістику, яка певною мірою виправдовує об'ємні цитування. Нині тематика післявоєнного виселення для українців і поляків є неоднозначною, як у трактуванні так і політиці пам'яті. Депортація українців прикордоння є конфліктом історичної пам'яті обох народів: українці хочуть пам'ятати історію, яку поляки воліють забути. Про жахливі умови суспільної адаптації виселених з Польщі в УРСР довідуємось з епістолярію виселених, який надсилався ними за кордон в надії, що листи прочитають родичі. Однак вони були перехоплені Міністерством внутрішніх справ УРСР. Свідома частина місцевої інтелігенції регіону усвідомлювала пасивну позицію міжнародного політикуму та громадськості щодо невиправданого виселення українців-автохтонів, але щиро прагнула і очікувала її допомоги. Про це переконливо засвідчує аналіз Відкритого листа українців, які живуть за лінією Керзона під назвою «Всьому цивілізованому світу» написаного у жовтня 1945р. Втративши надію на добровільне виселення цей лист був своєрідним рупором українців регіону до міжнародної спільноти, в очікуванні, що будуть почуті і підтримані. Автор робить висновок, що міжнародна спільнота не виправдала надій і сподівань українців, які опинилися у «війні після війни» втративши батьківські землі. Депортація 1944-1946рр., місцевого населення з Лемківщини, стала найтрагічнішим етнополітичним експериментом СРСР та Польщі, який доводилося пережити лемкам в новітню добу.
Its geographic location and economic situation makes the Philippines highlyvulnerable to impacts of climate change and extreme weather events that cause considerable disruptions to food systems, affecting food security, nutrition and health especially of the most vulnerable groups. This study aims to assess the effects of exposure to extreme weather conditions, classified as natural disasters, on the proportion of households meeting the recommended energy intake (REI), and the prevalences of stunting and wasting among children under-five years old, chronic energy deficiency (CED) among lactating mothers and elderly adults and nutritionally at-risk pregnant women. This study utilized cross-sectional data from the 2013 and 2015 National Nutrition Surveys conducted nationwide by the Department of Science and Technology- Food and Nutrition Research Institute (DOST-FNRI). Exposure data came from the National Disaster Risk Reduction Management Council (NDRRMC) for typhoons and floods, the Philippine Rice Information System (PRISM) of the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) for drought, and from the Bureau of Agricultural Statistics- Philippine Statistics Authority (BAS-PSA) for palay production. Logistic regression models were adjusted for sex, age, civil status, education, household size, work and place of work of the household head, ethnicity, illness for the past 2 weeks, avail of prenatal and mothers class for pregnant women, months of lactation for lactating mothers, hypertension for elderly, food security, membership to Philhealth, participation to Four Ps, place of residence, wealth index, palay production, and exposure to climate variables typhoons and floods one month up to six months prior to survey and drought for the first quarter of 2015 and 2016. Bivariate results showed that socioeconomic status, household size, food security status, sex, age, civil status, belonging to an indigenous group, exposure to typhoons, floods and drought had significant associations with nutrition outcomes. In full models, belonging to the poorest quintile, large and food insecure households increase the odds of stunting and wasting in children 0 to 59 months old, of chronic energy deficiency in elderly adults and lactating mothers and for pregnant women to become nutritionally at-risk . Households who are engaged in agriculture were more likely to meet the REI. The effect of exposure to typhoons and floods on meeting the REI at household level was positive at three (3) months but was negative at 6 months. Among households in the Mindanao areas, exposure to drought in either the first quarter of 2015 or 2016 only, increased the likelihood of children below five years old to become stunted and among elderly adults to become CED. However, elderly adults exposed to drought for both the first quarter of 2015 and the first quarter of 2016 made them less likely to become CED. The time of exposure to these natural 5 disasters, whether typhoons, floods or drought, appears to affect the outcomes analyzed. Cohort data would help to better understand the continuing effects of such exposures. These results provide vital inputs for more strategic responses to climate change adaptation and mitigation programs of the government particularly for vulnerable population groups.
У розвідці здійснено періодизацію процесу зародження, становлення та розвитку вищої освіти на території України, виокремлено протоуніверситетський, докласичний, класичний, модернізаційний, радянський, сучасний (постмодерний) періоди - від афінської системи в полісах Північного Причорномор'я, шкіл підвищеного типу в Київській Русі для підготовки представників державної та духовної еліти, братських шкіл, Острозької та Києво-Могилянської академій до функціонування мережі університетів, спеціальних вищих навчальних закладів, народних університетів. Визначено історичні, суспільно-політичні, економічні, соціокультурні, ментальні, освітні, наукові чинники, що детермінували динаміку кількісних та якісних змін і нововведень у вищій школі. ; In the article the periodization of higher education development in the territory of Ukraine has been carried out and the following main periods have been distinguished: proto¬university (V century BC - XV century), which involves origination of schools of the higher level, oriented towards the Greek-Byzantine models of scholarship; pre-classical (XVI - late XVIII century), marked by the activity of brotherhood schools, Ostroh and Kyiv-Mohyla Academies, based on the synthesis of the national tradition with the European humanistic paradigm; classic (late XVIII - late XIX century) was marked by orientation of the higher school to the German university supporting the freedom of scientific creativity, in combination with the elements of the French model, which envisaged unification and centralization. At the beginning of the XX century the modernization period was initiated, aimed at the implementation of the idea of a free higher school, a combination of universal human values and national values, academic autonomy, freedom of teaching and learning, self-realization of the personality of a student and a teacher. Nevertheless, in the Soviet period (1921-1990), a radical reorganization of the higher school took place on the basis of class values and Marxist-Leninist methodology, the elimination of academic autonomy, unification, and centralization. The modern postmodern development of higher education in Ukraine is based on a innovative paradigm in the conditions of globalization. Among the number of factors that influenced development of higher education in Ukraine, the author has distinguished: historical (deep traditions of functioning of the institutions of higher level, openness of the Ukrainian educational space to the extrapolation of positive foreign experience, indigenous peoples' desire for higher education, practice of "educational tourism"); socio-political (external and internal policy of the state; democratization and formation of civil society institutions; growth of national consciousness and civil culture of the population), economic (scientific-technological progress, modernization of the economy, industrialization, urbanization, growing need for qualified specialists), socio-cultural (deepening of social differentiation, activization of private initiative and public-pedagogical movement, practice of charity and philanthropy; desire of the Ukrainian intelligentsia to develop a national culture; strict censorship and prohibition of Ukrainian language, literature, schools in the Russian Empire); educational (genesis of values, educational ideal and goal of education, transformation of mission of the university, conceptual maturity of different models of higher education, ideas of reformatory pedagogy and free higher education); scientific (structuring of the science, establishment of new methodological approaches, expansion of the nomenclature of specialties, institutionalization of pedagogy as a separate branch of scientific knowledge, integration into the world research space).
En este trabajo se exploran las formas en las que los pensamientos feministas afro latinoamericanos y del Caribe han tenido un tránsito del pensamiento anticolonial al descolonial, en el que la defensa de la tierra tiene un papel primordial como un factor en el que se desarrollan conceptos como territorio propio, a diferencia del de diáspora y retorno de los feminismos negros de principios de siglo XX que se desarrollaron desde el panafricanismo. Asimismo, de pensamiento anticolonial con un fuerte componente anti imperialista, por un lado, y el desarrollo de una idea de Nación Africana a partir de la diáspora esclavista, por otro, se ha transitado a la idea de autonomía y defensa de la tierra a causa de los conflictos que han desplazado a las comunidades afro en la región. Esto implica un par de cambios importantes. El primero es que se ha asumido al territorio latinoamericano y caribeño como propio, sin la necesidad de añorar una gran matriz africana a la que se debe retornar; el segundo, es que la narrativa política de la historia dejó de apuntar a la diáspora como elemento de articulación política para pensar la historia de otras poblaciones subalternizadas como las indígenas en el territorio latinoamericano y caribeño. De la misma forma podemos apuntar que se transitó de la idea de nación a la de pueblo, lo que implica una lucha regional que, sin embargo, no deja de apelar a una articulación política a partir de la idea de raza y género como elementos descoloniales. ; In this paper we will explore the ways in which Afro-Latin American and Caribbean feminist thoughts have shifted from anticolonial to decolonial thinking, where the defense of land has a primordial role as a factor in which concepts such as their own territory, as opposed to the diaspora and return of the black feminisms of the early twentieth century that developed from Pan-Africanism. Likewise, from anticolonial thinking with a strong anti-imperialist component, on the one hand, and the development of an idea of the African Nation from the slave diaspora, on the other, this thought has moved to the idea of autonomy and defense of land because of the conflicts that have displaced Afro communities in the region. This involves a couple of important changes: The first is that it has assumed the Latin American and Caribbean territory as its own, without the need to long for a large African matrix to which it must return; the second is that the political narrative of history did not point to the diaspora as an element of political articulation to think the history of other subalternized populations such as indigenous peoples in the Latin American and Caribbean territory. In the same way, we can point out that it has moved from the idea of nation to that of the people, implying a regional struggle that nevertheless continues to appeal to a political articulation based on the idea of race and gender as decolonial elements.
