Suchergebnisse

La mission effectuée s'inscrit dans les activités du projet CAFNET et traite de la composante qui analyse les stratégies des organisations de producteurs de café face aux processus de certification prenant notamment en compte la dimension environnementale (Café biologique, Fair Trade, Rain Forest Alliance, Café Practice de Starbucks, UTz Certified, Nespresso). Au cours de la mission qui s'est déroulée du 16 au 28 février 2009, des caféiculteurs, trois organisations de producteurs, un producteur-intermédiairevendeur-entrepreneur, quatre organismes de certification ont été rencontrés. Des sessions de travail avec les porteurs de Cafnet au Guatemala (Anacafé, Défenseurs de la Nature) et la coordination régionale et internationale ont eu lieu. Une restitution des résultats de la mission auprès de personnes de Anacafé (les invités des autres institutions n'ont pu se déplacer) s'est déroulé le dernier jour. Il en n'est pas ressorti de suggestions opérationnelles immédiates pour une suite des travaux (rappelons que le projet vient réellement de démarrer il y a quelques mois). Le site d'intervention de Cafnet au Guatemala s'adosse à un massif montagneux s'élevant à 3 000 m déclaré Réserve Nationale en 1990 (RBSM). Ce choix situe d'emblée l'importance stratégique de la zone tampon que constituent les caféières sous ombrage vis-à-vis de l'étage supérieur. Mais aussi vis-àvis de la partie inférieure du bassin versant. En ce sens, Cafnet surgit comme une opportunité pour ses porteurs institutionnels que sont ANACAFE et la FDN. Le site d'intervention retenu est minuscule au regard de toute la Réserve (1 bassin versant sur 82) et au sein de celui-ci un seul secteur est concerné (les producteurs de café) et au sein de celui-ci, les caféiculteurs familiaux installés dans sa zone centrale. Le volume total de café, les surfaces plantées, le nombre de producteurs est infime (10 000 qq pergamino, 600 Mz, 150-200 producteurs). En conséquence, les organisations de producteurs [OP] sont peu nombreuses. La mission a élargi son exploration à la zone nord de la Réserve où fonctionne depuis quelques années une organisation de producteurs à plus large échelle géographique et s'appuyant sur une petite trentaine de communautés indiennes (1300 familles). Les différences entre le Nord et le Sud de la RBSM sont très nettes à tout point de vue; les effets de l'accès au marché (via FLO) y sont plus marqués. Pour ces organisations, la certification et de l'adaptation aux normes de qualité n'est pas le thème qui arrive en tête de leur agenda. Pour celles qui commercialisent du café de qualité "conventionnel", la question centrale est l'accès au marché, la garantie de traiter avec un interlocuteur commercial solide; leur rêve étant de traiter directement avec l'acheteur externe. Pour celles qui vendent du café biologique et commerce équitable, leur facteur limitant est la production insuffisante pour mieux satisfaire un marché qu'elles maitrisent pour l'instant. Contrats, négociation sont déterminants. Le choix des marchés (relation privilégiée avec acheteurs externes sur des marchés de niche versus avec exportateur national) conditionne le type de certification (biologique et FLO versus Starbucks). Les premières se montrent plus exigeantes que la seconde. Une des questions épineuses pour les OP qui détermine leur mode de relation avec leurs acheteurs, avec leurs membres et joue sur leur fonctionnement interne est le mode de paiement. Plus l'OP est en mesure de proposer à ses adhérents des paiements échelonnés sur l'année, plus elle pourra accroitre sa performance générale. Ceci renvoie à leur capacité économique. L'analyse du seul composant "normes" trouve rapidement ses limites puisque la réalité fait apparaître un ensemble composé de trois piliers imbriqués qui jouent en permanence: force de l'OP x accès au marché x qualité du produit (normes et processus). Enfin, sur un plan technique, le défi est de taille: dans un environnement délimité par une Réserve, dans

Since November, the Houthis in Yemen have launched scores of missile and drone attacks on vessels in the Gulf of Aden and the southern Red Sea in reaction to the U.S.-backed Israeli war on Gaza. Ansarallah, the dominant Houthi militia, also hijacked the Japanese-operated and partly Israeli-owned Galaxy Leader on November 19.On December 19, the Pentagon responded by establishing Operation Prosperity Guardian, a mostly Western security initiative aimed at deterring the Houthis from disrupting shipping near the Bab el-Mandeb, the narrow straight separating Yemen from the Horn of Africa. About 30 percent of all global containers and approximately 12 percent of world trade transit the Bab el-Mandeb.Yet Operation Prosperity Guardian failed to deter Ansarallah from continuing its missile and drone strikes. The group has said consistently that these attacks on vessels off Yemen's coast will end if and only when Israel ceases its attacks on Gaza. Rather than using U.S. leverage to persuade the Israeli government to agree to a ceasefire in Gaza, the Biden administration, along with the UK, has carried out over the past week a series of airstrikes against Houthi targets across Yemen while continuing to supply Israel with bombs and other weaponry to continue its Gaza campaign. The Pentagon was keen to emphasize that this month's U.S.-UK strikes against Ansarallah targets in Yemen took place outside Operation Prosperity Guardian's framework.These strikes, the first direct U.S. military intervention against the Houthis since October 2016, are escalating regional tensions in ways that are unsettling Washington's closest Arab allies and partners in the Persian Gulf.Apart from Bahrain, which joined Australia, Canada, and the Netherlands in playing nonoperational roles in these American-British strikes, the other members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have refused to participate. And most of them have expressed concern about Washington and London's escalation. Even before January 11, when the first wave of strikes took place, some Gulf Arab officials warned explicitly against such military action.During a joint press conference with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken on January 7, Qatari Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani made clear his concerns. "We never see a military action as a resolution," he asserted, adding that protecting shipping lanes through "diplomatic means" would be the "best way possible." Nine days later, while addressing the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Sheikh Mohammed warned that military strikes against the Houthis would fail to contain Ansarallah's operations. "We need to address the central issue, which is Gaza, in order to get everything else defused... If we are just focusing on the symptoms and not treating the real issues, [solutions] will be temporary," he said.Shortly after the U.S.-UK strikes, Kuwait also expressed "grave concern and keen interest in the developments in the Red Sea region following the attacks that targeted sites in Yemen."As for Oman, which has often served as a key mediator and geopolitical balancer in the region, its foreign ministry declared that Muscat "can only condemn the use of military action by friendly countries" and warned that the U.S.-UK strikes risk worsening the Middle East's perilous situation. "We denounce the resort to military action by [Western] allies while Israel persists in its brutal war without accountability," read a statement from the ministry.Saudi Arabia's high stakesBut the GCC member most concerned about the escalating tensions in the Gulf of Aden, southern Red Sea, and Yemen is likely Saudi Arabia. Late last year, Riyadh asked the Biden administration to show restraint when responding to Ansarallah's attacks on vessels off Yemen's coast. After the U.S. and UK strikes began, the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs called for "avoiding escalation" while noting that Riyadh was monitoring events with "great concern."In an interview with RS, Mehran Kamrava, a professor of government at Georgetown University in Qatar, explained that "[t]his statement indicates Saudi efforts to encourage de-escalation and at the same time to ensure its short- and medium-term diplomatic interests by signaling its concern to all the parties involved, including the U.S. and Britain.""The Saudis are concerned and for good reason," according to Aziz Alghashian, a fellow at Lancaster University in Britain. "The Saudi ruling elite want to avoid being caught in the middle of regional and international conflicts," he told RS.Among other things, the Saudis want their nearly two-year-old truce with the Houthis to be preserved. The kingdom is also determined to ensure that the Saudi-Iranian détente, that was mediated by Oman, Iraq, and China last March, remains on track. The view from Riyadh is that the U.S.-UK military intervention in Yemen threatens to undermine both interests."The Saudi concern is that attacks on shipping in the Red Sea, and U.S. and UK attacks on Yemen bring Iran and the Houthis closer together and that Iran [will] become more directly involved in Houthi [operations]," according to Kamrava. "By attacking Yemen, the U.S. and UK have already escalated the Gaza war beyond Palestine. Saudi Arabia would want to do whatever it can to contain a further escalation as it may spill over into its own borders and to result in a radicalization of domestic political sensibilities."The Saudi leadership recognizes that the kingdom would be in a much more vulnerable position if the ongoing regional crisis were unfolding during the 2016-20 period, when tensions between Riyadh and Tehran were sky high. Due to their recent détente, the kingdom perceives the Iranian threat to the kingdom as far more manageable. "The escalation of regional tension due to the war on Gaza and the subsequent escalation of tensions in the Red Sea are examples of why the Saudi-Iranian normalization deal struck last March is strategically [valuable to Riyadh]," said Alghashian.Ultimately, with Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman, better known as MbS, at the helm, the Saudi leadership wants to prioritize its Vision 2030 — the kingdom's ambitious economic diversification agenda. A successful Vision 2030 requires stability in Saudi Arabia and its neighborhood. It's within this context that the Saudi government renormalized diplomatic relations with Iran last year, embraced opportunities for rapprochement with Qatar and Turkey in 2021/22, and engaged the Houthis in talks about a permanent truce.With NEOM, a futuristic metropolis, and other Vision 2030 projects based along Saudi Arabia's Red Sea coast, officials in Riyadh are gravely concerned about how the Gaza war, the related Houthi attacks on shipping in the Red Sea, and U.S.-UK retaliation could destabilize this body of water and the surrounding territory. Further escalation by any of the parties is a scenario that the Saudi government wants to avoid at all costs.To ensure that Ansarallah does not resume its attacks against Saudi Arabia, Riyadh has tried to distance itself from this month's U.S.-UK military strikes in Yemen. However, given Manama's participation, however nominal, in Washington and London's attacks on Houthi targets, as well as its normalized relationship with Israel, the possibility that the Houthis may retaliate by targeting the U.S. Navy's Fifth Fleet, which is based in Bahrain, can't be dismissed. Given the extent to which protecting Bahrain's national security has been a high priority for Saudi Arabia and the other GCC states, such a scenario risks serious damage to Riyadh's interests.As Kamrava observed, targeting U.S. interests on the Arabian Peninsula by the Houthis, or "some of the loose grouplets within them," could constitute an "extremely dangerous development and a conflagration that would be difficult to contain."

This book is derived from the abridged version of papers presented in 3rd Silkroad Congress / 14th ADAM International Social Sciences Conference organized jointly by Ankara Center for Thought and Research (ADAM), Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University (IZU), National University of Uzbekistan (NUUz) and Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA). ; Turkey has increasingly paying much attention to its relationship with the all over the world, especially in Middle East, Africa and Asia. Turkey was the first country to recognize Uzbekistan's independence on 16 December 1991. Since that date, relations between Uzbekistan and Turkey have been developing dynamically in the commercial-economic and financial spheres. Many co-operation agreements have been signed between the two states. The positive aspect of Turkey's renewed interest to foster relations with all over the world recently is, partly demonstrated by the strong interest and action taken by the countries that wanted to improve relations Turkey as a strategic partner. There are not only commercial and economic relations between Uzbekistan and Turkey, but also cultural relations. In recent years, great importance has been attached to the development of tourism sector and bilateral cultural relations. Uzbekistan's historical tourism potential and rich cultural heritage attract the attention of Turkish citizens. For this reason, the development of cooperation in the tourism sector plays an important role in the approach of the peoples of the two countries. It is necessary to show all efforts to develop mutually beneficial relations in economic, cultural and humanitarian fields. For the bilateral relations to be developed more actively, both countries have the necessary resources and great potential. As known, the Turkish – Uzbek relations is very old and multi-dimensional which includes economic and trade, social and cultural, diplomatic, development and humanitarian etc. In this part, a brief review of the diplomatic and economic relations is given. This part is expected to give a highlight with respect to the historical and relations and, hence, would help the urgency to revive relations in the future and the importance of the conference towards that goal. The cultural and artistic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan are very old. The common characteristics of the two countries are their history, culture and art that based on the same ancestry. Within the framework of the agreements between the two countries, not only commercial and economic relations but also cultural and artistic relations are developing are developing between Turkey and Uzbekistan. The purpose of this book and organized congress has an aim to contribute to the developing relations. --From editors ; OPPORTUNITIES OF IMPLEMENTING THE WORLD INNOVATION POLICY EXPERIENCE IN PROVIDING SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC GROWTH IN UZBEKISTAN -- TURKEY AND TURKIC REPUBLICS: AN ANALYSIS FROM ECONOMIC GROWTH PERSPECTIVE -- THE MAIN FORMS OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBALIZATION -- ÖZBEK ÖĞRENCILER ÖZELINDE TÜRKIYE'DEKI ULUSLARARASI ÖĞRENCILER YA DA ÇOK YÖNLÜ ELÇILER -- DEVELOPMENT EVENTFUL TOURISM ON THE SILK ROAD -- NORMATIVE-LEGAL BASES OF ECOLOGICAL-ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN UZBEKISTAN -- SLAM BİLİM TARİHİ: EMPİRİK BİR ÇALIŞMA -- THE DYNAMIC DEVELOPMENT BETWEEN TURKEY AND UZBEKISTAN: COOPERATION BASED ON TRUST AND FRIENDSHIP -- INTELLECTUAL POTENTIAL OF CREATIVE SOCIETY -- DEVELOPING SOCIOECONOMICAL AND CULTURAL RELATIONS BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND TURKEY -- THE USING OF TURKEY'S SCHEMES PRIORITY FOR DEVELOPMENT OF INDUSTRY OF UZBEKISTAN -- TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TOURISM INDUSTRY IN THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN -- MUTUALLY BENEFICIAL UZBEKISTAN – TURKEY RELATIONSHIP AND COOPERATION IN THE SPHERE OF TOURISM -- ÜLKELER ARASI İŞBİRLİKLERİNİN GELİŞTİRİLMESİNDE İSLÂMÎ FINANSIN ÖNEMİ -- DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL TOURISM IN UZBEKISTAN -- INNOVATIVE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMY IN UZBEKISTAN -- UZBEKISTAN: REFORMS IN EDUCATION AS A FACTOR OF MODERNIZATION OF THE COUNTRY -- ECONOMIC MODERNIZATION - THE WAY TO INNOVATIVE DEVELOPMENT -- INVESTMENTS IN THE AGRICULTURAL SECTOR AND WAYS OF IMPROVING THEIR EFFICIENCY -- FAMILY BUSINESS AND ITS DEVELOPMENT -- TURKISH EXPERIENCE IN INCREASING COMPETITIVENESS IN EXPORT AND THE EFFECTIVE WAYS OF USING THEM -- WAYS TO ENSURE INNOVATIVE DEVELOPMENT IN UZBEKISTAN -- MODERN BANKING SYSTEM: A GUARANTEE OF DEVELOPMENT OF COUNTRY'S EXPORT POTENTIAL -- FOOD SECURITY IN UZBEKISTAN -- THE USE OF MODERN METHODS TO INCREASE THE COST-EFFECTIVENESS OF THE PLANT PROTECTION SYSTEM IN AGRICULTURE -- IMPROVING THE METHODOLOGY OF FINANCIAL RESULTS IN TOURISM COMPANIES -- TARGETED PROGRAMS OF BALANCED DEVELOPMENT OF TERRITORIES AS A FACTOR OF INNOVATIVE DEVELOPMENT -- MODELS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT AND THE DECENTRALIZATION EXPERIENCE: AN INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH -- INCREASING COMPETITIVENESS BASED ON INNOVATIVE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (IN CHINESE CASE) -- VALUE OF CREATIVE TOURISM IN DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRIORITY DIRECTIONS OF THE TOURISTIC INDUSTRY IN UZBEKISTAN -- URBANIZATION AND ITS CURRENT STATE -- TECHNOLOGICAL MODERNIZATION AS A FACTOR OF DEVELOPMENT -- THE ECONOMY OF UZBEKISTAN -- LABOR THEORY OF ECONOMIC GROWTH IN MODERN ECONOMY -- INDICATORS OF POLITICAL SYSTEM STABILITY ASSESSMENT -- THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACT OF HANDICRAFT ENTREPRENEURSHIP DEVELOPMENT IN UZBEKISTAN -- GOVERNMENT CHARGES FOR PUBLIC DEBT MANAGEMENT -- INFRASTRUCTURE AS A DRIVER OF DEVELOPMENT -- INVESTMENT IN REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES -- THE ROLE AND VALUE OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGIES IN DEVELOPMENT OF TOURIST INDUSTRY IN UZBEKISTAN -- PRIORITY DIRECTIONS OF SUPPORTING EMPLOYMENT POPULATION IN LABOR -- INCREASE OF COMPETITIVENESS AND EXPORT-ORIENTED REGION: EXPERIENCE OF TURKEY -- INCREASING COMPETITIVENESS OF COUNTRY BY SUPPORTING EFFECTIVE EMPLOYMENT -- SOME FEATURES OF THE FORMATION OF VALUE-ORIENTATED EDUCATION IN UNIVERSITIES -- THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TEACHERS' TEACHER LEADERSHIP ROLES AND ORGANIZATIONAL COMMITMENT LEVELS -- STUDYING THE EXPERIENCE OF IMPROVING THE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM OF THE STATE BUDGET REVENUES OF TURKEY -- INNOVATIONS – AS AN IMPORTANT ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT FACTOR -- PRINCIPLES OF THE TERRITORIAL STRATEGY DEVELOPMENT OF UZBEKISTAN -- CIVIL - LAW PROBLEMS OF PRELIMINARY CONTRACT ACCORDING TO THE LEGISLATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN -- INCREASING THE COUNTRY'S COMPETITIVENESS: CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS -- THE ROLE OF PUBLIC SECTOR IN INNOVATION DEVELOPMENT -- THE IMPORTANCE OF USING BLOCKCHAIN TECHNOLOGIES IN DIGITAL ECONOMY -- THE ESSENCE OF INVESTMENT POTENTIAL AND INVESTMENT FIELDS REGULARITIES IN ECONOMY -- ON THE QUESTION OF THE REVIVAL OF THE GREAT SILK ROAD, AND THE TOPONYM "GREAT SILK ROAD" ON THE TERRITORY OF TASHKENT -- SOME COMMENTS ON THE "COTTON CASE" REPRESSION CONDUCTED IN UZBEKISTAN -- PROBLEMS OF STUDYING INTELLIGENCE IN THE WORLD PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE -- FROM THE HISTORY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN THE CENTRAL ASIAN KHANATES AND THE OTTOMAN TURKS (XIX. CENTURY) -- COOPERATION AGREEMENT ON CULTURAL COOPERATION BETWEEN THE REPUBLIK OF UZBEKISTAN AND THE REPUBLIK OF TURKEY -- ORTA ASYA HANLIKLERI VE OSMANLI DEVLETI ARASINDEKI ILISKILERDE TICARET YOLLARININ ÖNEMİ -- OSMANLI'DA VAKIF KERVANSARAYLAR -- THE HISTORY OF THE ASIAN COUNTRIES IN THE TURKESTAN COLLECTION -- PAN-TURKIC IDEA OF JADID MOVEMENT AND ITS REFLECTION IN ARCHIVAL DOCUMENTS -- CLASSIFICATION OF WORLD MANUSCRIPTS SOURCE STUDY OF MAVARDI PRODUCT "AHKОM" GENERAL CHARACTERISTIC OF THESIS -- S'HOQXON TO'RA JUNAYDULLO XO'JA O'G'LI IBRAT –FOUNDER OF PRINTING HOUSE OF NAMANGAN -- HOCA MUHAMMED PARSA'NIN "FESLÜ'L-HİTAB" ESERİNDE HANEFİLİK VE MATURİDİLİK -- THE LOGIC OF ABU NASR AL-FARABI IN THE REFLECTION OF THE HISTORY OF ISLAM -- MAHBÛBU'L KULÛB'UN HİTABET/RETORİK DEĞERİ ÜZERİNE -- RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE AS A FACTOR IN SUSTAINABILITY OF SOCIETY -- MAVERAÜNNEHİR ÂLİMLERİNDEN EBU ZEYD ED-DEBÛSÎ VE İBNÜ'L-MÜNZİR EN-NİSABÛRÎ'NİN HİLAF İLMİNE KATKILARI -- GELENEKTEN GELECEĞE MÜSLÜMAN ZİHİN DÜNYASININ YENİDEN İNŞASI VE EĞİTİM -- UZBEKISTAN IS THE LAND OF INTER-RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE -- TÜRKIYE ÖZBEKISTAN ARASINDAKI SOSYO-KÜLTÜREL İLİŞKİLERİN GELİŞTİRİLMESİNDE SEMERKAND HAVZASININ ÖNEMİ -- THE ROLE OF HOLY BUKHARA ON THE GREAT SILK ROAD -- ÖZBEKİSTAN'IN DİNİ VE KÜLTÜREL HAYATINDA NAKŞBENDÎLİK VE HÜSEYNİYYE KOLU -- THE INTENTION – A CHOICE OR THE DOCTRINE OF ELECTION IN MAVARDI PRODUCT « ALAHKOM-AS-SULTONIYA VA-L-VALOYOT AD-DINIYA » ; 1

Σε αυτή την σειρά άρθρων προσπαθούμε να προσδιορίσουμε τους προσδιοριστικούς παράγοντες των εισερχόμενων άμεσων ξένων επενδύσεων (ΑΞΕ) δίνοντας ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στο ανθρώπινο κεφάλαιο και την εκπαίδευση κατά φύλο. Η παρούσα διδακτορική διατριβή αποτελείται από τρεις ανεξάρτητες εργασίες, εκ των οποίων η πρώτη είναι αφιερωμένη αποκλειστικά στην μελέτη του ανθρωπίνου κεφαλαίου, η δεύτερη στην επίδραση της εκπαίδευσης με βάση το φύλο λαμβάνοντας υπόψιν διαφορετικά είδη και επίπεδα εκπαίδευσης, και η τρίτη στον τρόπο με τον οποίο η εκπαίδευση των γυναικών και η κουλτούρα διαμορφώνει τις εισερχόμενες ΑΞΕ λαμβάνοντας υπόψιν το οικονομικό, εκπαιδευτικό και θεσμικό περιβάλλον. Η πρώτη εργασία, που παρουσιάζεται στο Κεφάλαιο 2, αξιολογεί το ρόλο του ανθρωπίνου κεφαλαίου στην προσέλκυση ΑΞΕ στις χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης (ΕΕ). Ειδικότερα, παρέχει μια αναλυτική διερεύνηση του ρόλου του ανθρωπίνου κεφαλαίου, των δεξιοτήτων και των ικανοτήτων στην εγκατάσταση των ΑΞΕ συγκρίνοντας τις Δυτικές (ΕΕ-15) και τις Κεντρικές και Ανατολικές (ΕΕ-11) χώρες της ΕΕ. Σε αντίθεση με τις προϋπάρχουσες μελέτες εξετάζουμε μία εκτεταμένη λίστα παραδοσιακών και καινούριων προηγμένων μέτρων που συλλαμβάνουν το ανθρώπινο κεφάλαιο, ακόμη και διαφορετικών σχολικών συστημάτων. Αξιολογούμε, για πρώτη φορά, στην ιστορία των ΑΞΕ, την τεχνολογική έναντι της γενικής εκπαίδευσης, ακολουθώντας τα Τεχνολογικά και Εκπαιδευτικά Προγράμματα της ΕΕ καθώς και την ποιότητα του ανθρωπίνου κεφαλαίου όπως μετράται με διεθνείς βαθμολογίες. Τα αποτελέσματα υποδεικνύουν μια κύρια διαφορά σχετικά με τα θεωρητικά και τεχνολογικά προγράμματα εκπαίδευσης για τις δύο υπο-περιφέρειες – επιπλέον, λαμβάνουμε μία κύρια διαφορά για συγκεκριμένα προσόντα στις διεθνείς βαθμολογίες. Υπάρχουν αποδεικτικά στοιχεία για πιθανή εσωτερική και εξωτερική αναποτελεσματικότητα στην εκπαίδευση στις ΕΕ-11 σε σχέση με τις ΕΕ-15, που αποτελεί αναγκαίο στοιχείο για επαναξιολόγηση και αναδιάρθρωση του εκπαιδευτικού τους συστήματος σε μια κατεύθυνση αποτελεσματικότερης χρήσης κεφαλαίων – αυτό μπορεί να κερδίσει την εμπιστοσύνη των επενδυτών και να ανταποκριθεί στις απαιτήσεις της αγοράς εργασίας, και επομένως να τονώσει υψηλότερης αξίας ΑΞΕ. Τα αποτελέσματα επίσης υποδεικνύουν χρήσιμα συμπεράσματα για τα στελέχη που θα πρέπει να παρακολουθούν στενά τις μεταρρυθμίσεις της εκπαίδευσης. Η δεύτερη εργασία (Κεφάλαιο 3) αποτελεί μία συστηματική ανάλυση της σχέσης των ανισοτήτων στην εκπαίδευση κατά φύλο και των εισερχόμενων ΑΞΕ στις ΕΕ-15 και ΕΕ-13 προκειμένου να εντοπίσει πιθανές διαφορές μεταξύ τους. Εξετάζουμε διάφορα μέτρα ανθρωπίνου κεφαλαίου με βάση το φύλο, ώστε να συλλάβουμε την περίπλοκη φύση του ανθρωπίνου κεφαλαίου και της εκπαίδευσης αναφορικά με το επίπεδο και το είδος της εκπαίδευσης και να δούμε τι είναι πιο σημαντικό στα μάτια των ξένων επενδυτών. Χρησιμοποιώντας εκτιμήσεις διαστρωματικών δεδομένων, συμπεραίνουμε ότι η μείωση των εκπαιδευτικών ανισοτήτων με βάση το φύλο και στις δύο υπο-περιφέρειες διευκολύνει την απορρόφηση των εισερχόμενων ΑΞΕ. Οι υπεύθυνοι χάραξης πολιτικής θα πρέπει να ενισχύσουν την ισότητα με βάση το φύλο στην τεχνολογική εκπαίδευση στα παλαιότερα μέλη της ΕΕ ενώ προσοχή θα πρέπει να δοθεί στην ισότητα στην γενική εκπαίδευση στις Κεντρικές και Ανατολικές χώρες της ΕΕ. Η τρίτη εργασία (Κεφάλαιο 4) εξετάζει τον τρόπο με τον οποίο η κουλτούρα, η θρησκεία και η εκπαίδευση διαμορφώνουν τις ΑΞΕ στις χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για την περίοδο 2000-2012. Αναφορικά με την εκπαίδευση, επικεντρωνόμαστε στην τριτοβάθμια εκπαίδευση και στους τομείς Φυσικής, Τεχνολογίας, Μηχανικής και Μαθηματικών (γνωστών ως STEM – Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) – οι τομείς STEM είναι ουσιαστικής σημασίας για τη σύγχρονη αγορά εργασίας. Ωστόσο, το ποσοστό αποφοίτησης στην ΕΕ είναι πολύ χαμηλό. Τα αποτελέσματα αποκαλύπτουν ότι όχι μόνο οι απόφοιτοι της τριτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης αλλά και οι απόφοιτοι της τριτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης σε τομείς STEM είναι σημαντικοί παράγοντες για την προσέλκυση ΑΞΕ. Επιπλέον, η παρουσία γυναικών με εκπαίδευση STEM αποτελεί ένα ιδιαίτερα ελκυστικό χαρακτηριστικό για τις ΑΞΕ. Τέλος, το θεσμικό πλαίσιο, η κουλτούρα και το οικονομικό περιβάλλον αποτελούν σημαντικούς καθοριστικούς παράγοντες για την προσέλκυση ΑΞΕ. Το Κεφάλαιο 5 απεικονίζει τα συμπεράσματα και τονίζει ορισμένες πολιτικές κατευθύνσεις σχετικά με το πώς το ανθρώπινο κεφάλαιο, η εκπαίδευση κατά φύλο και ιδιαίτερα η εκπαίδευση των γυναικών τονώνουν τις ΑΞΕ και πού θα πρέπει να επικεντρώνονται περισσότερο οι υπεύθυνοι χάραξης πολιτικής. ; This series of papers tries to reflect the determinants of inward FDI by placing particular emphasis on human capital, gender disparities in terms of education and even more so on the role of females' education in science fields. The present dissertation consists of three independent essays, of which the first one is devoted completely to the study of human capital, skills and competencies, the second to gender disparities effects in terms of different types and levels of education, and the third to how females' education and culture shape the FDI inflows taking also into account the economic, human capital and institutional environment. The first essay, which is presented in Chapter 2, evaluates the role of human capital in attracting inward foreign direct investment (FDI) in EU countries. Specifically, it provides a comprehensive investigation on the role of human capital, skills and competencies in the location of inward FDI by comparing Western (EU15) and Central and Eastern (CEE) European Union (EU) members. We go beyond existing studies by examining an extensive list of traditional and newly advanced measures capturing human capital, even differing schooling systems as well as skills and competencies. We assess, for the first time in the FDI literature, vocational vs. general education, following the Vocational and Educational Programs of the EU as well as quality human capital aspects as captured by international scores. Results indicate a major difference regarding theoretical and vocational education programs for both sub-regions; in addition, a major difference is obtained for particular qualifications in international scores. There is evidence for potential internal and external inefficiency in education in CEE countries in contrast to the EU15, which calls for re-evaluation and restructuring in their education system towards more efficient use of funds; this would earn investors' trust and meet labor markets' demands, thus stimulate more and higher value added foreign investments. Results also point to useful implications for managers who should watch closely education reforms. The second essay, presented in Chapter 3, is a systematic analysis of the relationship between gender educational disparities and inward FDI in Western and CEE EU countries to detect potential differentiations between them. We examine various gender related human capital measures so as to capture the complicated nature of human capital and education concerning level and type with respect to gender to see which is more important in the eyes of foreign investors. Using panel data estimations, we conclude that the reduction of gender educational gaps in both sub-regions facilitates the absorption of inward FDI. Policymakers should enhance gender equality in vocational education in Western EU members while attention should be given in gender equality in theoretically oriented programmes in the CEE EU ones. The third essay (Chapter 4) examines how national culture, religion, and females' education, parts of institutions, shape the FDI inflows in a panel of European Union countries for the period 2000-2012. In terms of education, we focus on tertiary level and Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) fields; the latter is vital in the modern labor market. However, the females' graduate rate in EU is very low. The results reveal that not only tertiary education graduates but even more so tertiary graduates with STEM skills are important in attracting FDI. Moreover, the presence of high female STEM labor force is particularly an attracting feature for FDI. Finally, institutions, culture and the economic environment are important determinants in attracting FDI. Finally, Chapter 5, presents the concluding remarks of all essays and highlights some policy implications of how human capital, gender education and particularly females' education stimulate FDI and where should policymakers pay most attention.

Now before Ukraine on the way to the formation of a stable civil society, along with the problem of national consolidation, is also a problem of adjustment of the normal interethnic relations, protection rights of ethnic and national minorities. In the conditions of the political system's development in Ukrainian society ethnic and national minorities began to engage in the sphere of political activity, seeking to take a rightful place in the process of public and cultural construction.In the multinational composition of Ukraine from time to time the problems of settlement the relations with separate ethnic or national groups, including Russian, Tatar, Romanian and others, are updated and exacerbated. The Polish minority is one of the most numerous national minorities living on the territory of our state. It is marked out by movement strengthening to the self-organization and national identification, and also formation as a subject of policy. There is so important, from our point of view, to research, on the one hand, a role and place of Ukraine in the realization of rights and satisfaction of needs of Poles in Ukraine, and with another – the participations of this minority in social and political processes of the state.Considering the relevance and insufficient studying of this problem, the author set to himself the purpose: 1) to analyze the main features and trends of development of the Polish minority in Ukraine; 2) to identify the key aspects of the participation of the Polish community in the Ukrainian social and political processes.The object of study is the Polish minority in Ukraine as an important part of the civil society and its political system, and the subject is the process of formation, functioning and development of the Polish minority as a subject of modern social and political life of Ukraine.There are 144 130 Poles in Ukraine today, according to the last population census in 2001. It makes 0,3 % from the total number of the population of the state. The Polish take the eighth place in terms of population among the ethnic minorities in Ukraine (after Russians, Belarusians, Moldovans, Crimean Tatars, Bulgarians, Hungarians and Romanians).The resettlement of Poles in Ukraine historically was connected primarily with the Right Bank and Eastern Galicia. The most numerous Polish ethnographic communities formed here. The most part of Polish lived in 2001 in Zhytomyr (49 046 persons; 3,5 % of the population), Khmelnytsky (23 005 persons; 1,6 % of the population) and Lvov (18 948 persons; 0,7 % of the population) regions.In general, the present social, political and religious situation in the environment of the Polish minority is stable and loyal to the Ukrainian government. Social and political moods of Ukrainian Poles naturally determine by both positive and negative sentiments.In January 1992, in Lvov at the Congress of Ukrainian Poles the Federation of the Polish Organizations in Ukraine (FPOU) was founded. It is led now by E. Khmelyova. This organization and the Union of Poles in Ukraine are today the most influential organizational structures of the Polish minority in Ukraine.In November 1994, in Kyiv the societies «Consent», «Solidarity», Cultural and Educational Association of Adam Mickiewicz, Kyiv branch of «The Union of Poles» decided to create «The Coordinating Council of Polish Organizations in Kyiv». Before all Polish non-governmental organizations in this country is to not only revive the local Polish national identity, but also comprehensively facilitate to the productive cultural relations between the two countries.In January 2000, the Polish Institute in Kyiv was established with the support of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was led by P. Kozakiewicz. Its tasks include: development and promotion of the image of Poland as a modern and democratic state, supporting the exchange of views, the elimination of negative stereotypes in the Ukrainian-Polish relations.The Polish NGOs practiced such forms of activity: teaching the Polish language; establishment and functioning of libraries and publishing activities; research activities; organizing places and cultural sites associated with the history of Poland; organization of cultural and educational activities; assistance in the process of developing national performances etc.There are five schools with education in Polish in Ukraine. These schools, which have about two thousand pupils, function with the support of Polish NGOs. There are four Polish schools in the Lvov region. Two of these schools are located in Lvov, and another two are in the area of Mostynsk. Another school with education in Polish functions in Ivano-Frankivsk. The curriculum at schools with education in Polish introduced the subjects of «History of Poland» and «Geography of Poland».As a subject Polish is studied in Ukraine by more than 4 thousand students, and more than 3 thousand students study Polish facultatively or in circles. Polish is also studied in numerous Ukrainian universities. At the end of 2012 the Polish organizations in Ukraine initiated to provide Polish the status of regional language in the area of Mostynsk. There are about four villages, which population is made by Poles.The western regions, where the most part of the Poles is living, are characterized by vigorous activity of the Polish community in the media sector. Thus, «The Polish word» (25 min.) in the broadcasting of TV «Zhytomyr» is weekly published. And «TRK Union TV» broadcasts daily for the Polish community on the proposal TV «Polonia».Lvov is the capital of the Polish Radio in Ukraine: «Radio Lwow» tells at a frequency of the radio station «The Independence» in different days. There is a program «Program katolicki». The Lvov city NGO «Polskie Towarzystwo Radiowe» works here. An important role in cross-cultural communication is played by Polish Radio for the abroad. There are news, press reviews, comments and reports of correspondents all over the world, interviews and debates, literary and music plots in the broadcasting.Periodicals of the Polish national minority are represented by the following groups of editions:- informational: «Głos Podola» (Kamenetz-Podolsk), «The Monitor of Volyn» (Lutsk), «Kurier Stanisławowski» and «Kurier Galicyjski» (Ivano-Frankivsk), «The Polish Newspaper» (Zhytomyr), «Dzyennik Kiyovski» (Kyiv);- public: «Lwowskie Spotkania» (Lvov), «Harcerz Kresow» (Lvov), «Wspolne Dzedzictwo» (Ternopol), «KOTWICA» (Mykolaiv);- cultural and educational: «The Mosaic of Berdichev» (Berdichev), «The Voice of Teacher» (Drogobych), «Krynica» (Kyiv);- religious: «The Shouts from Volyn» (Ostrog), «The Joy of Belief» (Lvov).Recently the joint Ukrainian-Polish projects in the media sphere, for example, the international interdisciplinary magazine «Ucrainica Polonica» and «The Ukrainian Polonistic» gain the increasing popularity.The status of the Polish national minority in Ukraine is qualitatively different from the status of other minorities, such as Roma or Crimean Tatars. After all, the Poles have their historical homeland, the neighboring of Ukrainian state – the Republic of Poland, from which a financial and institutional support comes. Therefore the self-determination process in Polish minority is quite successful and quick.The negative phenomenon for the image of Ukraine is the fact that it works and develops mainly by financing from the government of Poland. At the current time, for example, all meetings of the Polish community in Lvov Church and departures of children on rehabilitation and training to the Republic of Poland are financed also by Poland.Thus, according to the Association of Polish culture in Lvov, the local administration level of care to ensure the interests of the Polish community in Lvov region, compared with a sponsorship of the Republic of Poland, is zero. Over the last few years the Association of Polish culture received for its needs from Lvov regional state administration only about 2 thousand UAN. It forces the Ukrainian Poles to address on the constant help to the bureaucracy of Poland. In this aspect the chairman of the society E. Legovich opposed a situation with ensuring of requirements of the Ukrainian diaspora in the territory of the Republic of Poland. There are considerable budgetary funds for the satisfaction of its interests, which in accordance with the established procedure are transmitted through the Sejm to the communities of national minorities. So, 2 million zloty (about 5 million UAN) are annually allocated for the needs of the Ukrainian diaspora in Poland. Thus, E. Lehovych notes that the Polish community would be sufficient amount of 100 thousand UAN.However, speaking about the presence of members of the Polish community in the Ukrainian elected authorities and government agencies, we have to note a negative trend associated with the low levels of its representation. Thus, Ukraine has not any political party of the Polish national minority (for example, Hungarian and Russian communities have its own political parties, such as «The Democratic Party of Hungarians of Ukraine», «KMKS» Party of Hungarians of Ukraine, «The Russian block» and others. And these parties of the national minorities stood on elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine). The Polish community is not represented in the Ukrainian parliament. There are two Poles among the 66 members of the regional council of Mostynsk (Lvov region). Poles make 20 % of the number of the residents of Mostynsk and 8 % of Poles are living in the area).Thus, we can conclude, that the Polish minority is one of the largest minorities in Ukraine, and it is on its way of the identification and a political subjektivation. Poles in Ukraine experienced the process of assimilation due to an extended stay in limited contacts with their historical homeland, as indicated the data from recent Ukrainian population census. However, a positive is the fact that today the Polish community in Ukraine will intensify its activities, key points of which are:1) preservation of cultural originality and development of cultural creativity;2) functioning of national and cultural, public organizations;3) contacts with the historical homeland and participation in interstate processes.The negative sides of the position of Polish national minority in Ukraine are:1) absence of political communities (political parties) for the representation the minority at official level;2) low level of participation in formation of power structures and representation at all levels of the power (from local to governmental and parliamentary).Also, despite the existence of numerous guarantees of the rights and protection of the freedoms of national minorities in Ukraine, approved at legislative level, the real practice shows an insufficient attention from the Ukrainian government to these questions. The existence and development of the Polish national minority in Ukraine is provided by the contacts with the historical homeland. It practically finances the diaspora. Therefore Ukraine have to accept a number of scientifically reasonable measures in order to the reforming, carried out in education, sciences, public administration and local government, don't entail to the restriction of the right of the minorities, including Polish, to get an education in a state language, to develop and protect own cultural and a creative heritage, to participate in formation of authorities and to have own representation in electoral bodies. ; Статья посвящена выявлению основных черт и тенденций развития польского национального меньшинства в Украине, а также определению ключевых аспектов участия поляков в украинских общественно-политических процессах. Сделана попытка показать уровень гражданской зрелости, политической культуры польской общины в Украине на современном этапе. Особое внимание уделено роли национальной политики украинского государства в процессе политической субъективации польского национального меньшинства. ; Статтю присвячено виявленню основних рис і тенденцій розвитку польської національної меншини в Україні, а також визначенню ключових аспектів участі поляків в українських суспільно-політичних процесах. Зроблено спробу показати рівень громадянської зрілості, політичної культури польської громади в Україні на сучасному етапі. Окрему увагу приділено ролі національної політики Української держави в процесі політичної суб'єктивації польської національної меншини.

Welcome to the first issue of volume 43 of the IASSIST Quarterly (IQ 43:1, 2019).
The IASSIST Quarterly presents in this issue three papers illustrated in the title above. Chronologically we start from an early beginning. No, not with Turing, we time travel further back and experience ancient Greece. In this submission the Greek drama delivers the form, while data librarians deliver the content on data sharing. And it makes you a proud IASSISTer to know that altruism is the rationale behind data sharing. The drama continues in the second submission when librarians get frustrated because they suddenly find themselves first as data librarians and second as frustrated data librarians because ends do not meet when the librarians have difficulties servicing the data needs of their users, in combination with the users having unrealistic expectations. Finally, the third article is about standardization and certification that makes the librarians more secure that they are on the right track when building a TDR (Trustworthy Digital Repository). Enjoy the reading.
The first article is different from most articles. There is a first for everything! Not often are we at IQ offered a Greek drama. And here is one on data sharing. The article needed the layout of a play so even the typeface of this contribution is different. The paper / play is called 'An epic journey in sharing: The story of a young researcher's journey to share her data and the information professionals who tried to help'. The authors are Sebastian Karcher and Sophia Lafferty-Hess at Duke University Libraries. The reason for using Greek drama as a template is that form can help us think differently - 'out of the box'! The play demonstrates the positive intention of data sharing, and by sharing contributing to something larger. The article references other researchers showing that scholarly altruism is a driving force for data sharers. No matter the good intentions of the protagonist, she finds herself locked in a situation where she is not able to take identifiable data with her when leaving the institution. And leaving the university is what undergraduates do. Without the identification, it is impossible to obtain re-consent from participants. Yes, it does look murky but there is even a happy ending in the epilogue.
The second article is about librarianship, and how that task is not always easy. 'Frustrations and roadblocks in data reference librarianship' is by Alicia Kubas and Jenny McBurney who work at the University of Minnesota Libraries. Like many others, they have observed that many librarians find themselves as 'accidental data librarians'. That this brings frustration can be seen in the results of a survey they carried out. The methodology is explained, and descriptive statistics bring insight to what librarians do as well as to the frustrations and roadblocks they experience. Let us start with the good news: some librarians are never frustrated with data questions. The bad news is that only 3% fall into that category. On the other hand, 83% mention 'managing patron expectations' among their biggest frustrations. It sounds as if matching of expectations should be a course at library school. Maybe it is already, and users with high expectations simply do not understand the complexity of the work involved. Fortunately, some frustrations can be lessened by experience, but there are others – called roadblocks, e.g. paywalls or lack of geographic coverage ­– that all librarians meet. Among the comments after the survey was that data persist as a difficult source type for librarians to support. The questionnaire developed and used by Kubas and McBurney is found in an appendix.
The last article in this issue raises sustainability as an important issue for long term data preservation, and the concept forms part of the title of the submission 'CoreTrustSeal: From academic collaboration to sustainable services'. The paper is from an international group of authors comprising Hervé L'Hours, Mari Kleemola, and Lisa de Leeuw from UK, Finland and the Netherlands. The seal is a certification for repositories curating data. The last sentence in the abstract sums up the content of the paper: 'As well as providing a historical narrative and current and future perspectives, the CoreTrustSeal experience offers lessons for those involved in developing standards and best practices or seeking to develop cooperative and community-driven efforts bridging data curation activities across academic disciplines, governmental and private sectors'. In order to attain CoreTrustSeal TDR certification and become a Trustworthy Digital Repository (TDR), the repository has to fulfil 16 requirements and the CoreTrustSeal foundation maintains these requirements and the audit procedures. The certification draws on preservation standards and models as found in Open Archival Information Systems and in the catalogues of ISO and DIN standards. The authors emphasize that the CoreTrustSeal is founded on and developed in a spirit of openness and community. The paper's sharing of the experience follows that spirit.
Submissions of papers for the IASSIST Quarterly are always very welcome. We welcome input from IASSIST conferences or other conferences and workshops, from local presentations or papers especially written for the IQ. When you are preparing such a presentation, give a thought to turning your one-time presentation into a lasting contribution. Doing that after the event also gives you the opportunity of improving your work after feedback. We encourage you to login or create an author login to https://www.iassistquarterly.com (our Open Journal System application). We permit authors 'deep links' into the IQ as well as deposition of the paper in your local repository. Chairing a conference session with the purpose of aggregating and integrating papers for a special issue IQ is also much appreciated as the information reaches many more people than the limited number of session participants and will be readily available on the IASSIST Quarterly website at https://www.iassistquarterly.com. Authors are very welcome to take a look at the instructions and layout:
https://www.iassistquarterly.com/index.php/iassist/about/submissions
Authors can also contact me directly via e-mail: kbr@sam.sdu.dk. Should you be interested in compiling a special issue for the IQ as guest editor(s) I will also be delighted to hear from you.
Karsten Boye Rasmussen - May 2019

Social insurance and other arrangements for funding health-care benefits often establish long-term relationships, effectively providing insurance against lasting changes in an individual's health status, engaging in burden-smoothing over the life cycle, and entailing additional elements of redistribution. International portability regarding this type of cover is, therefore, difficult to establish, but at the same time rather important both for the individuals affected and for the health funds involved in any instance of an international change in work place or residence. In this paper, full portability of health-cost cover is taken to mean that mobile individuals can, at a minimum, find comparable continuation of coverage under a different system and that this does not impose external costs or benefits on other members of the systems in the source and destination countries. Both of these aspects needs to be addressed in a meaningful portability framework for health systems, as lacking or incomplete portability may not only lead to significant losses in coverage for an individual who considers becoming mobile which may impede mobility that is otherwise likely to be beneficial. It may also lead to financial losses, or windfall gains, for sources of health-cost funding which can ultimately lead to a detrimental process of risk segmentation across national health systems. Against this background, even the most advanced sets of existing portability rules, such as those agreed upon multilaterally at the EU-level or laid down in bilateral agreements on social protection, appear to be untargeted, inconsistent and therefore potentially harmful, either for migrants or for health funds operated at both ends of the migration process, and hence for other individuals who are covered there.

Following the partial lifting of nuclear-related sanctions in November 2013 under the interim Joint Plan of Action (JPOA), Iran's economy rebounded in 20141 and is estimated to have expanded by 0.5 percent in 2015. A less accommodative monetary policy stance reduced inflationary pressures, with the Consumer Price Index falling to 8.9 percent in February 2016, from a peak of 45.1 percent in June 2013. Notwithstanding this positive development,the pace of job creation has remained weak and the unemployment rate rose to 11.7 percent in 2015, up from 10.6 percent in 2014. The fiscal balance of the central government also deteriorated, mostly due to low oil prices, from a deficit of 1.2 percent of GDP in 2014 to a deficit of 2.7 percent of GDP in 2015. Similarly, the current account surplus is estimated to have shrank from 3.8 percent of GDP in 2014 to 0.6 percent of GDP in 2015 due to falling oil receipts.

This note forms part of a broader engagement between the World Bank and the Government of FYR Macedonia on how to foster more and better jobs and make sure that more marginalized groups, women, low earners, skilled and unskilled youth, for example - can participate and benefit from those jobs. It focuses on providing updated labor market diagnostics based on the labor force surveys between 2007 and 2011. The findings will be used as a basis for further policy analysis. The remainder of this note is organized as follows. Section two describes labor market developments since 2007 and the conditions prevailing in 2011. Subsequent sections address the remaining challenges and key policy options. The third section thus focuses on raising productivity – critical to national economic development and to ensure sustainable increases in earnings over time in Macedonia. The fourth section discusses the generational divide in terms of challenges in labor market opportunities for the younger versus older generations. The fifth section looks at workers that are particularly disadvantaged in the labor market with a particular focus on women. The sixth section concludes with the policy levers that may help Macedonia move forward on the jobs agenda.

The Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s not only highlighted the welfare consequences of transparency in the financial sector but also linked this relatively narrow problem to the broader context of transparency in governance. It has been observed that objections to transparency, often on flimsy pretexts, are common even in industrialized countries. This article argues that transparency is indispensable to the financial sector and describes its desirable characteristics: access, timeliness, relevance, and quality. The authors emphasize the need to weigh the costs and benefits of a more transparent regulatory policy, and they explore the connection between information imperfections, macroeconomic policy, and questions of risk. The article argues for developing institutional infrastructure, standards, and accounting practices that promote transparency, implementing incentives for disclosure and establishing regulations to minimize the perverse incentives generated by safety net arrangements, such as deposit insurance. Because institutional development is gradual, the authors contend that relatively simple regulations, such as limits on credit expansion, may be the most reasonable option for developing countries. They show that transparency has absolute limits because of the lack of adequate enforcement and argue that adequate enforcement may be predicated on broader reforms in the public sector.

Il mio lavoro consiste in un'analisi che coinvolge il turismo, il teatro e gli spettacoli dal vivo come possibili motori di rilancio culturale, economico e turistico per le destinazioni. Inizio la mia analisi riflettendo sul turismo e sul teatro cercando ed indagando una possibile relazione tra queste due dimensioni ed il ruolo che queste giocano nello scenario turistico italiano ed europeo. Inizio proponendo una presentazione generale dello scenario italiano ed europeo dal punto di vista turistico: chiedendomi quanto sia importante il turismo ed in quale parte il quest'ultimo contribuisca al P.I.L italiano ed europeo? Dopo aver analizzato il ruolo del turismo nello scenario italiano ed europeo, passo alla riflessione sul teatro e gli spettacoli dal vivo: come vengono impiegati nel settore turistico e in che misura vi contribuiscono? Sempre rimanendo nell'ottica del teatro e degli spettacoli dal vivo, passo ad analizzare il ruolo che svolgono più specificatamente in relazione alle destinazioni e ai territori che li ospitano, al fine di capire in che modo il teatro si configura come motivo di attrazione turistica per le destinazioni e come si relaziona col mondo dell'"hospitality. Propongo quindi una serie di esempi di progetti "site-specific" per la valorizzazione del territorio e "case-studies" con un focus specifico su alcuni territori sia a livello nazionale che internazionale. Fornisco, quindi, un'analisi più "microscopica", commentando ed analizzando alcuni progetti esistenti, messi in atto da alcune associazioni e fondazioni, accumunate dall'essere fondate sull'idea del teatro come motore di rilancio turistico e culturale per le destinazioni. A riguardo, mi sembrava cosa interessante, essendo il Comune in cui vivo, dare un piccolo spazio anche alla realtà, sicuramente più piccola, della comunità di Buti. Nonostante le modeste dimensioni, ospita una piccola ma grande risorsa che è il teatro Francesco di Bartolo. Il teatro, per la comunità, è una ricchezza, sia dal punto di vista turistico che culturale. Patrocinato da Regione Toscana e dal M.I.B.A.C,T. intrattiene collaborazioni anche all'estero, ospitando spesso prestigiose compagnie itineranti e, grazie alla collaborazione dell'associazione locale "Compagnia del Maggio" porta avanti iniziative per la promozione e conservazione del patrimonio immateriale della cultura popolare butese. L'ultima parte del mio lavoro si concentra sul ruolo del teatro e degli spettacoli dal vivo in un'ottica di scenario post Covid-19, come possibili trampolini di ri-lancio per una ripresa in chiave economico-turistica del paese. Infatti, il turismo, gli spettacoli dal vivo ed il teatro sono i settori che hanno risentito profondamente e maggiormente dei danni dovuti alla diffusione del Corona Virus. In questo capitolo cerco di capire come il teatro e gli spettacoli dal vivo possono configurarsi come motori propulsori per auspicare ad una ripresa in chiave economico, turistica e culturale del paese, contestualizzando questa riflessione nello scenario di emergenza sanitaria ed economica che il nostro paese ha fronteggiato e sta tutt'ora fronteggiando in questo periodo, scontando ancora le conseguenze di questa grave epidemia. Propongo nuove idee e metodi con i quali poter riprendere le rappresentazioni in sicurezza, con l'osservanza delle regole ma riuscendo ad assicurare l'imprescindibile presenza della componente più importante: il pubblico. My work consists of an analysis that involves tourism, theatre and live entertainment as possible ways for a cultural, economic and tourist revival for destinations. I begin my analysis with a reflection on tourism and theatres investigating a possible relationship between these two dimensions and the role they play in the Italian and European tourism scenario. I start proposing a general presentation of the Italian and European scenario from a tourist point of view: I asked myself how important tourism is and in which part it contributes to the Italian and European P.I.L. After analyzing the role of tourism in the Italian and European scenario, I turn my reflection on theatres and live shows: how are they used in the tourism sector and how they contribute to it? I move on analyzing the role they play in relation to destinations that host them, in order to understand how theatre could be a reason to attract tourists in the destinations and how it relates to the world of hospitality. I therefore propose a series of examples of "site-specific" projects with a specific focus on some places both national and international. Therefore, I provide a more "microscopic" analysis, commenting and analyzing some existing projects, realized by some associations and foundations, united by being founded on the idea of theatres as a motor for tourist and cultural revitalization of destinations. I also have a look at the community of Buti, with its Francesco di Bartolo's theater. The theatre is sponsored by the Region Toscana and M.I.B.A.C, T. and it also collaborates abroad, often hosting prestigious itinerant companies and, thanks to the collaboration with the local association "Compagnia del Maggio", it carries out projects for the promotion and conservation of the intangible heritage of Buti's popular culture. The last part of my work focuses on the role of theatre and live entertainment in a post-Covid-19 scenario, as possible re-launching trampolines for an economic-tourist recovery of destinations. Tourism, live shows and theatres are the sectors that have been deeply and most affected by the damage caused by the spread of the Corona Virus. In this chapter I try to understand how theatres and live shows can be configured as driving forces to hope for an economic, tourist and cultural recovery of the country, contextualizing this reflection in the scenario of health and economic emergency that our country has faced and still facing in this period. I propose new ideas and methods with which to be able to begin again with representations in safety, managing to ensure the presence of the most important component: the public.

In 2000, the United Nations hosted the Millennium Summit, billed as the largest gathering of world leaders in history (UN Millennium Project). This delegation defined The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as the primary set of metrics that serve as benchmarks against which development, the world over, is to be measured. Of these eight goals, one focuses specifically on education and four relate to women and girls empowerment.This study of identity formations among Maasai schoolgirls in southern Kenya, then, is designed to shed some new theoretical light on life as a target of these goals. In this dissertation, I consider the lived experience of development in the form of formal schooling from the subjective point of view of Maasai primary schoolgirls. The study explores the textured variation of identities within the single social category, schoolgirl, in an effort to uncover the on-the-ground meanings of development imperatives focused on recruiting girls to school, keeping girls in school, and supporting their achievement. Designed as an ethnographic case study focused on the nine government co-ed primary day schools in Keekonyokie Central Location, Ngong Division, Kajiado District, Kenya, interviews were conducted with 98 Maasai girls aged 12-20, enrolled in primary school at the time of the interviews. Additionally, interviews were conducted with some of the schoolgirls mothers and teachers, along with 8 secondary schoolgirls from the immediate area (Lood-ariak). Along with ethnographic data, policy documents and overlapping literatures were reviewed in order to ascertain education-as-development imperatives articulated by local, national, and international development institutions. The purpose of the research is an attempt to capture the complex interrelations between formal schooling, multi-scalar development imperatives, and individual everyday life worlds within the changing economic and social context of postcolonial Kenya in the age of globalization. My research suggests that the schoolgirl has emerged as a historically new and profoundly salient social category in contemporary Maasai life that has implications for gender dynamics and iii social forms like marriage, family and household structure and maintenance, and labor relations. I argue that the schoolgirl as a category has been created by the collusion of local and global discourses that define girls education as a singular and primary development imperative. Moreover, Maasai schoolgirls themselves deploy the discourse of development in their use of the schoolgirl category which enables them to negotiate and redefine who a girl is and can be in Maasailand today vis-à-vis education. Based on literature reviews prior to the research in Kenya, I went to Kajiado expecting to hear stories of the problems associated with the schooling imperative combined with the pressures of adolescence as a biosocial process that can make staying in school a perilous passage for rural African girls. While many participants did describe the obstacles they faced in their pursuit of schooling, I also found that nearly every girl my translator and I spoke with marshaled a poignant and pronounced sense of agency in their use of the schoolgirl category as both discursive tool and practical fact. Deployed and employed by schoolgirls and others on their behalf, the schoolgirl category gives Maasai girls unprecedented room to negotiate current realities and future trajectories. This positive finding not withstanding, the theoretical implications of my research also suggest that the schoolgirl subject position has been (and perhaps could have only been) forged in the particular crucible of the market-driven economic development context defined in recent year by neoliberal ideology, and because of this, there are structural limits to the autonomous and independent existence modern development ideology predicts and requires for and of agents. As I argue, the Maasai schoolgirl subject-position is madeproduced, constructedby and within an intricate matrix of forces, including the discourse(s) employed and deployed by Maasai schoolgirls themselves about their own circumstances. This exposition of Maasai schoolgirls is embedded in a history, political economy, and a symbolic universe. Therefore, the arguments forwarded here must go beyond the mechanical dissection of discourse; they must illuminate the lived realities, contextualized histories, and meaning systems that are enacted and embodied by the storylines and characters that give shape to the arguments themselves. Thus, the earliest chapters (1-3) are dedicated to Maasai subject formation through Kenyan history along with the paradoxical relationships many Maasai have had with formal schooling through out this history, as well as a broader context for girls education in selected Sub-Saharan African contexts. By focusing on African schoolgirls as creators of knowledge around their own experiences and highlighting that experience, this studys findings contribute to at least two broad literatures: iv 1) the critical feminist theoretical literatures that are concerned with the construction of gendered subjects in late capitalism and 2) critical development literatures (both conceptual and practical) that are concerned with the contradictory processes of development and their gendered, and gendering, impacts. As Chapter 5 and my conclusions suggest, feminist development interventions must squarely account for these contradictions rather than be seduced by reductive rhetoric that empties gender analysis of its critical edge. In so doing, development scholars, local practitioners, and everyday people may be better equipped to confront the real gendered effects of institutional changes based on sex, such as recruiting and retaining more girls in school. My ultimate goal is to expand and localize the working knowledge of gender in development contexts so that we might face the matrix of complexity of life in the development zone and thus, perhaps, craft more reasonable, just, and gender-centered interventions aimed at transformative and positive change for all, not just girls. ; Ph. D.

Life paths have become unpredictable. You may be here today and nowhere tomorrow, you may try to get or stay into the traditional business system, it will almost certainly crush you. So why not choose independence ?"There is nothing to lose and probably a lot to win, to direct one's own life and go independent."A full academic background, specialized skills or incredible talent are not enough. People working in most large, attractive and international companies feel exhausted or employed well below their capacities with limited mono-task jobs, within the framework of incompetent management based on fierce competition, corporatist decision-making processes and short-term profits. Why then learn thorough pattern-making only to adapt international models to local sizes? Demonstrate one's talent for being fired after the fashion show with no outlook for the future? Work long hours to be paid peanuts and know that others will benefit?Awareness of a hectic and unpredictable life may happen among young people who go from one temporary job to the other, among older employees who have worked in a single company for a long time and made redundant all of a sudden or among students who already know today that there is little future in traditional companies.The sense of working has much changed. Dominique Meda and Patricia Verdamin conducted qualitative work in 6 European countries between 2006 and 2008. They concluded that the key factors to describe a good working relationship were Engagement (more or less engaged) and Life paths (more or less linear). Types were not age-dependent, however, difficult socio-economic environment was stronger in young people. It leads them to believe that working is a journey full of hurdles, and makes them accustomed to managing risks and changes [1]. Other research carried out on Work conditions by the French Government [2] confirmed that a traditional implicit contract, « work hard for little money today, and build a fine career for tomorrow », is distrusted by younger French people, compared to a win-win contract.It then seems fairly wise to try and create one's own job.Young people or people with youthful energy go independent and invent a new business paradigm."Business is about making what you think and thinking what you make & sharing your knowledge and skills to grow faster in return."Youthful engagement may be found amongst youngsters and people of all ages who care for them, listen to them or are curious enough to discover what they want to change.Young people want to do things. What is important is to answer the question: "What have you been proud of doing, here, today?".They want to produce tangible and visible results. Ideas are not enough; issues and concrete solutions are better. Very often they exercise a trial and error process. They have that intuition that something should work first and be fine-tuned later.They work collectively, bringing together passionate people from varied backgrounds to think differently and creatively of issues and solutions. 12 is more than 1, and 60 more than 12, when all is about creating value. "This is all about harnessing energy. You should be here because you know a lot about uncommon or specific skills and you will help complete the jigsaw. And if not for this project, then for the next one!" admittedly, the North of Europe is better on that front than the South one.Collective intelligence should also be shared, on Internet, the most obvious network. Open-source platforms are often preferred: they publish online How to's (models, first prototypes, patterns etc.) for others to improve them and give them back to the community. The process is quick, solves relevant problems, and brings such social benefits as notoriety, reputation or sense of belonging.The Makers' movement has grown up from an intuition into Maker Fairs, Maker Spaces, Maker Thinkers and spread so much that it is now ready to be segmented and put into a business model. That's what TCBL aims at experimenting, Business labs applied to the T&C sector.[3]For independents, Enterprise and Innovation are recovering their original meanings, and can't go without social responsibility."Enterprise and Innovation : to take risks and make strong contribution for the future."Enterprise. A beautiful idea. We thought we had lost it, but the most recent 2008 crash made us realize that success can only be based on reality. Have a project, convince talented people to come on board, take risks to make it happen, face difficulties, succeed and share or reinvest the outcome of hard work. Real people, real economy, real money. Stakeholders make perfect sense here, not short-term, profit-concerned and dormant shareholders, but stakeholders who all bring their personal value.A survey by CEGOS, conducted in 5 European Countries, showed that work was key in the aspirations of 20-30 year olds (between 50 an 80%, secondary to family, which has always been Top 1 for years). Beyond earning a living (the primary reason to work), 53% want to find fulfilment at work or develop their competences (48%). Creating one's own job appealed to 47% of the Italian respondents, vs. 35% (UK), 32% (Spain), 27% (Germany) and 22% (France) [4].The Observatory of the French APCE (Agence pour la création d'entreprises) illustrates that younger generations (18-29 year olds) find it fairly obvious to start their own business, provided that their initial motivation is high and that they know how to manage properly (59% fully agree), have a creative idea (44% fully agree), accept risks and failures (40% fully agree), spend a great deal of time finding customers (33% fully agree) or finances (32% fully agree) [5].The world of Fashion has long lived on style, brands and images as key growth factors of the industry. Isn't this time to challenge or refine these assumptions? Or even to make a revolution? Let's come back to real enterprise that forces you to act, as quickly as possible, with a gut feeling or a vista beyond the mountains of information.Another beautiful idea. Innovation. Not that pseudo one which is limited to minor changes e.g. the size, colour or shape of a sleeve per se. Innovation reflects another vision of textile and clothing, all the more when engineers, scientists, hardware and software geeks, artists etc. meet and explore radically new inventions. Behind the concept of second-skin, you can imagine so many changes for clothes or textiles. Couldn't they change according to your moods and tempers? Couldn't you decide whether they show what's happening inside you and your home? Couldn't you interact with them?"Social responsibility is more than a belief; it's action."Repeated alerts have been heard for some time on the new environment context for development. Fair environment, social and business conditions are bases for fair development. Climate change is accelerating, so are the risks of desertification, rising waters, loss of bio-diversity etc. The human species is threatened with external factors as well as internal ones e.g. war, economic predation, after-life illusion etc. that produce millions of migrants around the world. Is this the world you want?Against the imminent feeling that chaos is on its way, what else could so-called developed countries do but be responsible and help so-called emerging countries e.g. 80% of the world population? Sustainable new models for development should be relevant, designed for all people on the planet to live better from their resources and their work, not only to survive."One way to create jobs in Africa is to develop local markets for local competitive companies… which has been done in the US, China and to some extent in Europe… Another way is to mutualize local companies and help them to be stronger together… to prevent young African people getting trapped into an illusion that global companies are the deus ex machina of their economic issues."[6]This type of analysis could also be made for European Independents, who are more conscious of their possible power and that could start acting upon it.Are independents a potential power? Definitely yes, they are. However, this is not La la land for independents. When there is an overall poor economic growth, you have to find adequate remedies for apparent shortcomings."In the French Textile and Clothing sector, 90,9% are very small businesses and independents."French figures show that 99,8% of the economic structure is about small businesses (less than 249 full-time workers) and 95,4% are very small businesses and independents (less than 10 FTW) for 48,7% of the FTW. [7] In the Textile and Clothing sector, 98,9% of the businesses are SMEs, 90,9% are very small businesses and independents for an estimated 55% of the full-time workers.[8] This is simply huge."TCBL network can help build up a new Gross National Happiness index."Dependence on a major customer, uneasy cash management, insufficient support from banks… but also greater fears of new status and responsibilities, multitasking, working hard… all these are adverse conditions that are imposed on independents.As a network, TCBL could provide part of an answer. For two years, it has been promoting top and varied skills and prevented them from getting forgotten or buried. It has matched talents with real needs in rder to collectively produce higher value solutions at a lower cost, providing full design support to empower all companies and offer people durable close ties.A lot of work is still to be done. There is a demand for invention of new business models so that the Textile and Clothing sector can become viable, sustainable and attractive, as well as repositioned in a virtuous circle. TCBL is a movement. They know where they want to go and they are confident that they can collectively reach those goals. Shall we say that it is an On-going Revolution?References[1] Generational approach to the social patterns of relation to work (SPREW), 2013[2] Enquête Conditions de travail 2013[3] Resources on www.tcbl.eu[4] Observatoire CEGOS, 3000 respondents, 20-30 year olds, 5 countries, May 2012[5] Observatoire APCE, 1024 respondents, 18-29 year olds, 2010[6] Think-tank L'Afrique des idées, www.terangaweb.com[7] France, Insee, 2011[8] France, IFM-Defi, 2015

Theory Talk #75: Tarak Barkawi on IR after the West, and why the best work in IR is often found at its marginsIn this Talk, Tarak Barkawi discusses the importance of the archive and real-world experiences, at a time of growing institutional constraints. He reflects on the growing rationalization and "schoolification" of the academy, a disciplinary and epistemological politics institutionalized within a university audit culture, and the future of IR in a post-COVID world. He also discusses IR's contorted relationship to the archive, and explore future sites of critical innovation and inquiry, including the value of knowledge production outside of the academy. PDF version of this TalkSo what is, or should be, according to you, the biggest challenge, or principal debate in critical social sciences and history?Right now, despite thinking about it, I don't have an answer to that question. Had you asked me five years ago, I would have said, without hesitation, Eurocentrism. There's a line in Chakrabarty's Provincializing Europe where he remarks that Europe has already been provincialized by history, but we still needed to provincialize it intellectually in the social sciences. Both sides of this equation have intensified in recent years. Amid a pandemic, in the wreckage of neoliberalism, in the wake of financial crisis, the defeats in Iraq and Afghanistan, the events of the Trump Presidency, and the return of the far right, the West feels fundamentally reduced in stature. The academy, meanwhile, has moved on from the postcolonial to the decolonial with its focus on alternative epistemologies, about which I am more ambivalent intellectually and politically. Western states and societies are powerful and rich, their freedoms attractive, and most of them will rebound. But what does it mean for the social sciences and other Western intellectual traditions which trace their heritage to the European Enlightenments that the West may no longer be 'the West', no longer the metropole of a global order more or less controlled by its leading states? What kind of implications does the disassembling of the West in world history have for social and political inquiry? I don't have an answer to that. Speaking more specifically about IR, we are dealing now with conservative appropriations of Eurocentrism, with the rise of other civilizational IRs (Chinese, European, Indian). These kinds of moves, like the decolonial one, foreground ultimately incommensurable systems of knowing and valuing, at best, and at worst are Eurocentrism with the signs reversed, usually to China. I do not think what we should be doing right now in the academy is having Chinese social sciences, Islamic social sciences, Indian social sciences, and so on. But that's definitely one way in which the collapse of the West is playing out intellectually. How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about International Relations?By the time you get to my age you have a lot of debt, mostly to students, to old teachers and supervisors, and to colleagues and friends. University scholars tend not to have very exciting lives, so I don't have much to offer in the way of events. But I can give you an experience that I do keep revisiting when I reflect on the directions I've taken and the things I've been interested in. When I was in high school, I took a university course taught by Daniel Ellsberg, of the Pentagon Papers. As many will know, before he became involved in the Vietnam War, and later in opposing it, he worked on game theory and nuclear strategy. I grew up in Southern California, in Orange County, and there was a program that let you take courses at the University of California, Irvine. I took one on the history of the Roman Empire and then a pair of courses on nuclear weapons that culminated with one taught by Ellsberg himself. I actually had no idea who he was but the topic interested me. Nuclear war was in the air in the early 1980s. Activist graduate students taught the preparatory course. They were good teachers and I learned all about the history and politics of nuclear weapons. But I also came to realize that these teachers were trying to shape (what I would now call) my political subjectivity. Sometimes they were ham handed, like the old ball bearings in the tin can trick: turn the lights out in the room, and put one ball bearing in the can for each nuclear warhead in the world, in 1945 this many; in 1955 this many; and so on. In retrospect, that's where I got hooked on the idea of graduate school. I was aware that Ellsberg was regarded as an important personage. He taught in a large lecture hall. At every session, a kind of loyal corps of new and old activists turned out, many in some version of '60s attire. The father of a high school friend was desperate to get Ellsberg's autograph, and sent his son along with me to the lecture one night to get it. It was political instruction of the first order to figure out that this suburban dad had been a physics PhD at Berkley in the late '60s and early '70s, demonstrating against the Vietnam War. But now he worked for a major aerospace defense contractor. He had a hot tub in his backyard. Meanwhile, Ellsberg cancelled class one week because he'd been arrested demonstrating at a major arms fair in Los Angeles. "We stopped the arms race for a few hours," he told the class after. I schooled myself on who Ellsberg was and Vietnam, the Cold War, and much else came into view. Meanwhile, he gave a master class in nuclear weapons and foreign policy, cheekily naming his course after Kissinger's book, I later came to appreciate. I learned about RAND, the utility of madness for making nuclear threats, and how close we'd come to nuclear war since 1945. My high school had actually been built to double as a fallout shelter, at a time when civil defense was taken seriously as an aspect of a credible threat of second strike. It was low slung, stoutly built, with high iron fences that could be closed to create a cantonment. We were not far from Seal Beach Naval Weapons Station and a range of other likely targets. All of this sank in as I progressed in these courses. Then one day at a strip mall bookstore, I discovered Noam Chomsky's US foreign policy books and never looked back. At Cambridge, I caught the tail end of the old Centre of International Studies, originally started by an intelligence historian and explicitly multi-disciplinary. It had, in my time, historians, lawyers, area studies, development studies, political theory and history of thought, and IR scholars and political scientists. Boundaries certainly existed out there in the disciplines. But there weren't substantial institutional obstacles to thinking across them, while interdisciplinary environments gave you lots of local resources (i.e. colleagues and students) for thinking and reading creatively. What would a student need to become a kind of specialist in your kind of area or field or to understand the world in a global way? Lots of history, especially other peoples' histories; to experience what it's like to see the world from a different place than where you grew up, so that the foreign is not an abstraction to you. I think another route that can create very interesting scholars is to have a practitioner career first, in development, the military, a diplomatic corps, NGOs, whatever. Even only five years doing something like that not only teaches people how the world works, it is intellectually fecund, creative. People just out of operational posts are often full of ideas, and can access interesting resources for research, like professional networks. How, in your view, should IR responding to the shifting geopolitical landscape?  The fate I think we want to avoid is carrying on with what Stanley Hoffmann called the "American social science": the IR invented out of imperial crisis and world war by Anglo-American officials, foundations and thinkers. Very broadly speaking, and with variations, this was a new world combination of realism and positivism. This discipline was intended as the intellectual counterpart to the American-centered world order, designed, among other things, to disappear the question of race in the century of the global color line. The way it conceived the national/international world obscured how US world power worked in practice. That power operated in and through formally sovereign, independent states—an empire by invitation, in the somewhat rosy view of Geir Lundestad—trialed in Latin America and well suited to a decolonizing world. It was an anti-colonial imperium. Political science divided up this world between IR and comparative politics. This kind of IR is cortically connected to the American-centered world fading away before our eyes. It is a kind of zombie discipline where we teach students about world politics as if we were still sitting with the great power peacemakers of 1919 and 1944-45. It is still studying how to make states cooperate under a hegemon or how to make credible deterrence threats in various circumstances. Interestingly, I think one of the ways the collapse of US power is shaping the discipline was identified by Walt and Mearsheimer in their 2013 article on the decline of theory in IR. In the US especially but not only, IR is increasingly indistinguishable from political science as a universal positivist enterprise mostly interested in applying highly evolved, quantitative or experimental approaches to more or less minor questions. Go too far down this road and IR disappears as a distinct disciplinary space, it becomes just a subject matter, a site of empiricist inquiry. Instead, the best work in IR mostly occurs on the edges of the discipline. IR often serves as cover for diverse and interdisciplinary work on transboundary relations. Those relations fall outside the core objects of analysis of the main social science and humanities disciplines but are IR's distinctive focus. The mainstream, inter-paradigm discipline, for me, has never been a convincing social science of the international and is not something I teach or think much about these days. But the classical inheritances of the discipline help IR retain significant historical, philosophical and normative dimensions. Add in a pluralist disposition towards methodology, and IR can be a unique intellectual space capable of producing scholars and scholarship that operate across disciplines. The new materialism, or political ecology, is one area in which this is really happening right now. IR is also a receptive home for debating the questions thrown up by the decolonial turn. These are two big themes in contemporary intellectual life, in and beyond the academy. IR potentially offers distinct perspectives on them which can push debates forward in unexpected ways, in part because we retain a focus on the political and the state, which too easily drop out of sight in global turns in other disciplines. In exchange, topics like the new materialism and the decolonial offer IR the chance to connect with world politics in these new times, after the American century. In my view, and it is not one that I think is widely shared, IR should become the "studies" discipline that centers on the transboundary. How do we re-imagine IR as the interdisciplinary site for the study of transboundary relations as a distinct social and political space? That's a question of general interest in a global world, but one which few traditions of thought are as well-equipped to reflect on and push forward as we are.That's an interesting and forceful critique which also brings us back to a common thread throughout your work: questions of power and knowledge and specifically the relation between power and knowledge in IR and social science. I'm interested in exploring this point further, because so much of your critique has been centered on how profoundly Eurocentric IR is and as a product of Western power. Well, IR's development as a discipline has been closely tied to Western state power. It would seem that it has to change, given the shifts underway in the world. It's like Wile E. Coyote in the Road Runner cartoons - he's run off the cliff. His legs are still moving, but he hasn't dropped, yet. That said, there's no singularly determinate relation between power and the historical development of intellectual traditions. Who knows what kind of new ideas and re-imagining of IR's concepts we might see? As I say, I think one reflection of these changes is that we're already seeing North American IR start to fade into universal quantitative social science. As Hoffmann observed, part of IR's appeal was that the Americans were running the world, that's why you started a social science concerned with things like bipolarity and deterrence, and with analyzing the foreign policy of a great power and its interests and conflicts around the world. Nowadays the Americans are at a late Roman stage of imperial decline. Thinking from the command posts of US foreign policy doesn't look so attractive or convincing when Emperor Nero is running the show, or something altogether darker is waiting in the wings. IR is supposed to be in command of world politics, analyzing them from on high. But what I've seen over the course of my education and career is the way world politics commands IR. The end of the Cold War torpedoed many careers and projects; the 1990s created corps of scholars concerned with development, civil war and humanitarian intervention; in the 2000s, we produced terrorism experts (and critical terrorism studies) and counterinsurgency specialists and critics, along with many scholars concerned in one way or another with Islam. What I have always found fascinating, and deeply indicative, about IR is the relative absence until relatively recently of serious inquiry into power/knowledge relations or the sociology of knowledge. In 1998 when Ole Waever goes to look at some of these questions, he notes how little there was to work from then, before Oren, Vitalis, Guilhot and others published. It's an astounding observation. In area studies, in anthropology, in the history of science, in development studies, in all of these areas of inquiry so closely entangled with imperial and state power, there are long-running, well developed traditions of inquiry into power/knowledge relations. It's a well-recognized area of inquiry, not some fringe activity, and it's heavily empirical, primary sourced based, as well as interesting conceptually. In recent decades you've seen really significant work come out about the role of the Second World War in the development of game theory, and its continuing entwinement with the nuclear contest of the Cold War. I'm thinking here of S.M. Amadae, Paul Erickson, and Philip Mirowski among others. The knowledge forms the American social science used to study world politics were part and parcel of world politics, they were internal to histories of geopolitics rather than in command of them. Of course, for a social science that models itself on natural science, with methodologies that produce so-called objective knowledge, the idea that scientific knowledge itself is historical and power-ridden, well, you can't really make sense of that. You'd be put in the incoherent position of studying it objectively, as it were, with the same tools. IR arises from the terminal crisis of the British Empire; its political presuppositions and much else were fundamentally shaped by the worldwide anti-communist project of the US Cold War state; and it removed race as a term of inquiry into world politics during the century of the global color line. All this, and but for Hoffmann's essay, IR has no tradition of power/knowledge inquiry into its own house until recently? It's not credible intellectually. Anthropologists should be brought in to teach us how to do this kind of thing. You've been at the forefront of the notion of historical IR, and in investigating the relationship between history and theory – why is history important for IR?Well, I think I'd start with the question of what do we mean when we say history? For mainstream social science, it means facts in the past against which to test theories and explanations. For critical IR scholars, it usually means historicism, as that term is understood in social theory: social phenomena are historical, shaped by time and place. Class, state, race, nation, empire, war, these are all different in different contexts. While I think this is a very significant insight and one that I agree with, on its own it tends to imply that historical knowledge is available, that it can be found by reading historians. In fact, for both empiricism and historicism there is a presumption that you can pretty reliably find out what happened in the past. For me, this ignores a second kind of historicism, the historicism of history writing itself, the historiographical. The questions historians ask, how they inquire into them, the particular archives they use, the ways in which they construct meaning and significance in their narratives, the questions they don't ask, that about which they are silent, all of these, shape history writing, the history that we know about. The upshot is that the past is not stable; it keeps changing as these two meanings of historicism intertwine. We understand the Haitian revolution now, or the indigenous peoples of the Americas, entirely differently than we did just a few decades ago.That raises another twist to this problem. Many IR scholars access history through reading historians or through synthetic accounts; they encounter history by and large through secondary sources. One consequence is that they are often a generation or more behind university historians. Think of how Gaddis, for instance, remains a go to authority on the history of the Cold War in IR. In other disciplines, from the 1980s on, there was a historical turn that took scholars into the archives. Anthropologists and literary scholars used historians' tools to answers their own questions. The result was not just a bunch of history books, but entirely new readings of core questions. The classic example is the historical Shakespeare that Stephen Greenblatt found in the archives, rather than the one whose texts had been read by generations of students in English departments. My point here is that working in archives was conceptually, theoretically significant for these disciplines and the subjects they studied. For example, historical anthropology has given us new perspectives on imperialism. While there is some archival work in IR of course, especially in disciplinary history, it is not central to disciplinary debates and the purpose is usually theory testing in which the past appears as merely a bag of facts. In sum, when I say history and theory, I don't just mean thinking historically. I mean actually doing history, being an historian—which means archives—and in so doing becoming a better theorist. Could you expand on these points by telling us about your recent work on military history? I think that military history is particularly interesting because it is a site where war is reproduced and shaped. Military history participates in that which it purports only to study. Popular military histories shape the identities of publics. Staff college versions are about learning lessons and fighting war better the next time. People who grow up wanting to be soldiers often read about them in history books. So our historical knowledge of war, and war as a social and historical process, are wrapped up together. I hope some sense of the promise of power/knowledge studies for larger questions comes through here. I'm saying that part of what war is as a social phenomenon is history writing about it. It's in this kind of context that the fact that a great deal of military history is actually written by veterans, often of the very campaigns of which they write, becomes interesting. Battle produces its own historians. This is a tradition that goes back to European antiquity, soldiers and commanders returning to write histories, the histories, of the wars they fought in. So this question of veterans' history writing is in constitutive relations with warfare, and with the West and its nations and armies. My shorthand for the particular area of this I want to look into is what I call "White men's military histories". That is, Western military history in the modern era is racialized, not just about enemies but about the White identities constructed in and through it. And I want to look at the way this is done in campaigns against racialized others, particularly situations where defeats and reverses were inflicted on the Westerners. How were such events and experiences made sense of historically? How were they mediated in and through military history? I think defeats are particularly productive, incitements to discourse and sense making. To think about these questions, I want to look at the place of veterans in the production of military histories, as authors, sources, communities of interpretation. My sandbox is the tumultuous first year of the Korean War, where US forces suffered publically-evident reverses and risked being pushed into the sea. In a variety of ways, veterans shape military history, through their questions, their grievances, their struggles over reputation, their memories. This happens at many different sites and scales, including official and popular histories, and the networks of veterans behind them as well as other, independently published works. Over the course of veterans' lives, their war throws up questions and issues that become the subject of sometimes dueling and contradictory accounts. Through their history writing, they connect their war experience to Western traditions of battle historiography. They make their war speak to other wars. This is what military history is, and how it can come to produce and reproduce practices of war-making, at least in Anglo-American context. Of course, much of this history writing, like narrations of experience generally, reflects dominant ideologies, in this case discourses of the US Cold War in Asia. But counter-historians are also to be found among soldiers. The shocks and tragic absurdities of any given war produce research questions of their own. At risk of mixing metaphors, the veterans know where the skeletons are buried. They bear resentments and grievances about how their war was conducted that become research topics, and they often have the networks and wherewithal to produce informed and systematic accounts. So as well as reproducing hegemonic discourses, soldier historians are also interesting as a new critical resource for understanding war.This shouldn't be that surprising. In other areas of inquiry, amateur and practitioner scholars have often been a source of critical innovation. LGBTQ history starts outside the academy, among activists who turned their apartments into archives. Much of what we now call postcolonial scholarship also began outside the academy, among colonized intellectuals involved in anti-imperial struggles. Let me close this off by going back to the archive. There are really rich sources for this kind of project. Military historians of all kinds leave behind papers full of their research materials and correspondence. The commanders and others they wrote about often waged extended epistolary campaigns concerned with correcting and shaping the historical record. But more than this, by situating archival sources alongside what later became researched and published histories, what drops out and what goes in to military history comes into view. What is silenced, and what is given voice? We can then see how the violent and forlorn episodes of war are turned into narrated events with military meaning. What is the process by which war experience becomes military history?Given the interdisciplinary nature of your work, what field you place yourself in? And are there any problems have you encountered when writing and thinking across scholarly boundaries?In my head I live in a kind of idealized interdisciplinary war studies, and my field is the intersection of war and empire. Sort of Michael Howard meets Critical Theory and Frantz Fanon. This has given me a particular voice in critical IR broadly conceived, and a distinctive place from which to engage the discipline. The mostly UK departments I've been in have been broadly hospitable places in practice for interdisciplinary scholarship and teaching, so long as you published rather than perished. Of course, interdisciplinary is a complicated word. It is one thing to be multi-disciplinary, to publish in the core journals of more than one discipline and to be recognized and read by scholars in more than one discipline. But work that falls between disciplinary centers, which takes up questions and offers answers recognized centrally by no discipline, that's something harder to deal with. I thought after Soldiers of Empire won prizes in two disciplines that I'd have an easier time getting funding for the project I described earlier in the interview. But I've gotten nowhere, despite years of applications to a variety of US, UK, and European funders. Of course, this may be because it is a bad project! My point, though, is that disciplines necessarily, and even rightly, privilege work that speaks to central questions; that's the work that naturally takes on significance in disciplinary contexts, as in many grant or scholarship panels. I think another point here is the nature of the times. Understandably, no one is particularly interested right now in White men's military histories. What I think has really empowered disciplines during my time in the UK academy has been the intersection with audit culture and university management. Repeated waves of rationalization have washed over the UK academy, which have emphasized discipline as a unit of measurement and management even as departments themselves were often "schoolified" into more or less odd combinations of disciplines. Schoolification helped to break down old solidarities and identities, while audit culture needed something on which to base its measures. The great victory of neoliberalism over the academy is evident in the way it is just accepted now that performance has to be assessed by various public criteria. This is where top disciplinary journals enter the picture, as unquestionable (and quantifiable) indicators of excellence. Interdisciplinary journals don't have the same recognition, constituency, or obvious significance. To put it in IR terms, Environment and Planning D or Comparative Studies in Society and History, to take two top journals that interdisciplinary IR types publish in, will never have the same weight as, say, ISQ or APSR. That that seems natural is an indicator of change—when I started, RIS—traditionally welcoming of interdisciplinary scholarship—was seen as just as good a place to publish as any US journal. Now RIS is perceived as merely a "national" journal while ISQ and APSR are "international" or world-class. This kind of thing has consequences for careers and the make-up of departments. What I'm drawing attention to is not so much an intellectual or academic debate; scholars always disagree on what good scholarship is, which is how it is supposed to be. It is rather the combination of discipline with the suffocating culture of petty management that pervades so much of British life. Get your disciplinary and epistemological politics institutionalized in an audit culture environment, and you can really expand. For example, the professionalization of methods training in the UK has worked as a kind of Trojan Horse for quantitative and positivist approaches within disciplines. In IR, in the potted geographic lingo we use, that has meant more US style work. Disappearing is the idea of IR as an "inter-discipline," where departments have multi-disciplinary identities like I described above. The US idea that IR is part of political science is much more the common sense now than it was in the UK. Another dimension of the eclipse of interdisciplinary IR has been the rise of quantitative European political science, boosted by large, multiyear grants from the ERC and national research councils. It's pretty crazy, strategically speaking, for the UK to establish a civilizational scale where you're always behind the US or its European counterparts. You'll never do North American IR as well as the North Americans do, especially given the disparity in resources. You'll always be trending second or third tier. The British do like to beat themselves up. Meanwhile, making US political science journals the practical standard for "international excellence" threatens to make the environment toxic for the very scholarship that has made British IR distinctive and attractive globally. The upshot of that will be another wave of émigré scholars, which the British academy's crises and reform initiatives produce from time to time. Think of the generation of UK IR scholars who decamped to Australia, an academy poised to prosper in the post-covid world (if the government there can get its vaccination program on track) and a major site right now of really innovative IR scholarship. To return to what you mentioned earlier regarding the hesitancy to go to the archives, this is also mirrored in a hesitancy to do serious ethnography, I think as well. Or there's this "doing ethnography" that involves a three-day field trip. This kind of sweet-shop 'pick and mix' has come to characterize some methodologies, because of these constraints that you highlight…A lot of what I'm talking about has happened within universities, it's not externally imposed or a direct consequence of the various government-run assessment exercises. Academics, eagerly assisted by university managers, have done a lot of this to themselves and their students. The implications can be far reaching for the kind of scholarship that departments foster, from PhDs on up. More and more of the UK PhD is taken up with research methods courses, largely oriented around positivism even if they have critical components. Already this gives a directionality to ideas. The advantage of the traditional UK PhD—working on your own with a supervisor to produce a piece of research—has been intellectual freedom, even when the supervisor wasn't doing their job properly. It's not great, but the possibility for creative, innovative, even field changing scholarship was retained. PhD students weren't disciplined, so to speak. What happens now is that PhD students are subject to a very strict four year deadline, often only partially funded, their universities caring mainly about timely completion not placement and preparation for a scholarly career, a classic case of the measurement displacing the substantive value. The formal coursework they get is methods driven. You can supervise interdisciplinary PhD research in this kind of environment, but it's not easy and poses real risks and creates myriad obstacles for the student. A strange consequence of this, as many of my master's students will tell you, is that I often advise them to consider US PhDs, just in other disciplines. That way, they get the benefit of rigorous PhD level coursework beyond methods. They can do so in disciplines like history or anthropology that are currently receptive both to the critical and the transnational/transboundary. That is not a great outcome for UK IR, even if it may be for critically-minded students. Outside of a very few institutions and scattered individuals, US political science, of course, has largely cleansed itself of the critical and alternative approaches that had started to flower in the glasnost era of the 1990s. That is not something we should be seeking to emulate in the UK.So yes, there's much to say here, about how the four year PhD has materially shaped scholarship in the UK. There is generally very little funding for field work. Universities worried about liability have put all kinds of obstacles in the way of students trying to get to field work sites. Requirements like insisting that students be in residence for their fourth year in order to write up and submit on time further limit the possibilities for field work. The upshot is to make the PhD dissertation more a library exercise or to favor the kind of quantitative, data science work that fits more easily into these time constraints and structures. Again, quite obviously, power sculpts knowledge. It becomes simply impossible, within the PhD, to do the kinds of things associated with serious qualitative scholarship, like learn languages, spend long time periods in field sites and to visit them more than once, to develop real networks there. Over time this shapes the academy, often in unintended ways. I think this is one of the reasons that IR in the UK has been so theoretic in character—what else can people do but read books, think and write in this kind of environment? As I say, the other kind of thing they can do is quantitative work, which takes us right back to the fate Walt and Mearsheimer sensed befalling IR as political science. Watch for IR and Data Science joint degrees as the next step in this evolution. Political Science in the US starts teaching methods at the freshman level. They get them young. We have discussed the rather grim state of affairs for the future of critical social science scholarship, at least in the UK and US. To conclude – what prospects for hope in the future are there?Well, if I had a public relations consultant pack, this is the point at which it would advise talking about children and the power of science to save us. I think the environment for universities, political, financial, and otherwise may get considerably more difficult. Little is untouchable in Western public life right now, it is only a question of when and in what ways they will come for us. The nationalist and far-right turns in Western politics feed off transgressing boundaries. There's no reason to suspect universities will be immune from this, and they haven't been. In the UK, as a consequence of Brexit, we are having to nationalise, and de-European-ise our scholarships and admissions processes. We are administratively enacting the surrender of cosmopolitan achievements in world politics and in academic life. This is not a plot but in no small measure the outcome of democratic will, registered in the large majority Boris Johnson's Conservatives won at the last general election. It will have far reaching consequences for UK university life. This is all pretty scary if you think, as I do, that we are nearer the beginning then the end of the rise of the right. Covid will supercharge some of these processes of de-globalization. I can already see an unholy alliance forming of university managers and introvert academics who will want to keep in place various dimensions of the online academic life that has taken shape since spring 2020. Often this will be justified by reference to environmental concerns and by the increased, if degraded, access that online events make possible. We are going to have a serious fight on our hands to retain our travel budgets at anywhere near pre-pandemic levels. I'm hoping that this generation of students, subjected to online education, will become warriors for in-person teaching. All of this said, it's hard to imagine a more interesting time to be teaching, thinking and writing about world politics. Politics quite evidently retains its capacity to turn the world upside down. Had you told US citizens where they would be on January 6th, 2021 in 2016, they would have called you alarmist if not outlandish. I think we're in for more moments like that. Tarak Barkawi is a professor of International Relations at LSE. He uses interdisciplinary approaches to imperial and military archives to re-imagine relations between war, armed forces and society in modern times. He has written on the pivotal place of armed force in globalization, imperialism, and modernization, and on the neglected significance of war in social and political theory and in histories of empire. His most recent book, Soldiers of Empire, examined the multicultural armies of British Asia in the Second World War, reconceiving Indian and British soldiers in cosmopolitan rather than national terms. Currently, he is working on the Korean War and the American experience of military defeat at the hands of those regarded as racially inferior. This new project explores soldiers' history writing as a site for war's constitutive presence in society and politics.PDF version of this Talk

Abstract:EU Coordinated border management and effective functioning of data processing systems related to the movement of persons may serve as an early warning mechanism against the risk of terrorist attacks. It can strengthen the collective capacity of States to detect, prevent and combat terrorism by facilitating the timely exchange of information, thereby enabling crucial decisions to be adopted in a responsible manner.This paper analyzes the concrete border data management tools that can be useful in the fight against terrorism. The first step in intelligence lies in obtaining information, which will then be analyzed and treated to turn that information into useful knowledge. As we will have an opportunity to verify, numerous border databases were created to control the entry of immigrants into European borders, but the information offered by these systems can also serve to fight against this challenge that threatens us, that of jihadist terrorism.Nevertheless, we emphasize that terrorism and immigration are different phenomena. The truth is that the new wave of Jihadist attacks took place along the largest migratory crisis that Europe faced due to different humanitarian crises and to the war in Syria and other conflicts. But they represent different realities. Jihadist terrorism and immigration have little or nothing in common. In spite of this, many wish to link both with a view to justify certain anti-immigration policies as necessary actions for coping with Jihadist terrorism. This has been done based on a simple narrative: holding back immigration prevents the entry of potential terrorists in Europe.This paper shows that the risk that the fight against terrorism will be used as a basis to reinforce people controls at the borders, while the true objective of these measures is to curb migratory flows. At the same time, it underlines the need for clear guidelines and practices to be followed when implementing such controls. It also vindicates the need for States to observe their obligations laid down by international law, as recalled by the European Court of Human Rights and the EU Court of the Justice. In fact, in many cases, these jurisdictions highlighted the undoubted relevance of the statutory reserve principle, the principle of necessity or the principle of proportionality, as legal basis for the adoption of measures that include personal data processing. ; Resumen:La gestión coordinada de las fronteras y el funcionamiento eficaz de los sistemas de tratamiento de datos de circulación de personas pueden servir como mecanismo de alerta temprana frente al riesgo de ataques terroristas. Puede fortalecer la capacidad colectiva de los Estados para detectar, prevenir y combatir el terrorismo al facilitar el intercambio oportuno de información, permitiendo así adoptar de forma responsable decisiones cruciales.Este trabajo analiza los concretos instrumentos de gestión de datos en fronteras que pueden ser útiles en la lucha antiterrorista, porque el primer paso en inteligencia reside en la obtención de información, que luego será analizada y tratada para convertir esa información en conocimiento. Como tendremos oportunidad de comprobar, muchas de las bases de datos en fronteras se crearon para controlar la entrada de inmigrantes en las fronteras europeas, pero la información que ofrecen dichos sistemas puede servir también para luchar contra ese reto que nos amenaza, el del terrorismo yihadista. No obstante, este trabajo subraya que se trata de fenómenos distintos.Es cierto que la nueva oleada de ataques yihadistas ha coincidido, en el mismo espacio temporal, con la mayor crisis migratoria a la que se ha tenido que enfrentar Europa debido a crisis humanitarias y posteriormente a la guerra de Siria u otros conflictos. Pero, no son lo mismo. El terrorismo yihadista y la inmigración poco o nada tienen que ver, por mucho que se hayan querido vincular o se hayan pretendido justificar determinadas políticas contra la inmigración como algo necesario para luchar contra el terrorismo yihadista, con el fácil argumento de que frenando la inmigración se evita la entrada de potenciales terroristas en Europa.El trabajo advierte del riesgo de que la lucha contra el terrorismo sea utilizada para reforzar los controles de personas en las fronteras con el verdadero objetivo de frenar los flujos migratorios. Al tiempo, subraya la necesidad de que en dichos controles se sigan directrices y prácticas claras y se respeten plenamente las obligaciones que los Estados tienen de conformidad con el Derecho internacional, tal como ha recordado el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos y el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea. De hecho, no son pocos los casos en los que estos Tribunales han subrayado la relevancia indubitada de principios como la reserva de ley, la necesidad o la proporcionalidad como sustrato de la licitud de muchas medidas que incluyen el tratamiento de datos personales.Summary:1. Jihadist terrorism as a cross-border phenomenon. 2. The benefit of data exchange on crossing-borders in the Schengen area. 3. New guidelines on data processing and the safeguard of national security. 4. The register of passengers (The Personal Name Record or PNR). 5. When the data cross the external borders. The exchange of data with third countries. 5.1. The failed PNR Agreement with Canada and the EU Court of Justice's standards regarding the transfer of passengers' data. 5.2. The exchange of data with the United States. The EU-US Umbrella Agreement and the Privacy Shield. 6. The use of profiles and blacklists of alleged terrorists in cross-bording. 7. ConclusionsAbstract:EU Coordinated border management and effective functioning of data processing systems related to the movement of persons may serve as an early warning mechanism against the risk of terrorist attacks. It can strengthen the collective capacity of States to detect, prevent and combat terrorism by facilitating the timely exchange of information, thereby enabling crucial decisions to be adopted in a responsible manner.This paper analyzes the concrete border data management tools that can be useful in the fight against terrorism. The first step in intelligence lies in obtaining information, which will then be analyzed and treated to turn that information into useful knowledge. As we will have an opportunity to verify, numerous border databases were created to control the entry of immigrants into European borders, but the information offered by these systems can also serve to fight against this challenge that threatens us, that of jihadist terrorism.Nevertheless, we emphasize that terrorism and immigration are different phenomena. The truth is that the new wave of Jihadist attacks took place along the largest migratory crisis that Europe faced due to different humanitarian crises and to the war in Syria and other conflicts. But they represent different realities. Jihadist terrorism and immigration have little or nothing in common. In spite of this, many wish to link both with a view to justify certain anti-immigration policies as necessary actions for coping with Jihadist terrorism. This has been done based on a simple narrative: holding back immigration prevents the entry of potential terrorists in Europe.This paper shows that the risk that the fight against terrorism will be used as a basis to reinforce people controls at the borders, while the true objective of these measures is to curb migratory flows. At the same time, it underlines the need for clear guidelines and practices to be followed when implementing such controls. It also vindicates the need for States to observe their obligations laid down by international law, as recalled by the European Court of Human Rights and the EU Court of the Justice. In fact, in many cases, these jurisdictions highlighted the undoubted relevance of the statutory reserve principle, the principle of necessity or the principle of proportionality, as legal basis for the adoption of measures that include personal data processing.