The Situation In The Middle East This Record Contains The Text Of Speeches Delivered In English And Of The Translation Of Speeches Delivered In Other Languages. ; United Nations S/PV.8164 Security Council Seventy-third year 8164th meeting Tuesday, 23 January 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Umarov. . (Kazakhstan) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Shen Bo Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Ms. Guadey France. . Mr. Delattre Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Peru. . Mr. Tenya Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Allen United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-01889 (E) *1801889* S/PV.8164 The situation in the Middle East 23/01/2018 2/11 18-01889 The meeting was called to order at 3.05 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President: The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): I should like at the outset to apologize to the members of the Security Council and the Secretariat for the fact that I ruined their siesta today. We have requested the convening of an open meeting of the Security Council because the issue that we intend to raise is far too important for the discussion to be held in closed consultations. We have nothing to hide. When we discussed Syria in consultations yesterday, many touched on the importance of establishing a new structure to investigate instances of chemical-weapons use in Syria to supplement the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), which fully discredited itself. We have never forgotten this issue, and we have consistently recalled in meetings our readiness to continue consultations on this matter, as noted by Minister Lavrov to the Secretary-General last week. Yesterday, however, we were unable to rise to that call. Today, upon instruction from our capital, it is my honour to report the following. Russia has consistently stressed the importance of taking the most serious approach to the problem of the manufacture and use of chemical weapons. We are troubled by manifestations of chemical-weapons terrorism in the Middle East, which are not limited to Syrian territory. Unfortunately, the JIM, which no longer exists, caused the collapse of the investigation, which from a scientific and technical perspective was an utter failure and became an instrument for political manipulation. Members of the international community and the Security Council were well aware of the Russian specialists' scrupulous analysis of the conclusions of the JIM. In an attempt to interpret certain elements of the Russian approach, during consultations on 9 January the United States delegation circulated the relevant document. However, at no point in the document was there even an attempt to approach the matter from a professional standpoint. The so-called refutations of our position do not stand up to any criticism. I invite Council members to familiarize themselves with the material supporting our position in the response that we circulated yesterday as an official Security Council document. Today, incidentally, senior representatives of the United States Department of State made further unfounded accusations alleging that Russia is hindering international verification of the facts of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We have already responded to that, and anyone who wants to can read Russia's Deputy Foreign Minister Ryabkov's comments on the issue. No one has called more than we have for a further investigation — a professional one rather than a simulacrum — into the incidents involving the use of chemical weapons in Syria, and at the moment we are still trying to get the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to send its specialists to Syria to see for themselves the stockpiles of chemical weapons left by militants in liberated areas that the Syrian Government has discovered. By the way, during yesterday's consultations, following the reports of various recent incidents involving the use of toxic substances in Syria, which have yet to be verified, the representatives of the United States and the United Kingdom — without a second's pause or any evidence, let alone an investigation — hastened to declare them the work of what they refer to as the Syrian "regime". Now they are trying to drag Russia into it too. Secretary of State Tillerson brought this up in Paris today at the meeting of the so-called international partnership of States against impunity for the use of chemical weapons, basing his argument on an incident that allegedly occurred yesterday in eastern Ghouta. However, his statement was devoted almost exclusively to Russia. By the way, does nobody find it strange that this alleged incident, whose genuineness has yet to be confirmed — as does the identity of its perpetrators, if it is genuine — coincided very conveniently with the meeting in Paris and the forthcoming Syrian national dialogue conference in Sochi? An amazing coincidence. Some States are persisting in their attempts to push through an anti-Damascus verdict at the OPCW at all costs, and thereby undermining that respected organization's authority. Others are seeking to scrape together a narrow alliance of anti-impunity-ites through non-legitimate formats. In November of last year, Russia, working with others of like mind, put together draft resolution 23/01/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8164 18-01889 3/11 S/2017/968, which would have ensured that the JIM's activities conformed to the the high international standards of the Chemical Weapons Convention, which guarantee a genuinely impartial and professional investigation. The initiative was blocked by a number of delegations at the time. We want to rise above those differences and propose creating a new international investigative body that could establish the facts that the Security Council needs in order to identify those who used toxic substances as weapons, based on irreproachable, irrefutable information from transparent, credible sources. It must be professional and non-politicized. We have prepared a draft of such a resolution and ask that the Secretariat circulate it. We hope that Council members will study our initiative with their capitals as soon as possible. We are ready for substantive consultations. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): Russia has convened us with almost no notice, and then put forth a proposal that it hopes will distract from the new French initiative to hold accountable those who use chemical weapons. Today, Russia is again doing what it does best with regard to chemical weapons. It is running from the facts. It has the audacity to lecture the Security Council about how to stop the use of chemical weapons. I know that I have said this before, but it is worth repeating. In the past year, Russia exercised the right to veto three times to kill the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) in Syria. All by itself, Russia killed the Mechanism, which we had specifically tasked with identifying those responsible for using chemical weapons in Syria. Russia should look in the mirror before bringing us into the Security Council to talk about chemical weapons. Earlier this week, we received yet another report that the Al-Assad regime had used chlorine gas on its own people. Dozens of civilians had to be treated for suffocation. Syrian children were literally gasping for breath as chlorine gas surrounded them. Of course, it is no coincidence that this week's chlorine-gas attack reportedly happened in the exact place that the Al-Assad regime is trying to take over militarily. We know that it resorts to such brutal tactics when it wants to retake territory, without any regard for innocent civilians, and we know that Russia has looked the other way for years while its Syrian friends use those despicable weapons of war. Russia is complicit in the Al-Assad regime's atrocities. Will the representative of the Russian Federation say anything at all today about the suffering caused by Al-Assad's barbaric tactics? Will it hold Al-Assad to account? Of course not. It never does. It is therefore fitting that Russia brought us here on the same day that a new initiative on accountability for chemical weapons has been introduced in Paris. Today, France launched an international partnership against impunity for chemical weapons. We strongly support that effort and commend France for its leadership. More than 25 like-minded countries have come together to share and preserve information on who has used chemical weapons and to make sure that the perpetrators will be held accountable. Make no mistake — the United States, together with the Council, will continue to pursue those who have used chemical weapons to ensure that they are held accountable for their atrocities. Russia says that it has concerns about this French initiative to share evidence of the use of chemical weapons. That is no surprise. Russia opposed the Joint Investigative Mechanism because it collected facts about who used chemical weapons in Syria. Now Russia is questioning the French effort to collect facts on who used chemical weapons. What can we conclude? To put it simply, when Russia does not like the facts, it tries to distract the conversation. That is because the facts come back over and over again to the truth that Russia wants to hide, which is that the Al-Assad regime continues to use chemical weapons against its own people. Today, Russia once again threw around many different accusations. Again, that is not surprising. Russia often puts out misleading and unfounded claims to confuse the conversation about chemical weapons. In fact, this happens so often that we recently wrote to the Security Council with a detailed assessment of Russia's misleading claims. The letter is public and available for anyone to see. We encourage everyone to take a look at it for themselves. Here is the bottom line. The Security Council gave the Joint Investigative Mechanism a mandate to tell us who used chemical weapons in Syria. When investigators found the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham to be responsible, Russia was fine. When the investigators found that the Al-Assad regime had used them, Russia tried to find any excuse to poke holes in the investigation and threw up smoke to question the findings. But hat is not how independent investigations work. You do not get to question the findings when they do not go your way. We are therefore not going to accept any Russian proposal that undermines our S/PV.8164 The situation in the Middle East 23/01/2018 4/11 18-01889 ability to get to the truth or that politicizes what must be an independent and impartial investigation. If the Russians want to work in good faith towards that goal, we are ready to re-establish the JIM, with its original, independent and impartial mandate, right now. But anything less is unacceptable. To be crystal clear: the United States supports accountability for anyone who uses chemical weapons. We agree with Russia that the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham must be held accountable for its use of such weapons, as the Joint Investigative Mechanism has found. But the difference between the United States and Russia is that we believe that no one should be let off the hook. Chemical weapons must never be used. Russia can continue to talk for as long as it wants about chemical weapons. It can bring it up in the Security Council Chamber as often as it wants. We welcome the debate. The United States and the international community will not be fooled. We remain steadfast in pursuing accountability for those who use chemical weapons. We stand strong in doing all we can to preserve the norm against their use. We remain forever committed to preserving the truth about what the Al-Assad regime has done in Syria and, sadly, what it will likely continue to do. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): We meet today after receiving news about another chemical attack in Syria — this time in Douma — which resulted in more than 20 victims, including women and children. Furthermore, the attack was penetrated in a de-escalation zone. We are closely following all available information. We expect that the international investigative mechanism in place — in particular the Fact-finding Mission — will shed light on the attack. As we commemorate the one hundredth anniversary this year of the end of the First World War, during which chemical weapons produced on an industrial scale were used for the first time in history, repeated chemical-weapon attacks in Syria are an affront to the human conscience and a violation of the most fundamental norms of international law. The facts prove that the scourge continues to exist. Last year in Syria, on 4 April, more than 80 people, including women and children, were killed by a powerful nerve agent. Four years prior, 2,000 Syrian civilians were gassed in Ghouta with sarin gas. The use of chemical weapons was confirmed by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). The OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) clearly determined that the Syrian regime and Da'esh were responsible for those attacks. France itself independently confirmed that the Syrian regime was responsible for the attack perpetrated on 4 April. Since 2013, investigations have revealed more than 100 allegations of the use of chemical weapons, primarily in Syria but also in Iraq and Malaysia. Chlorine gas, sarin, mustard gas and VX — all deadly nerve agents — have returned to the forefront of the international arena a century after the horrors of the First World War. Gruesome images of the victims of such weapons of terror, which we thought we had long ago left behind, have also resurfaced. We cannot allow the use of such loathsome weapons to become commonplace. They destabilize entire regions and threaten everyone's security. They increase the risk of chemical terrorism, which we all fear. They also weaken the regime against chemical weapons as well as the entire non-proliferation regime. They undermine international law and call into question the outcome of international forums that have been held for decades. That is why we must take action. We owe it to history; it is a responsibility we must shoulder together. Those of us who claim to be committed to the non-proliferation regime and helped to build it should bear that in mind. Let us be clear: those who hamper our efforts to combat impunity endorse de facto impunity for the perpetrators of such chemical attacks. They prevent us from deterring and bringing to justice those who participated in chemical-weapon programmes and those Governments and entities that give the orders to carry out attacks. We therefore cannot turn a blind eye and allow them to continue — and all the more so, and I repeat this, given that the chemical-weapon non-proliferation regime is the most developed and successful of all international non-proliferation regimes. Allowing it to be weakened without taking action would be tantamount to accepting the erosion of the entire non-proliferation regime on weapons of mass destruction, which we built together, step by step, over decades and which now serves as the backbone of the international security architecture and one of multilateralism's main accomplishments. France has therefore proposed the establishment of a new international partnership to combat impunity for the use of chemical weapons by anyone — State and non-State actors alike. That partnership was launched yesterday in Paris at a conference convened by the 23/01/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8164 18-01889 5/11 French Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Jean-Yves Le Drian, at which representatives of 24 States were in attendance to reiterate their willingness to work together to counter the threat. I should like to mention just a few of the partnership's ambitious commitments. They include the transfer and sharing of information, when possible, about the perpetrators of attacks; a commitment to impose national or international sanctions against entities and individuals concerned; assistance for building State capacity with regard to designations and sanctions; and the publication of a single, consolidated list of the names of individuals involved in attacks. Criminals who claim responsibility for developing and using such barbaric weapons must know that they will not go unpunished. Once again, this is about the future of the entire collective security system. One should not be able to violate the most basic norms without eventually facing the consequences. Owing to obstruction on the part of certain countries, we were unable to renew the JIM's mandate at the end of last year. Yesterday's consultations on Syria confirmed that an overwhelming majority of the members of the Security Council do not agree with the current impasse. In that regard, we take note of the proposal made today by Russia. We will consider it in the light of the principles I have just outlined. The new partnership launched in Paris does not aim to replace international instruments and the investigative mechanism established by the United Nations and the OPCW. Instead, it seeks to complement and bolster that structure by making a new operational instrument available to the multilateral system and the international community. It will assist investigations and help the international justice system in its work. It is neither an anti-Syrian instrument nor an exclusive club of countries. All countries can join this pragmatic and open partnership by adhering to its statement of principles. Through the partnership, they will show their commitment to law, international stability, justice and security in order to end impunity for the perpetrators of chemical attacks and their accomplices. We must therefore work through the partnership to consolidate the regime prohibiting chemical weapons. The cornerstone of the partnership was laid in Paris and embodies our faith in effective and demanding multilateralism. In an effort to take immediate action, I can confirm that France has imposed asset-freezes on networks involved in the proliferation of chemical weapons in Syria. In conclusion, I recall that there will be no justice or sustainable peace in Syria without putting an end to impunity. How can we continue to defend the regime and reiterate its willingness to speak in good faith and seek a political solution when that very same regime employs barbaric weapons against its own people? There has never been a larger gap between words and deeds. At the United Nations in both Vienna and Geneva, I said that we must work together to reach a political solution in Syria. Implementing an inclusive political solution as outlined in resolution 2254 (2015), which serves as our guidepost now more than ever, will depend upon a neutral environment in Syria guaranteed by the regime's clear commitment to credible constitutional change and democratic elections. It is the only way to permanently end the suffering of Syrians. We continue to believe that we can, and must, bring the Security Council together to proceed in that direction. Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): When I heard today that Russia had called for an urgent meeting on the use of chemical weapons in Syria, I was glad that we could return to an issue on which the Council has a duty to ensure that those responsible are held to account. That duty is even more pressing today, because yet another heinous attack on civilians was reported yesterday to the Council by the Secretariat. In that attack, in Douma, in eastern Ghouta, at least 21 civilians were treated for symptoms consistent with exposure to chlorine. That followed another reported attack in eastern Ghouta on 13 January, affecting six people. In 2016, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) found in three cases that the Syrian regime had used chlorine gas to attack civilians. Last year, it found that the regime had used sarin in Khan Shaykhun. Now, as the regime is escalating its attacks on eastern Ghouta in an attempt to force the besieged opposition to surrender, we remain deeply concerned about continuing reports of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. In all of this, we should not forget that it was the regime's 2013 attack on eastern Ghouta, using sarin, that led to the Council's adoption of resolution 2118 (2013), which had the clear, unanimously endorsed aim of disarming Syria's chemical-weapon programme. Throughout that process, Russia has claimed to be acting as a leading Power, a guarantor. But when the Al-Assad regime deliberately ignored its obligation to stop using chemical weapons and continued to do so with careless regard for human life, Russia chose to S/PV.8164 The situation in the Middle East 23/01/2018 6/11 18-01889 abuse its power of veto to protect that regime. Russia says that it supported the renewal of the JIM mandate and that it was the rest of us who killed it, because we could not agree with Russia's terms. Yet Russia's proposed draft resolution would have removed the JIM's ability to investigate the Al-Assad regime, which has been found responsible for multiple attacks. Russia has made it clear several times that it will not support a new investigative mechanism as long as it has the power to hold to account a State Member of the United Nations, and it seems, from a rapid reading of the latest text, that this proposal is another attempt to shift attention to non-State actors. The Russians have even claimed that Syria is a signatory in good standing to the Chemical Weapons Convention. It is not. It has not completed its declaration. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons has repeatedly warned of inconsistencies, gaps and omissions. Russia has great influence over the Al-Assad regime. For the sake of the Syrian people and for preventing the future use of chemical weapons, we call on Russia to persuade its Syrian friends to get rid of their chemical weapons and comply fully with the Chemical Weapons Convention. By ending the JIM, Russia also stopped its investigations of chemical attacks by Da'esh. The investigators had found that those terrorists had carried out at least two such attacks. We condemn Da'esh unreservedly for its use of these vile weapons, which is yet another reason why we must defeat those terrorists once and for all. The United Kingdom was proud to join the international partnership against impunity for the use of chemical weapons led by our French colleagues today in Paris. The use of chemical weapons is barbaric, illegal under international law and must stop. We must ensure that we can re-establish a mechanism to ensure accountability. We all know where the obstacle to that lies. In response, we will only redouble our efforts to pursue accountability for these crimes. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): The Kingdom of the Netherlands is deeply shocked by the ongoing attacks using chemical weapons in Syria. The Secretariat briefed the Council yesterday on yet another alleged chemical-weapon attack, the second this month. Two surface-to-surface projectiles targeted eastern Ghouta, releasing what is suspected to be chlorine. The attack resulted in injuring 21 people through exposure to chlorine, of whom eight were men, six women and seven children. Furthermore, there are shocking estimates of 130 chemical attacks between 2012 and 2017, with more than 60 pending allegations of chemical-weapon use in Syria still to be investigated by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and its Fact-finding Mission. The Netherlands condemns in the strongest terms the use of chemical weapons by any State or non-State actor. I would now like to make three points. First, accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria is neither optional nor negotiable. Secondly, it is unacceptable that four years after Syria joined the Chemical Weapons Convention, its declaration is still unable to be verified as accurate and complete. Thirdly, the Netherlands will use its membership of the Security Council to bring accountability to the fore. We regret the dismantling of the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM). We were convinced of the professionalism and independence of the JIM's work, and its results still stand. The Council should shoulder its responsibility in that regard. In particular, the countries on the Council with influence on Syria should use it with the Syrian regime to convince it to refrain from further chemical-weapon attacks, acknowledge its past use of such weapons and complete its chemical-weapon declaration. As long as the Council remains deadlocked, our focus on accountability will not stop here. We will look for complementary measures so that impunity will not prevail. We therefore thank France for taking the initiative to establish an international partnership against impunity for the use of chemical weapons. The Netherlands participated in the meeting of the partnership that took place in Paris today. The Paris initiative aims to collect evidence of the use of chemical weapons anywhere in the world. It will enable States to take action to uphold the international norms against the use of chemical weapons. It represents a political commitment to increasing pressure on those responsible for the use of chemical weapons, and the Kingdom of the Netherlands is fully committed to that goal. Furthermore, the International, Impartial, and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011; the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic; and national prosecution in third countries, as well as sanctions, remain instrumental for achieving accountability for the crimes committed 23/01/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8164 18-01889 7/11 against the Syrian people. We must use all the tools available to us to achieve accountability. In conclusion, the Netherlands remains convinced that a referral of the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court in The Hague is by far the best option for achieving accountability for the extremely serious crimes that have taken place in Syria. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): Yesterday the Council members were briefed by Under-Secretary-General Jeffrey Feltman on yet another alleged chemical-weapon attack in Syria. Allegations of the use of such weapons continue to be reported. There are some 60 cases of the reported use of chemical weapons in Syria that are currently being examined by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and that its Fact-finding Missions continue to investigate and report, including a case of a sarin attack in Lataminah in March of last year. I would like to reiterate once again that Sweden condemns the use of chemical weapons in the strongest terms. It is a serious violation of international law and its use in armed conflict amounts to a war crime. Bringing the perpetrators of such crimes to justice remains a high priority. There must be no impunity for those responsible. That is why we participated in the meeting of the international partnership against impunity for the use of chemical weapons held today in Paris. As a member of the Council and the OPCW Executive Council, Sweden attaches great importance to all international efforts to combat the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State and non-State actors alike, anywhere in the world. We trust that the French initiative will complement and support our collective work in multilateral forums, as well as the existing multilateral mechanisms to achieve unity around those important goals. That also includes the Human Rights Council's Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic and the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for the Syrian Arab Republic, which play an important role in collecting information. It was highly regrettable that the Council was not able to agree on an extension of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. It is a critical to establish a similar new impartial and independent attributive mechanism now. The Council needs to come back together and speak with one voice. We need to be forward-looking and overcome our differences with a view to protecting the international disarmament and non-proliferation regime and ensuring accountability. That should be possible if everyone engages seriously, constructively and genuinely in good faith. We stand ready to engage in such efforts in order for the Council to fully shoulder its responsibilities. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): We are deeply concerned about the reported use of chemical weapons in eastern Ghouta, which is in clear violation of international law and deserves condemnation in the strongest possible terms. This alleged use of chemical weapons, as with other incidents, including in Talmenes, demonstrates the need to hold perpetrators accountable. There is no space for impunity in this regard. We support taking all the necessary measures to fill the gap left by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, so as to ensure that no one goes unpunished for using chemical weapons, which cause unacceptable harm and suffering. Those responsible for chemical attacks must realize that they will be held accountable because their acts are an affront to all humankind and the basic rules of civilization. We support the tireless work done by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. We are convinced that it is the responsibility of the Security Council to establish and maintain a suitable institution to investigate alleged cases of the use of chemical weapons. Let me take this opportunity to thank France for today's hosting of a high-level meeting to launch a new initiative to protect the core values underpinning the credibility of the non-proliferation regime on chemical weapons established by the Chemical Weapons Convention. Poland joined that new partnership with the sole purpose of using all the tools at our disposal to end impunity for those responsible for chemical attacks and to promote and complement existing standards and mechanisms against the use of chemical weapons. We look forward to working on this issue in the Council in the months to come. Mr. Tenya (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): The Security Council has the highly sensitive responsibility of contributing to the prevention of the use of chemical weapons, which entails identifying and prosecuting those responsible for atrocities such as the one perpetrated yesterday in Syria. S/PV.8164 The situation in the Middle East 23/01/2018 8/11 18-01889 Peru participated in the meeting convened by France today to establish a partnership to combat impunity for the use of chemical weapons, at which a declaration of principles was adopted. The document sets out a series of measures aimed at ensuring that individuals and entities responsible for the use of chemical weapons are brought to justice. During that meeting, Peru's Ambassador to France referred in particular to paragraph 3 of the terms of reference, which had been circulated in advance, wherein it is expressly stated that the purpose of the initiative is not in any way meant to replace, reproduce or supersede international inquiry and investigation mechanisms that serve the same purpose. Our Ambassador also expressed his satisfaction with those words, insofar as Peru, as a member of the Security Council and a member of the Executive Council of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, encourages the necessary action to be taken by those competent bodies. Peru condemns in the strongest possible terms the lack of accountability in the continuing incidents involving chemical weapons in Syria, for we believe it undermines international regimes on the matter and weakens peace efforts in the region. Mr. Shen Bo (China) (spoke in Chinese): China expresses its grave concern about the use of chemical weapons in Syria and extends its deepest sympathy to the Syrian people for their suffering. China's position on chemical weapons has been clear and consistent. We firmly oppose the use of chemical weapons by any country, group or individual for any purpose and under any circumstances. The use of chemical weapons is unacceptable, whenever or wherever they are used. China supports a comprehensive, objective and fair investigation into such incidents in order to arrive at a conclusion that can stand the test of time and to shed light on the facts in order to bring the perpetrators to justice. China welcomes the draft resolution circulated by the delegation of the Russian Federation that would establish a new investigative mechanism on Syrian chemical weapons. China appreciates the efforts made by Russia in the Security Council to continue to advance the work on the Syrian chemical weapons issue. China will seriously study the draft resolution and actively participate in consultations on it. It is imperative to establish a new investigative mechanism to find out the truth and to deter further use of chemical weapons in Syria. We hope that Council members will participate in the consultations in a constructive manner and strive to reach consensus on the establishment of a new mechanism. The Syrian chemical weapons issue is closely linked to a political settlement to the Syrian question, and it requires a comprehensive, balanced and integrated approach. China supports the role of the Security Council and of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons as the main channel for achieving an appropriate resolution to the Syrian chemical weapons issue. We hope that all the relevant parties will adopt a constructive attitude and seek appropriate solutions during consultations. We must maintain the unity of the Council and coordinate with the relevant parties in an effort to actively promote the political process in Syria. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): Bolivia reiterates its strong, categorical condemnation of the use of chemical weapons and chemical substances as weapons as unjustifiable and criminal acts — wherever, whenever and by whomever they are committed. We believe that there can be no justification for the use of such weapons, regardless of the circumstances and of who uses them, as it constitutes a serious crime under international law and a threat to international peace and security. We emphatically condemn the reported use of chemical weapons in the city of Douma, in eastern Ghouta. That incident must be investigated in order to identify the perpetrators, bring them to justice and ensure that their actions do not go unpunished. Accordingly, we reiterate our support for the work carried out by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic. However, as we have stated on other occasions, we emphasize the urgent need for an investigative mechanism with a clear mandate that can carry out its assigned tasks of investigating methodically, transparently, technically, faithfully, with assistance and in a fundamentally depoliticized way. We must have a mechanism that can develop an independent, impartial, complete and conclusive investigation to hold accountalbe those responsible for such horrific crimes. We believe that, if what we want is an independent and transparent mechanism, we have the challenge of not exploiting the Security Council by bringing geopolitical interests on the ground into the Chamber. We have 23/01/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8164 18-01889 9/11 the challenge of demonstrating to the international community the unity of the Council. To that end, we must not turn the Chamber into a sounding board for warring confrontation and, even less so, transfer the immediate interests of the battlefield to this setting. In that regard, we welcome the proposal put forward by the Russian Federation today. We will study the text, and we hope that consultations will be convened as soon as possible and that they will result in the Council and the international community having on an independent investigation mechanism. It is essential that we overcome the lack of trust that exists in the Council. Furthermore, we must always bear in mind that no initiative, however well intended, should supplant our responsibilities, as established by the Charter of the United Nations. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): The ongoing use of chemical weapons in Syria represents one of the deplorable elements of this crisis, which has been continuing for seven years. It is all the more deplorable when we see that there is an absence of justice and accountability and that there is impunity for every criminal who has contributed to and participated in such crimes against civilians. Following the attack when chemical weapons were used in Ghouta, where most of the victims were civilians, we witnessed the unity of the Council in ensuring that such a crime would not be repeated and that perpetrators would be held accountable through the adoption of resolution 2118 (2013). However, unfortunately, we note that there are still reports of chemical attacks in Syria, most recently by Mr. Jeffrey Feltman, Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, yesterday regarding a chemical attack on the city of Duma on 13 January. We would therefore like to express our disappointment that the Security Council has been unable to reach consensus on renewing the mandate of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, which, we believe, carried out its work in a professional, impartial and independent way. As a result, the failure to renew the mandate meant the complete absence of a tool for accountability in Syria. For that reason, the perpetrators of such crimes will go unpunished and there is no guarantee of holding them, or any perpetrator of such crimes in future, accountable. The State of Kuwait has a firm, principled position strongly condemning any use of chemical weapons at any time, anywhere and by anyone, since the use of chemical weapons is a grave violation of international law. We underscore the need to hold perpetrators — individuals, entities, non-State groups or Governments — accountable. As members of the Security Council, we are responsible for maintaining international peace and security. We must therefore seek alternatives and mechanisms, agreeable to all members of the Security Council, to ensure the independence, impartiality and professionalism of any new future mechanism to ensure that criminals are held accountable. We note that there is a draft resolution before us on establishing a new mechanism. We recall the clear and decisive language in resolution 2118 (2013), which stipulates the need to hold accountable those responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. In that regard, the State of Kuwait welcomes the French initiative to convene the Paris meeting on an international partnership against impunity for use of chemical weapons. Along with a number of countries, the State of Kuwait participated in that event to underscore the importance of strengthening the values of justice and accountability and to implement the principle of ending impunity. We support the international mechanisms established by the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council to gather evidence regarding any crimes related to human rights violations in Syria. In conclusion, we emphasize that it is important for the Security Council to stand united when dealing with issues that threaten international peace and security, such as the incidents mentioned in reports on the Syrian crisis, through the unanimous adoption of such resolutions as resolution 2118 (2013), on chemical weapons; resolution 2165 (2014), on the humanitarian situation; and resolution 2254 (2015), on the political track of the Syrian crisis. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): My delegation thanks the Russian Federation for having called for this emergency meeting of the Security Council with a view to once again discussing the issue of the use of chemical weapons in general, and in Syria in particular, where, it seems, that atrocious weapon is being used. My country, which is opposed to the use of chemical weapons, ratified the Convention on the Prohibition S/PV.8164 The situation in the Middle East 23/01/2018 10/11 18-01889 of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction in order to show the world our determination to work with other international stakeholders for the complete elimination of such weapons. To that end, on this very day, 23 January, we signed in Paris the declaration of principles, issued by the meeting held at the initiative of France on the topic of combating impunity through the international partnership against impunity for the use of chemical weapons. Côte d'Ivoire extends its full support to that initiative and vehemently condemns any use of chemical weapons, regardless of the reasons or perpetrators. In firm support of the values of equity and justice, Côte d'Ivoire wishes to draw the attention of the Security Council to the need to set up a new consensus mechanism aimed at combating the use of chemical weapons. In that regard, we welcome the Russian initiative to propose the establishment, by means of a resolution, of a new mechanism. We assume that such a mechanism, like the previous one, would be tasked with identifying perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons, in general. In the specific case of Syria, the perpetrators of such acts must be identified and be held accountable for their actions. Inaction by the Council on this important issue would be a bad sign and send a message of encouragement to those who indulge in the use of chemical weapons with impunity. To conclude, my delegation calls on the Council to act in a consensus-based and coordinated manner in order to establish a new mechanism, for our action must prompt us not only to protect and to help victims, who are martyrs in the endless war in Syria, but also to work to uphold international peace and security. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): The use of chemical weapons, the issue we are considering is critically important to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. We categorically repudiate and condemn their use by any country, State or non-State actor. We also condemn in the strongest terms the recent chemical-weapon attacks in Syria. With regard to the issue of who is responsible for the use of such weapons, there is no consensus among the members of the Security Council on that. We realize that the Security Council must address the issue of the use of chemical weapons in a spirit of understanding and unanimity, with a view to combating impunity, thereby sending an unambiguous message to anyone who has used such weapons or is thinking of doing so that they will be held responsible for their actions. We repeat that we categorically condemn the production, stockpiling and use of chemical and other weapons of mass destruction. If we are to take steps against those who have used such weapons, we must clearly identify the responsible parties in a way that leaves no room for doubt. That is why, given the lack of consensus among the members of the Council and the need to identify those responsible for the use of such weapons, we are of the view that the proposal that the Russian Federation has just made is worth considering as a new opportunity for conducting a fully transparent investigation whose results all Council members would have to accept, thereby fostering the unanimity and consensus within the Council that would enable it to take the necessary steps against the perpetrators of the heinous act of using chemical weapons. The President: I shall now make a statement in my national capacity as the representative of Kazakhstan. We are deeply worried about the fact that chemical weapons continue to be used in Syria. It is regrettable that this inhuman and illegal type of weapon is being used with the specific purpose of intimidating ordinary people, since it mostly affects unprotected civilians. Another discouraging fact is the lack of unity and the deepening confrontation among the parties on the chemical dossier, which complicates our ability to address this threat in an appropriate way. It is therefore urgent to start thinking about developing a new investigative tool that can effectively counter all such chemical crimes. Any delay or inaction on the part of the Council could lead to an increase in the commission of such acts in the absence of clear plans and mechanisms to end impunity. We welcome the Russian Federation's proposal to establish a new mechanism, giving us a new opportunity to look into the matter. Since we will have to start over with the creation of an investigative mechanism, we must try to get it right from the very beginning, on a basis of consensus. The mechanism should be impartial, depoliticized, professional, representative, and with a clear mandate that will preclude any doubts and ensure the credibility of its work. That does not mean that we think the previous mechanism was unfit for its purpose, but it is obvious that accountability requires a Security Council that is united in its decision-making. 23/01/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8164 18-01889 11/11 Kazakhstan is ready to contribute and to assist in finding the best way to move forward together. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the Russian Federation has asked to make a further statement. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): I am taking the floor to further clarify our position. It is a pity that my friend Mrs. Haley has left the Chamber. She mentioned that we convened this meeting today on short notice, for which I apologize. As I recall, however, we have frequently been convened by Mrs. Haley's call, and we are ready to do it again. Please let her know that I am doing it because I am always very pleased to see her here. Once again, everything that we heard from the United States in its statement today was about Russia. The fact that it is rejecting our proposed draft resolution from the get-go says a great deal. It once again betrays a truth that we are sadly familiar with. The United States has no need of any independent professional mechanism. It is not only betraying a truth, it is betraying itself in the eyes of the international community. Let me say straight out what I spoke about before in a rhetorical question. It was no accident that the allegations — which will remain allegations until they are confirmed — about the use of chemical weapons in eastern Ghouta emerged on the eve of some important political events for Syria, the meeting in Vienna and the Syrian national dialogue conference in Sochi. Furthermore, I will say it again, why does the United States need an investigative mechanism when both yesterday and today, before any kind of investigation, it asserted, without apparently a shadow of doubt, that it was the Syrian Government that did it? It has taken the role of both judge and prosecutor. Does the United States at least understand that it is betraying itself by this? If it genuinely wants to establish a professional, independent attributive mechanism, it should at least read the draft resolution before rejecting it. Did we not discuss a new mechanism with Council members of the Council at the conclusion of the multiple acts in the political spectacle surrounding the closure of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism? We did not time our draft resolution to coincide with any events or partnerships. However, I want to reiterate something that I spoke about at a Council meeting presided over by President Nazarbayev on 18 January, which is that no commissions, partnerships or so-called independent mechanisms in this area can be legitimate unless they are approved by the Security Council. That must be our premise. I would like to echo what the Permanent Representative of Sweden — and he was not the only one — said in his statement, which is that we must overcome our differences, engage in dialogue and try to restore the Council's lost unity. That is the aim of our proposal. The meeting rose at 4.10 p.m.
The Situation In The Middle East Report Of The Secretary-General On The Implementation Of Security Council Resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) And 2393 (2017) ; United Nations S/PV.8201 Security Council Seventy-third year 8201st meeting Monday, 12 March 2018, 11 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Van Oosterom. . (Netherlands) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Allen United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-06756 (E) *1806756* S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 2/23 18-06756 The meeting was called to order at 11.15 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President: In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I would like to warmly welcome the Secretary- General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, and to give him the floor. The Secretary-General: I am here to report on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), which the Council adopted unanimously on 24 February. But I am keenly aware that I am doing so just as the bloodletting in Syria enters its eighth year. I would like to highlight just one stark fact on this grimmest of anniversaries, which is that in 2017, more children were killed in Syria than in any other year since the war began. I am deeply saddened by the immense loss and cascading suffering of the Syrian people. And I am deeply disappointed by all those who, year after year, by action or inaction, design or indifference, have allowed this to happen. My grief and frustration are compounded by all that I know of the people of Syria. As United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the aftermath of the Iraq war, I saw the remarkable hospitality of the Syrian people in hosting 1.5 million Iraqi refugees — not in camps, but in their communities across the country. Syria was a place where refugees could live in security as they tried to rebuild their lives and raise their families. Today, so many of those generous Syrians who shared so much have themselves been forced from their homes, becoming refugees or internally displaced. In neighbouring countries — whose enormous hospitality I have also witnessed, but who are burdened by overwhelming needs — the vast majority of Syrian refugees live below the poverty line. Many of the Syrians who journeyed even farther from home in search of safety have found the doors that they once opened to others in need shut in their faces. A country known for its ancient civilization and a people known for their rich diversity have been betrayed, and Syria is bleeding inside and out. There should be one agenda only for all of us — ending the suffering of the Syrian people and finding a political solution to the conflict. And the Council has a particular responsibility in that regard. Let me now turn to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and the issue of the compliance of all the relevant parties in Syria. I do so with a caveat. The United Nations is following developments closely, but we do not have the full picture, owing to our limited presence and restricted access on the ground. Resolution 2401 (2018) demands that all parties "cease hostilities without delay, and engage immediately to ensure full and comprehensive implementation . for a durable humanitarian pause for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria", while still countering Da'esh and other groups designated as terrorists by the Council. It is true that in some areas, such as Deir ez-Zor and Douma, where there has been a recent ceasefire that I will address later, the conflict is diminishing in intensity. Yet there has been no cessation of hostilities. Violence continues in eastern Ghouta and beyond, including in Afrin, parts of Idlib and into Damascus and its suburbs. In eastern Ghouta in particular, the air strikes, shelling and ground offensives have intensified since the resolution's adoption and have claimed hundreds of civilian lives. Some reports even put the toll at more than 1,000. The resolution further demands the enabling of "the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services". Despite some limited convoy deliveries, the provision of humanitarian aid and services has been neither safe, unimpeded or sustained. The resolution calls on "all parties to immediately lift the sieges of populated areas, including in eastern Ghouta, Yarmouk, Fo'ah and Kafraya". No sieges have been lifted. The resolution demands medical evacuations of the critically sick and wounded. To our knowledge, not one critically sick or wounded person has so far been evacuated. But I will come back to that later in relation to a recent announcement. The resolution reiterates its demand "reminding in particular the Syrian authorities, that all parties immediately comply with their obligations under international law, including international human rights law, as applicable, and international humanitarian law, including the protection of civilians". And I remind all involved that even efforts to combat groups identified as terrorists by the Council do not supersede those obligations. Yet we 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 3/23 see egregious violations, indiscriminate attacks and a failure to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure. Since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), my Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and I have been focused on helping to create the conditions for a cessation of hostilities in eastern Ghouta, where, as I said to the Council two weeks ago, people have been living in a hell on Earth (see S/PV.8185). As the Special Envoy told the Council a few days ago, eastern Ghouta is the most urgent situation, because it is where we have the clearest potential to try to support the de-escalation in concrete ways, and because we have been concretely approached. On 26 February, the Russian Federation announced a five-hour daily humanitarian pause in eastern Ghouta. I will speak to that later in my remarks. On 27 February, the President of the Security Council and I received a letter from the Syrian National Committee conveying another letter from the three armed opposition groups in eastern Ghouta — Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and Ahrar Al-Sham. They expressed their commitment "to the full implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions, especially resolution 2401 (2018)", and to expelling from eastern Ghouta "the armed groups of Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, the Al-Nusra Front and Al-Qaida and all of those belonging to them". They also promised to ensure humanitarian access and the facilitation of the work of United Nations agencies. On receiving the letter, the Office of the Special Envoy opened channels with all three groups, inside and outside the enclave. The respective commanders issued further letters, expressing the groups' readiness to negotiate with the Russian Federation in Geneva. In parallel, both I and my Special Envoy engaged with the relevant authorities of the Russian Federation. My team on the ground did likewise, and also engaged with the Government of Syria. We offered the good offices of the United Nations to facilitate and observe any meeting between the representatives of the armed opposition groups, the Syrian Government and the Russian Federation. Despite our best efforts over the course of a few days, it was not possible to schedule any meeting. Meanwhile, on 6 March, the Syrian Government addressed a letter to me and to the President of the Security Council. That letter stated that Syria positively welcomed resolution 2401 (2018), as it "stresses firm commitment to the Syrian State's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter and calls for implementing a humanitarian truce across Syria to ensure a safe, sustainable and unhindered access of humanitarian aid." That same day, my Special Envoy informed the Russian Federation of his intention to invite the three armed opposition groups to a meeting with the Russian Federation in Geneva three days later. On 7 March, his interlocutors replied that they did not think a meeting in Geneva was the best option and were pursuing contacts on the ground with the relevant armed opposition groups. As those diplomatic efforts were taking place, fighting went on. The Syrian Government and its allies intensified air strikes and launched a ground offensive, progressively gaining control of parts of eastern Ghouta from about 10 per cent of the enclave on 3 March to more than 60 per cent today. The offensive initially took place in less populated areas, steadily moving to urban centres and forcing large-scale displacement. In the follow up to the efforts I have described, it was possible on 8 and 10 March to convene two meetings between Russian officials and Jaysh Al-Islam in the outskirts of eastern Ghouta, with the United Nations as an observer. In those meetings, progress was made in relation to the removal of a number of members of the Al-Nusra Front, as well as other aspects, including the potential for a ceasefire and improved humanitarian access. The first group of Al-Nusra Front fighters and their families were since evacuated from eastern Ghouta. Nevertheless, it has not been possible to facilitate contact between the Russian authorities and Faylak Al-Rahman. The group insisted that the meeting take place in Geneva. The Russian Federation insisted that the meeting take place on the ground. On 10 March, Government forces intensified their offensive, capturing the city of Misraba in a movement aiming at dividing the enclave into three separate areas. On the evening of that same day, the Russian Federation informed the United Nations that a unilateral ceasefire would take place at midnight, in relation to Jaysh Al-Islam in Douma. It was agreed that a meeting would be held on 11 March with the facilitation of the United Nations. On that day, with the ceasefire between the Government S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 4/23 18-06756 and Jaysh Al-Islam forces largely holding in Douma, the meeting took place, followed by a meeting today. As I speak to the Council now, I have not yet received a full report on the results of today's meeting. But I was informed by our people in Damascus as I was entering the Chamber that there has been progress with regard to civilian evacuations and humanitarian aid. Furthermore, I take note of a statement issued today by Jaysh Al-Islam: "[i] n the context of Security Council resolutions 2254 (2015) and 2401 (2018), an agreement was reached with the Russian side through the United Nations for a humanitarian medical evacuation of the wounded for treatment outside of eastern Ghouta." We are also hearing reports of tentative initiatives, both by tribal leaders and the Russian Federation, for contact with other groups on the ground. I wish to underscore the urgency of seeing medical evacuations, civilian protection and full, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access as soon as possible. Meanwhile, attacks on other parts of eastern Ghouta continue, with the enclave now split into three separate pockets. During this whole period, the shelling from eastern Ghouta to Damascus was also ongoing, causing dozens of civilian deaths and injuries, with some reports putting the number close to 100. My Special Envoy and I have remained apprised at each step of the diplomatic engagement, offering support and guidance to ensure the implementation in letter and spirit of the resolution. In short, as my Special Envoy has said to the Council, we are leaving no stone unturned in trying to bring all major stakeholders to the table and contribute in a concrete fashion to find a sustainable solution for the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). As the situation continues to unfold, the Turkish offensive in Afrin — pursued with armed opposition group allies — intensified with air strikes and ground advances against Partiya Yekitiya Demokrat/People's Protection Units fighters, reinforced, in turn, by elements coming from eastern Syria, where they were combating Da'esh. Pro-Syrian Government forces have also deployed inside of Afrin. The fighting resulted in significant civilian displacement, with reports of numerous casualties and damage to infrastructure. With the cooperation of Syrian armed opposition groups, Turkish forces established a so-called buffer zone inside Syrian territory, linking northern rural Aleppo and Idlib, and surrounding Afrin from three sides. The offensive is now pushing ever closer towards the city, with its large civilian population. Allow me to now turn to our efforts to address the humanitarian crisis. When resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted, the United Nations and its humanitarian partners stood ready to deliver. Plans were in place for multiple convoys each week to agreed-upon locations, in response to independently assessed needs. Unfortunately, the actual delivery did not match our plan. Let me describe what it was possible to do in the past two weeks. On 1 March, humanitarian organizations delivered assistance to some 50,000 people in the hard-to-reach areas of Afrin and Tell Rifaat, north of Aleppo. On 4 March, a convoy of 19 trucks organized by the United Nations, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and partners reached Dar Kabira, in northern Homs. It provided assistance to 33,500 people of the requested 40,250. However, the Government of Syria did not allow the delivery of life-saving medicines, such as insulin, nor key items, including solar lamps, syringes and paediatric scales. As I mentioned earlier, in eastern Ghouta, the Russian Federation unilaterally announced a daily five-hour humanitarian pause in the fighting, starting from 27 February, to prevent civilian victims and to enable civilians to leave the enclave. In reality, few civilians left. On the one hand, sufficient protection standards were not in place for voluntary movement. Moreover, armed groups prevented others from leaving. In that context, even though the five-hour window was insufficient to enable the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services, as demanded in the resolution, on 5 March the United Nations sent an inter-agency convoy of 46 trucks to Douma, in eastern Ghouta, with food for 27,500 people, along with health and nutrition supplies. Yet those 27,500 represented only a third of the requested beneficiaries, all in desperate need. And most of the health supplies were removed by the Syrian authorities, including basic medicines, dialysis treatments and trauma and surgical materials, such as burn dressings and adrenaline, despite the provisions of paragraph 8 of resolution 2401 (2018). According to the World Health Organization, only about 30 per cent of medical supplies in the convoy 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 5/23 were allowed in. United Nations personnel from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs accompanying the convoy were also denied access to eastern Ghouta. Violence rendered the operation extremely perilous, despite prior assurances from the parties to the conflict. The insecurity forced the team to reluctantly halt unloading and to return to Damascus with a large share of the food aid still on the trucks. On 9 March, a convoy of 13 trucks reached Douma, delivering the remaining food assistance that could not be offloaded four days earlier. Once again, shelling occurred nearby, despite assurances having been provided by all parties. In those difficult circumstances, I commend the valiant humanitarian workers risking their lives to provide assistance and protection to people in need. But we are obviously far from safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid, as demanded in resolution 2401 (2018), as well as other relevant Security Council resolutions. And so the humanitarian and human rights situation is becoming more desperate by the day. In Douma, relief workers who reached the city last week described conditions as shocking and overwhelming. People are sheltering in overcrowded basements. Access to food, water and sanitation is limited. In relation to Douma, we have a convoy ready that I hope will be allowed to proceed in the coming days, especially after the results of today's meeting. As in all conflict settings, the specific needs of women are not receiving sufficient attention, including access to safe spaces, critical health services, medicine and baby formula for their children. In eastern Ghouta, health partners on the ground advise that more than 1,000 people are in urgent need of medical evacuation. The United Nations is ready to support these medical evacuations, in cooperation with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and other partners. A prioritized list of those in greatest need, mostly children, has been shared with the Syrian authorities. I urge a positive response, hoping that today's meeting will allow these actions to take place in the immediate future. The Syrian Arab Red Crescent has announced its intention to send a relief convoy to Afrin as soon as security conditions allows. A United Nations humanitarian mission is awaiting Government authorization to immediately deploy to Raqqa for assessments of security and needs. There are also new disturbing allegations of the use of chlorine gas. Even if we cannot verify them, we cannot ignore them. I continue to urge the Council to find unity on this issue. Having said what I said, I believe that despite all the difficulties, lack of trust, mutual suspicions and cold calculations, it should be possible to implement resolution 2401 (2018). It should be possible to have a cessation of hostilities. It should be possible to deliver aid. It should be possible to evacuate the sick and wounded. It should be possible to lift the sieges. It should be possible to accelerate humanitarian mine action throughout Syria. It should also be possible to remove Security Council-listed terrorist fighters from conflict zones without massive and indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. We cannot give up, for the sake of the Syrian people. I appeal to all parties to ensure the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) throughout the whole of Syrian territory. The United Nations is ready to assist in any effort to make that happen. I call on all States with influence to exercise it in support of the efforts of the United Nations and the implementation of the resolution. I hope that this week's Astana ministerial meeting, which will gather the guarantors of de-escalation, will concretely restore de-escalation arrangements, and take real steps on detainees, abductees and missing persons. The dramatic situation I have described — the calamity across the country, the rivalries, the cynicism, the cruelty — highlight the need for a political solution. My Special Envoy continues to work towards the full implementation of resolution 2254 (2015). On Thursday, the conflict will enter its eighth year. I refuse to lose my hope to see Syria rising from the ashes. To see a united, democratic Syria able to avoid fragmentation and sectarianism and with its sovereignty and territorial integrity respected, and to see a Syrian people able to freely decide their future and choose their political leadership. The President: I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Recalling the Security Council's latest note 507 on its working methods (S/2017/507), I wish to encourage all participants, both members and non-members of the Council, to deliver their statements in five minutes or less. S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 6/23 18-06756 Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): I deliver this speech today on behalf of Kuwait and Sweden. At the outset I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting at the request of the delegations of Kuwait and Sweden, pursuant to resolution 2401 (2018). I also thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his presence here today and for his briefing about the implementation of this resolution. Fifteen days have passed since the Security Council's unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which demands that all parties implement a 30-day ceasefire throughout Syria without delay in order to deliver humanitarian assistance to those in need and to end the siege of residential areas. It is with great regret that we continue to witness a clear failure to implement the resolution's provisions while military operations across Syria continue to prevent humanitarian and medical assistance, particularly in eastern Ghouta and specifically on the part of the Syrian authorities. This has prevented United Nations teams and their humanitarian partners from safely providing humanitarian assistance to eastern Ghouta, which has been a primary locus among Syrian areas in need of assistance ever since its siege began in 2013, and which is home to about 400,000 people. In this regard, we would like to make a number of observations, as follows. First, we have followed with deep concern the inability of the United Nations and its humanitarian partners to enter the besieged areas, and the obstacles and impediments that they have faced during their operations in some areas. In that regard, we would refer to events in Douma, eastern Ghouta, on 5 March, which proved to be the deadliest day since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), with at least 100 people having been killed on that day alone. On that day, the hopes of civilians hinged on receiving lifesaving humanitarian aid, and we looked forward to that first positive initiative reaching 90,000 people in need of assistance in eastern Ghouta. However, what happened was that the number of beneficiaries dropped to less than half due to the Syrian authorities having removed necessary medical supplies from the convoy's load without clear justification, despite the fact that they had been given prior notification, based on standard operating procedures, of the entirety of the humanitarian convoy's content. It is also a matter of deep concern that convoys administered by the United Nations and its partners were compelled to cease their operations before completely unloading their cargo due to continued aerial bombardment on Douma. We demand that the Syrian authorities give immediate permission for two convoys per week to eastern Ghouta and other destinations, at the request of the United Nations. We call on all parties to provide appropriate security guarantees for these convoys and to permit United Nations staff to accompany the convoys. In this regard, we reaffirm the need for all parties, in particular the Syrian authorities, to assume their responsibilities to protect all humanitarian workers, including United Nations agencies and their relevant partners. We welcome the entry of the remaining humanitarian convoys provided by the Red Cross and the World Food Program into Douma on 9 March to deliver the remaining food assistance. This was the second time such convoys had been allowed to enter Douma in one week. There is a need to build on this so as to increase the number of weekly convoys to eastern Ghouta in a sustainable manner. Secondly, we reiterate the Council's demand for immediate unconditional medical evacuations based on medical need, starting this week, and we call on the Syrian authorities to give permission and work with the United Nations and its implementing partners to that end. Thirdly, the continued fighting in eastern Ghouta, particularly the incessant air strikes, prompts us to again call specifically on the Syrian authorities to comply with the provisions of the resolution and of international law in order to facilitate humanitarian assistance to reach those in need. We believe that a daily five-hour truce in eastern Ghouta does not support the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Fourthly, the United Nations has confirmed that the number of combatants associated with terrorist groups designated by the Security Council in eastern Ghouta does not exceed 350. We cannot accept continued military operations under the pretext of combating terrorism when they effectively prevent the delivery of humanitarian assistance, contrary to the requirements of the resolution. Resolution 2401 (2018), which was adopted unanimously, took effect immediately and is applicable to all parties. In that regard, we note the willingness of certain opposition groups in eastern Ghouta to abide by the provisions of the resolution and to expel terrorist groups designated by the Security Council. We express our support for the 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 7/23 efforts of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, to operationalize this matter without delay. Fifthly, listening to the Secretary-General's briefing today on the status of the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) constitutes one of the monitoring tools included in the resolution. But the main mechanisms remain the existing ceasefire agreements between the parties to the conflict, most notably the Astana accord with Russia, Turkey and Iran as its guarantors, and the agreement supervised by the United States and the Russian Federation that emanated from the International Syria Support Group. The resolution stresses the need to activate those agreements in order to reach a 30- day ceasefire aimed at allowing sustainable access to humanitarian assistance in all regions in Syria. We call again on the parties to those agreements to redouble their efforts in order to implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018). The unanimous position that the Security Council conveyed to the Syrian people and to the world by adopting resolution 2401 (2018) on 24 February must be built on in a speedy and effective manner, especially as the resolution is primarily of a humanitarian nature. There is a collective responsibility on us as members of the Security Council, specifically on influential parties, to maintain our credibility before the world and work to implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018). We would like here to stress that the provisions of the resolution are valid even after 30 days from the date of its adoption. We affirm our full commitment to continue to closely follow the status of the implementation of the resolution in the Council monthly reports. We will spare no effort to make progress on its implementation. This month marks the beginning of the eighth year of the conflict in Syria. Sadly, there is still a need for the violence to cease, for sustained humanitarian access through weekly cross-line convoys, for medical evacuations, for the protection of civilians and hospitals and for lifting the siege. We cannot let the Syrian people down, and we will continue to strive to implement the joint demands that we have set out. Finally, we recall that the lack of a political settlement to the conflict in Syria based on resolution 2254 (2015) will lead to further deterioration of the humanitarian situation. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I would like to congratulate the Netherlands and your team, Mr. President, on having assumed the presidency of the Security Council for this month. I also want to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his briefing and for all of his efforts on behalf of peace in Syria Sixteen days ago, we sat around the negotiating table with our Security Council colleagues and agreed to a 30-day ceasefire in the brutal bombardment of civilians in Syria. The negotiations were long and difficult. Every minute we delayed meant more innocent people were killed. But the Russian delegation stalled and drew out the talks. They had conditions they insisted on before they would allow the killing to stop. The United States was reluctant to accept those conditions. But, in order to stop the killing in Syria, we accepted them. We attempted to work with Russia in good faith to end the violence in Syria. As a result, 16 days ago we came to an agreement. Russia cast its vote in favour of the agreement (see S/PV.8188). With that vote Russia promised its support for a 30-day cease-fire, as did the rest of the members of the security Council. With that vote Russia said that it too wanted to create the conditions for food and medicine to reach starving Syrian families. With that vote Russia told us it would use its influence with the Syrian regime to silence the guns in Syria. It told us that the Russians would themselves honour the ceasefire they voted to demand. With that vote Russia made a commitment to us, to the Syrian people and to the world — a commitment to stop the killing in Syria. Today we know that the Russians did not keep their commitment. Today we see their actions do not match those commitments, as bombs continue dropping on the children of eastern Ghouta. Today we must ask whether Russia can no longer influence the Al-Assad regime to stop the horrific destruction of hospitals, medical clinics and ambulances and to stop dropping chemical weapons on villages. Has the situation in Syria reversed, and Russia is now the tool of Al-Assad — or worse, Iran? We must ask those questions because we know the Russians themselves have continued their own bombing. In the first four days following the ceasefire, Russian military aircraft conducted at least 20 daily bombing missions in Damascus and eastern Ghouta. The Russians negotiated the wording of the ceasefire down to the commas and the periods. They voted for the S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 8/23 18-06756 ceasefire. And they immediately disregarded it. In the past 16 days, over 500 civilians have died. Some reports put the death toll even higher. That is unacceptable. Thousands of Syrians are in desperate need of medical care. But none of the United Nations list has been evacuated. We have heard the conversations are ongoing with the regime to medically evacuate 25 people in the coming weeks. While those civilians should be rushed to medical care, we ask why it took so long. When will the more than 1,000 identified medical cases be evacuated? There have been almost no deliveries of medicine or surgical equipment, because the Al-Assad regime remove them from the United Nations humanitarian convoys. The convoy that made it to eastern Ghouta on 5 March had to navigate around constant regime airstrikes. The bombing was so severe that the United Nations could barely unload the food the trucks were carrying. And in the past 16 days, there have been three separate allegations of chlorine-gas attacks. This is no ceasefire. This is the Al-Assad regime, Iran and Russia continuing to wage war against their political opponents. And there is another reason we know the Syrians and Russians never intended to implement the ceasefire: they planned for it. Over the past two weeks, the Russian and Syrian regimes have been busy labelling every opposition group in eastern Ghouta a "terrorist group". Why? So they can exploit a provision in the ceasefire resolution (resolution 2401 (2018)) that allows for military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and Al-Qaida. There are terrorists in Syria, but the Russian and Syrian regimes label anyone as terrorists who resist their absolute control. In the eyes of Russia, Iran and Al-Assad, the neighbourhoods of eastern Ghouta are full of terrorists. The hospitals are full of terrorists. The schools are full of terrorists. The Syrian and Russian regimes insist that they are targeting terrorists, but their bombs and artillery continue to fall on hospitals and schools and on innocent civilians. They have deliberately and with premeditation exploited a loophole they negotiated in the ceasefire to continue starving and pummelling hundreds of thousands of innocent Syrian civilians. They have made a mockery of this process and this institution. For the sake of the Syrian people and the integrity of the Council, we must respond and take action. During the negotiations, the United States put all parties on notice that we needed to act if the ceasefire was not honoured. Members of the Security Council agreed. Now that day has come. The ceasefire has failed. The situation of the civilians in eastern Ghouta is dire. The United States is acting. We have drafted a new ceasefire draft resolution that provides no room for evasion. It is simple, straightforward and binding. It will take effect immediately upon adoption by the Council. It contains no counter-terrorism loopholes for Al-Assad, Iran and the Russians to hide behind. And it focuses on the area the Secretary-General has identified and that the world can see holds the greatest urgency for the lives of innocent civilians, that is, Damascus city and eastern Ghouta. If Russia, Iran and Al-Assad cannot agree to stop the bombing in that limited part of Syria for that limited amount of time, they will not agree to anything that is worthwhile. If they will not keep their word once they have agreed to a ceasefire, then how can we trust them? In the end, that is what makes the work of the Council possible: trust. If we cannot count on the members of the Council to honour their agreements, we cannot accomplish anything. If we cannot act when children are dying, we have no business being here. If we cannot save families that have not seen the sun for weeks because they have been hiding underground to escape barrel bombs, then the Security Council is as impotent as its worst critics say it is. Almost a year ago in the aftermath of the Syrian regime sarin gas attack on Khan Shaykhoun, the United States offered a warning to the Council. We said that when the international community consistently fails to act, there are times when States are compelled to take their own action. The Security Council failed to act, and the United States successfully struck the air base from which Al-Assad had launched his chemical attack. We repeat that warning today. We welcome all nations that will work together to finally provide relief for the Syrian people, and we support the United Nations political process that seeks to end the war in Syria. However, we also warn that any nation that is determined to impose its will through chemical attacks and inflicting human suffering, most especially the outlaw Syrian regime, the United States remains prepared to act if we must. It is not the path we prefer, but it is a path we have demonstrated we will take. We are prepared to take it again. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 9/23 Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and, through him, may I thank all of those trying to supply the desperately needed humanitarian response on the ground. They are indeed valiant. Sixteen days ago, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018). We did so because we and the world were sickened by the slaughter of innocents in Syria, particularly in eastern Ghouta. Russia used every tactic in its playbook to weaken the resolution and buy time for its ally, the Al-Assad regime, to bomb indiscriminately. But when it raises its hand in support, we hope that Russia and its clients would keep their word and implement the resolution. Sadly, as the Secretary-General's briefing has made clear, our resolution has not been implemented. What has happened? First, has there been a ceasefire? No. The violence continues and civilian deaths continue to rise. In those 16 days, 607 people have reportedly been killed, including 99 children and 79 women. The opposition armed groups committed to implementing resolution 2401 (2018) in full, but the Al-Assad regime's air strikes continue. Despite voting for a ceasefire, between 24 and 28 February, Russian military aircraft conducted 20 bombing missions in eastern Ghouta and Damascus every day. Russia has failed to confirm that it is only conducting air strikes against groups that are listed as terrorist groups by the Council. During the so-called daily humanitarian pause, over 56 air strikes hit eastern Ghouta between 27 February and 7 March, including at least six air strikes by Russian aircraft, according to monitors on the ground. Let us recall that only last year Russia declared the whole area to be a de-escalation zone. It has claimed that its bombardments are about fighting terrorists. That is manifestly not the case. There is one terrorist group recognized by the Security Council in eastern Ghouta, which accounts for less than not even 1 per cent of the population of the enclave. The other fighters are members of the opposition armed groups, which Russia has itself invited to the Astana meetings. Those groups have written stating their readiness to expel Al-Nusra Front from the enclave. Instead, Russia bombs them, undermining the political process that it is a part of. We are pleased that the members of the High Negotiations Committee of the Syrian opposition will be able to discuss the situation in Syria with Council members later today. I repeat my consistent condemnation of attacks against Damascus. What about our resolution's second demand, that is, safe, unimpeded and sustained access for humanitarian convoys, including medical and surgical supplies? Only one convoy has been able to enter besieged eastern Ghouta in the past 16 days, in two movements following shelling. They delivered supplies for 27,500 people — a fraction of the 400,000 civilians besieged in eastern Ghouta. What is stopping the aid from getting to the people that so desperately need it? Again, it is the regime. The ongoing violence that it perpetrates is an important factor, and its failure to grant access is another. On 5 March, the regime removed nearly 70 per cent of the medical supplies from a humanitarian convoy destined for 90,000 people. That happened at a time when the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs is warning that malnutrition and disease are so prevalent that people will soon die from hunger and sickness even more than from air strikes. Finally, have there been any medical evacuations for the approximately 1,000 people who need them? Not a single one. Again, it is the regime that will not permit its civilians to reach urgently needed medical care. Some may point to an aid convoy or an announced pause in air strikes as a sign of improvement, and claim that those actions implement the resolution. They do not. Our resolution was clear: a ceasefire without delay, humanitarian access and medical evacuations. None have happened. Instead, the truth is that the regime will continue to pound eastern Ghouta until it has a complete military victory there, and Russia will continue to protect its ally, whatever the cost to the people of Syria and its own reputation. As we sit here, watching Al-Assad inscribing eastern Ghouta, again, on the roll call of atrocities and war crimes that he has committed over the eight years of the bloody conflict, let me say clearly that there will be future accountability for those crimes, and Russia's role, bombing alongside him and protecting him from accountability, will never be forgotten. There is still time. If Russia is able to announce a five-hour ceasefire, it can announce a full ceasefire. If it can get one aid convoy through, it can get more through. I urge Russia to give its unconditional support to resolution 2401 (2018) and a ceasefire to enable the delivery of humanitarian S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 10/23 18-06756 assistance, respect international humanitarian law and protect civilians. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I would first like to thank the Secretary-General for his strong and particularly enlightening briefing, as well as for his personal commitment, in addition to that of the staff of the Secretariat and Mr. Staffan de Mistura, to spare no effort in implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Allow me, on behalf of France, to especially commend the United Nations teams and all the humanitarian actors working under extremely difficult conditions in Syria. Two weeks ago, we unanimously adopted a text calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities of at least 30 days, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access and medical evacuations in Syria. I would remind those present that those demands apply to the whole of Syria and all parties. We negotiated the text together for several weeks and, I repeat, unanimously adopted it. Each member of the Council around this table has therefore endorsed the content by deciding to assume responsibility. That responsibility fell particularly on Russia, as a permanent member that voted for resolution 2401 (2018), sponsor of the Astana talks and a Power engaged in the Syrian situation, as it claims to be. We had agreed to a clause to meet 15 days later to review its implementation. The Secretary-General has just provided us with a very clear picture of that. Since 24 February, civilian casualties have continued to climb into the hundreds every week. The regime is pursuing, in defiance of its people and the Council, an air and land offensive that it has never intended to halt, with the support of Russia and Iran. However, let us not be deceived that civilians are not the "collateral victims" of those military operations. Rather, they are themselves being targeted by the regime, deliberately and methodically to starve and rape, destroy their health centres, kill and sow terror and death. The hell on Earth experienced by eastern Ghouta is not just the effect of the regime's policy; it is the very purpose of the regime's murderous madness, with its daily tally of war crimes and crimes against humanity, for which the regime will have to answer. Let us call a spade a spade: Who can stop the Syrian regime? Everyone knows that, apart from a military operation, it is Russia that is in the best position to do so today. It is therefore legitimate that today, more than ever before, everyone looks expectantly towards Russia, which has so far been unwilling, or unable, to exert sufficient pressure on the regime. Two weeks after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), we are here in the Chamber to face the facts. First, what has happened since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018)? In the light of the inexorable worsening of the humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta, the Security Council has rallied around a cessation of hostilities and made every effort to seek consensus, and finally did reach consensus on 24 February. We knew then, and we said so, that this result was only a precondition, and that the longest and most difficult part of the path towards a humanitarian truce was still before us. However, every day since 24 February the fighting has continued. In the days that followed, despite Russia's unilateral announcement of a daily five-hour truce — well below what resolution 2401 (2018) requires — the intensity of the fighting has increased. Since resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted, there has not been a single day when eastern Ghouta, an enclave that has been starved and besieged for months, has not been bombed by the regime and its supporters. The fight against terrorism — and this cannot be repeated enough — cannot be used as a pretext for such a bloodbath of civilians or for such contempt for international humanitarian law. Eastern Ghouta is now a textbook case of war crimes, and even of crimes against humanity. It cannot be ignored: the Syrian regime, with the support of Russia and Iran, is engaged in a war of total submission against its people. Violations of the ceasefire by the Damascus regime, with the support of Russia and Iran, have been massive and ongoing, and I would like to thank the Secretary-General for clearly exposing those violations. Let me briefly review some of these violations. Between 24 and 27 February, 72 attacks by the Syrian regime and its Russian and Iranian allies, from more than 14 locations, were reported. Between 24 and 28 February, Russian military aircraft carried out no fewer than 20 bombing missions in Damascus and eastern Ghouta. Between 27 February and 2 March, field observers documented at least 25 air strikes by the regime and Russia during the five-hour humanitarian breaks declared by Moscow. Since 18 February, more than 29 hospital have been hit, and few health facilities are still in operation. On 8 March, a health care facility in Mesraba was completely destroyed by bombardments. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, as of 11 March, 607 people, including 99 children and 79 women, had been killed since the adoption of resolution 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 11/23 2401 (2018). I would repeat: 607 people have been killed. In addition to the dead, there are many injured persons, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, rapes and many other intolerable violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Finally, further credible allegations of the use of chemical weapons have been made since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). As the highest French authorities have pointed out, France will brook no compromise when it comes to the use of those abject weapons. The humanitarian needs are immense, yet the regime deliberately continues to block the entry of aid, despite the presence of Russian soldiers at the crossing points, as what happened to the convoy on 5 March shows. Indeed, the population continues to be deprived of relief and of any possibility of medical evacuation, even if more than 1,000 people need it. Still, we cannot give up. On behalf of France, I would like to make a new and urgent appeal to those who can make a difference on the ground, starting with Russia. France is not posing; it is taking action. My country has been and remains one of the countries most committed to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Right after the resolution's adoption, France stepped up its contacts and efforts at the highest level so as to contribute to the resolution's swift implementation, so that the Astana guarantors would assume their responsibilities and so that the commitments made collectively would be respected. President Macron has met with Presidents Putin, Erdoğan and Rouhani, as well as with the Secretary-General on several occasions. Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian visited Moscow and then Tehran. To Russia, we proposed concrete measures for implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Although our efforts aimed at reaching out have been ignored, we stand by our proposals. Let us not deceive ourselves: without an immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), the worst is yet to come. After the regime has conquered the rural zones of eastern Ghouta, the worst would be a conquest — street by street, house by house — in a torrent of fire, for the urban zones of the region, which are by definition the most densely populated areas. It is of the highest urgency, therefore, for us to come together to ensure that the resolution is fully implemented before the street battles promised by the regime's military planners begin. I would like to highlight three essential elements in that regard. The first is implementing a monitoring system to ensure maximum pressure on the parties. The main reason resolution 2401 (2018) has not been not implemented is that the Syrian regime has been engaged in its murderous folly and the regime's supporters have been unable or unwilling to stop it and prevent a worsening of the humanitarian situation. But the failure to implement resolution 2401 (2018) is also the result of our not being able to put in place a sufficiently targeted follow-up mechanism to the resolution in the Council. This must be our priority, and I am convinced that it is our only chance to compel the Syrian regime to comply with its international obligations. France therefore calls for appropriate decisions to be taken in the coming days. It is essential and urgent that humanitarian convoys reach eastern Ghouta in adequate security conditions and carry out their delivery of aid, and that medical evacuations be allowed. For that to happen, the truce must be sustainable and flexible in order to take into account delays in the delivery, discharge and distribution of aid. Medical authorizations must not only be delivered in an expedited manner; they must also come with all the security guarantees needed by patients, their families and the humanitarian actors who assist them. Indeed, the protection due them under international humanitarian law must be unconditionally guaranteed. The second element I would like to highlight is the departure of terrorist fighters from Ghouta as proposed by armed groups. In their letter to the Security Council, the three armed groups in eastern Ghouta, upon the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), indicated their commitment to upholding the resolution, made concrete proposals for a comprehensive cessation of hostilities and committed themselves to taking combatant members of their groups out of Ghouta. The United Nations offered its assistance in those exchanges and carried out important work along those lines, to which the Secretary General just referred. I call on Russia today to conclude and implement the relevant agreements without delay. This is one of the keys to implementing the resolution. The third element is political negotiation. A lasting cessation of hostilities in Syria requires a political process consistent with the terms of resolution 2254 (2015), our shared road map for ending the conflict. Staffan de Mistura has our full support in bringing this mission to a successful conclusion and swiftly convening negotiations in Geneva, which is the only legitimate forum for a credible solution. In order to S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 12/23 18-06756 achieve results, United Nations mediation requires that necessary pressure be exerted on the parties. We therefore call once again on Russia, as well as Iran, to fulfil their responsibilities, as we are fulfilling our own. Collectively we have the capacity, if we so wish, to stop the endless descent into the abyss that characterizes the Syrian tragedy, and finally create a real political dynamic. On behalf of France, I therefore call once again for all members of the Council to finally rally their words and action in the service of this shared objective, which matches to our interests and responsibilities. It is never too late to save lives, and it is our responsibility — if we accept it — to end the tragedy of Syria, on which our generation, and the credibility of the Security Council, will be judged. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and his detailed information on what we asked for. We particularly appreciated his words when he said that there should be only one agenda for all of us — ending this crisis. Russia supported the Security Council's adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), guided by the priority of improving the humanitarian situation in various parts of Syria. We not only believe that its effective implementation is extremely important, we have also proposed concrete ways of achieving that, something that was discussed in today's briefing. And that is unlike various capitals whose representatives have settled comfortably for doing nothing while vilifying the Syrian regime, as they call it, and making endless accusations about Russia. In out last meeting on the subject (see S/PV.8188), I promised to count the number of times that Ambassador Haley mentioned Russia in the next meeting. The answer is 22. France came second, with 16 mentions, and the United Kingdom was third, with 12. This matters not just for the record but for the context in which it occurs. What is going on is a political policy, and it does not have to do merely — indeed, not much at all — with concern for Syrians' humanitarian needs. It is important that everyone understands that resolution 2401 (2018) is not about an immediate ceasefire, which is a utopian notion, but a preliminary agreement between the parties as a condition for achieving sustainable de-escalation in all the contested areas of Syria, not just eastern Ghouta. That is the only realistic way. The resolution contains an unequivocal demand in that regard, and we are trying to make that happen. The Council has heard about that today and will hear more. The authorities in Damascus have expressed their satisfaction with the resolution and their willingness to implement its provisions. However, they have also rightly demanded an immediate cessation of attacks on the capital and of all infringements on Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The counter-terrorist operation that the Syrian armed forces are conducting does not contradict resolution 2401 (2018). The Government of Syria has every right to work to end threats to its citizens' security. The Damascus suburbs cannot continue to be a breeding ground for terrorists. It is the terrorists' persistent attempts to disrupt the ceasefire that serve to maintain the tensions in Syria, and of course the most problematic area is in eastern Ghouta. The July 2017 Cairo agreements on the eastern Ghouta de-escalation zone gave the militants a chance to be included in the political settlement. They did not take advantage of it and have still not dissociated themselves from the terrorists. Even now the groups' activities are coordinated from the joint headquarters run by Jabhat Al-Nusra. We have reliable information that they are in active radio contact, discussing plans for shelling the humanitarian corridors, among other things. Why are they only now talking about being willing to drive Al-Nusra's members out of eastern Ghouta? And why are we the only ones asking that question? We have answered it a number of times ourselves when we have spoken about suspicions that Al-Nusra is being preserved for particular political purposes, in this case to maintain a dangerous hotbed of armed resistance in the immediate vicinity of Syria's capital. Even now they continue to lull us with fairy stories about how few terrorists there are in eastern Ghouta. And who is going to monitor the armed groups' implementation of the resolution? Who will be responsible for that? Just please do not keep saying the so-called regime, and Russia, and Iran. Such ideological attitudes are simply not serious in the context of the professional discussions that we conduct in the Security Council. What responsibility will the members of the Council take for the implementation of the resolution? How will they implement it? How will they influence the militias they support? 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 13/23 Following the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), with Russia's participation, daily five-hour humanitarian pauses were established and the Muhayam-Al-Wafedin checkpoint was opened for use by both civilians and militants with families. They were guaranteed security, transportation and protection along the entire route. The Syrian authorities then opened another checkpoint, Jisreen-Mleha, in the southern area of eastern Ghouta. Medical posts have been set up, distribution points organized for hot meals, buses are standing by. However, the insurgents continued to subject the central areas of Damascus and its outskirts to massive shelling. Dozens of mines have been laid for days, resulting in deaths and injuries as well as major damage. Since the day the resolution was adopted more than 100 people have died, and many more been injured, as a result of the shelling in the capital. The Tishrin and Al-Biruni hospitals and a medical centre in Al-Rihan have been hit more than once. These are real hospitals, not the militants' field offices that are frequently disguised as hospitals. They are making active use of snipers. We know this for a fact. It is a tragedy when any civilians die during an armed conflict. But my delegation has always been interested in the origin of the statistical information being used in the United Nations. In a highly politicized situation this subject is extremely important. Frequent assessments are pronounced about civilian losses in eastern Ghouta. We hope that future reports will be required to indicate where their data is from, how reliable it is and who exactly is meant by "reliable sources on the ground". Every day that has passed, the extremists have forbidden civilians to leave the areas they have blocked and have severely suppressed attempts to resist arbitrary action, including through exemplary executions. We have reliable information about that too. Strikes on corridors and exit checkpoints are constant, including during the humanitarian pauses. On 9 March a convoy of refugees was shelled, once again disrupting an evacuation. Tunnels are being used for attacks on the Syrian army, and the exits from underground installations are located in neighbourhoods where there are public institutions, mainly mosques, hospitals and markets. They have inflated food prices and at the same time have been taking away the people's food, water, medicines and mobile phones. They are setting up firing positions in residential buildings and using people as human shields. They are laying mines in neighbourhoods that are adjacent to the line of contact. They are conducting searches and confiscating permit papers distributed by Government forces. The residents are trying to resist this repression, organizing spontaneous rallies and clashing with the militias. On 1 March, in north-eastern Douma, Al-Nusra terrorists shot four people who participated in such a demonstration. Today there was a major protest in Kafr Batna. The first major exodus of civilians took place on the night of 11 March, when 52 people, 26 of them children, left the village of Misraba with the assistance of the Russian Centre for the Reconciliation of Opposing Sides and the Syrian army. There are also militants who want to leave eastern Ghouta, but their field commanders threaten potential defectors with reprisals. For the first time, on 9 March, after long and tense negotiations, with the participation of officers from the Russian Centre for Reconciliation, 13 militants were evacuated from the enclave through the humanitarian corridor at their own request. Talks have been held with Jaysh Al-Islam on reaching an agreement on the withdrawal of a second group of fighters. A meeting was also held with the leaders of Faylaq Al-Rahman, at which it was demanded that they dissociate themselves from Jabhat Al-Nusra immediately. However, according to information received, the militants of the group decided to continue their armed resistance, forcibly recruiting ordinary citizens into their ranks. To turn to the subject of the humanitarian convoy entering Douma on 5 March, the convoy received comprehensive support from the Syrian Government and the Russian military. A humanitarian corridor was established, security ensured for its passage and the situation was monitored. However, there was a great deal of evidence of disorganized activity on the part of the humanitarian actors. According to our information, United Nations staff needlessly delayed the convoy operations, creating real security risks. While the convoy was being put together, they attempted to load it with undeclared medical supplies — and the fact that not all of them were declared was mentioned today — and wasted around two hours in a meeting with the leaders of the so-called local councils. They spread unreliable information about aerial strikes in the trucks' unloading area, and today some delegations seized on that joyfully, although what actually occurred was one instance of mortar fire from the armed groups' positions. They did not respond to local residents' S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 14/23 18-06756 request to help them leave the enclave. Nonetheless, 13 people, five of them children, were evacuated. Afterwards, it was curious to read a report that one of Ahrar Al-Sham's field commanders had, in a tone of irony, expressed his appreciation for the humanitarian pause on 5 March, which enabled the militias to regroup, recover their strength and a number of lost positions and prepare ambushes for the Syrian military. A 9 March action was successfully carried out with the Russian military providing a truck convoy with safe conduct. However, the scope of resolution 2401 (2018) is not limited to eastern Ghouta. We should note that in the past two weeks, the terrorists of Al-Nusra and associated militia groups have repeatedly shelled villages in Hamah province. As a result of new strikes there are been deaths and injuries in blockaded Fo'ah and Kafraya in Idlib. Armed clashes between illegal groups in that province have led to threats of a number of medical facilities being closed. Al-Nusra has become more active in the southern de-escalation zone, which could be related to the fact that they continue to be supplied with weapons from outside. The situation in Afrin remains very difficult. The Syrian authorities have given permission for humanitarian aid to be delivered to the residents of Rukban camp, in the area illegally held by the Americans around the Al-Tanf military base. We would like to know what the United Nations is doing about that. Needless to say, we assume that the distribution of humanitarian assistance will be undertaken by a trustworthy entity such as the International Committee of the Red Cross or the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. We are also awaiting the speedy dispatch of a United Nations humanitarian needs assessment mission to Raqqa, which was bombed out by the coalition. There should be no pointless delays with this, so I would like to ask the United Nations when that mission will take place. We understand very well the unspoken motives for the current disinformation campaign, whose aim is to create a public perception that the Syrian authorities use toxic substances. In fact, both we and the Syrians have well-founded fears that provocations are being planned with the aim of accusing the Syrian authorities of carrying out chemical attacks. According to information received, Al-Nusra used a chlorine-based substance in eastern Ghouta on 5 March, affecting more than 30 local residents. This is all being done in order to prepare the ground for unilateral acts of force against sovereign Syria. We heard hints of that in the statements made by some delegations today. Essentially, steps are being considered that could deliver yet another heavy blow to regional stability. Meanwhile, on territory formerly controlled by illegal armed groups, there have been more new discoveries of stores of chemicals, but the relevant bodies of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons have been very slow to react to the appeals of the Syrian authorities. Russia will continue its efforts to implement resolution 2401 (2018), but we demand that some of our colleagues do their part and exert genuine pressure on the groups that they support or sponsor, instead of constantly calling on Russia and creating the false impression that the resolution applies only to us. In conclusion, I would like to say that this afternoon four Security Council will be holding an unofficial Arria Formula meeting with the declared intention of making opposition voices heard on the humanitarian issue in Syria. This is going to be widely covered in the media. First and foremost, we want to point out the fact that is unacceptable to use United Nations resources for politicized purposes, and that is certainly not what Arria Formula meetings were conceived for. This event conceals the desire of its organizers to exert informational pressure on the Syrian Government and those who are helping it fight terrorism. In our view, to get the full picture, it would not be a bad idea to listen to the residents of Raqqa and Rukban camp, not to mention eastern Ghouta, where there are quite a few people who would be glad of the opportunity to appeal for their deliverance from the presence of extremists. Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): I should like at the outset to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing. China appreciates the positive efforts made by the United Nations and the Secretary- General to alleviate the humanitarian situation in the Syrian regions affected. China sympathizes with the suffering of the Syrian people and has consistently been working hard to help them. Last month we channelled assistance through the International Committee of the Red Cross, sending water, food, medical services and shelter to internally displaced persons in Syria. We are extremely concerned at the fact that the people of Syria are suffering from the conflict. No act 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 15/23 of violence against innocent civilians can be tolerated. This situation must end. On 24 February, the members of the Security Council, leaving aside their differences, unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018). This upheld the unity of the Council and provided a rare opportunity for a ceasefire, halting the violence and easing the suffering of the Syrian people. After the resolution was adopted, we saw that United Nations humanitarian relief convoys had overcome difficulties of all kinds and entered eastern Ghouta, delivering much-needed assistance to the people there. With Russia announcing the implementation of the temporary ceasefire, a humanitarian corridor was opened for the Syrian people. We saw that some civilians, including children, had already entered the safe area through the humanitarian corridor and received relief and assistance. It has also come to our attention that the parties to the conflict continue to attack each other and that owing to the shelling the humanitarian corridor has not been able to serve its full purpose. We urge all parties concerned to make joint efforts, exert their influence and ensure that resolution 2401 (2018) is effectively and earnestly implemented. All members of the Security Council should maintain their unity and jointly stay on track to find a political solution to the Syrian issue, support the early resumption of the Geneva peace talks and urge all parties in Syria to achieve a solution acceptable to all as soon as possible, through a Syrian-led and Syrian-owned political process, in order to ease the suffering of the Syrian people. China will continue to make unremitting efforts to that end. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): I join others in thanking Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing. We welcome the efforts of the United Nations, its system and the International Committee of the Red Cross to render immediate life-saving services, conduct hundreds of medical evacuations and send convoys to the besieged and hard-to-reach areas, especially eastern Ghouta, despite the potential danger to the lives of their personnel. We therefore urge the members of the Security Council to assist the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in operationalizing those emergency programmes and to ensure the protection of medical and humanitarian workers. Likewise, we also urge the parties to support United Nations structures in fulfilling their mandates. We echo the United Nations calls to all parties to facilitate unconditional, unimpeded and sustained access to all people in need throughout the country and to take the necessary measures to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure, including schools and medical facilities, as required by international law and human rights standards. Kazakhstan considers that it is equally important to further promote the Syrian settlement and believes that the Astana process has great potential for guiding intra-Syrian talks towards long-term peace. In that context, we propose that all sides, including stakeholders, provide all-round assistance, making use of the positive developments to improve the humanitarian situation on the ground. Astana continues to support resolution 2254 (2015), as it always has, and repeatedly calls on the International Syria Support Group and other countries to help the conflicting parties to implement the measures stipulated in the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and the Vienna statements. We express concern over the existing difficulties in Syria, which seriously impede the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), and we call on the international community to influence the conflicting parties to cooperate with the United Nations. The only way to truly resolve the crisis is through negotiations, predicated on mutual trust and understanding, together with confidence-building measures. In practical terms, we are convinced that expelling terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta may calm the situation in that sector. Let us be frank: removing the Al-Nusra Front and other affiliated terrorist groups from the area, as stated in a letter from three parties, must be pursued in order to end hostilities. The implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) is a collective responsibility, with each Council member playing a significant role. Finally, Kazakhstan supports solutions in Syria on the basis of resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué, as well as the agreements on the de-escalation zones reached during the Astana process. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We would like to thank you, Mr. President, for having convened this meeting and to welcome the presence of Secretary-General António Guterres, who reminded us of the responsibilities of the international community, S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 16/23 18-06756 in particular the Council, given the serious and terrible developments in Syria. Peru follows with great concern the humanitarian situation in that country. We must express our sorrow and solidarity to the victims of the conflict, most of whom are children. We deeply regret that, two weeks after the ceasefire was unanimously adopted by the Council through resolution 2401 (2018), there has not been sufficient progress in its implementation. As the Secretary-General noted, a sustained cessation of hostilities has not materialized. The conflict continues to claim civilian victims. The much-needed humanitarian assistance has been provided in a very limited way. International law and international humanitarian law continue to be violated with impunity. The bleak outlook requires us to redouble our efforts. The Security Council must remain united in its responsibility to protect the Syrian population by promoting all actions conducive to ensuring the full and immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). The responsibility to act is clearly greater for the countries with the greatest capacity for influence in the field, in particular the guarantors of the de-escalation zones agreed in Astana. The situation is particularly serious in eastern Ghouta, where, among other emergencies, more than 1,000 people need to be evacuated for medical reasons. It is also serious in Idlib, Afrin, Rukban and Raqqa, among other places. We need to remember that the ceasefire must cover the entire Syrian territory and allow humanitarian assistance in a sustained, safe and unhindered way. The Syrian Government must comply with the ceasefire immediately and fulfil its responsibility to protect the population and its obligation to cooperate with the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). The fight against terrorism cannot be used as an excuse to violate human rights and international humanitarian law. Peru supports the proposal of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura to promote dialogue with the opposition groups that have expressed their willingness to comply with the ceasefire and to expel members of terrorist organizations linked to the Al-Nusra Front from eastern Ghouta. Peru remains committed to achieving a political solution to the conflict that ends the ongoing humanitarian disaster, ensures accountability for the atrocious crimes committed in that country, including the use of chemical weapons, supports regional stability and achieves sustainable peace in Syria. We would like to conclude by expressing our support for the Secretary-General in his call for the immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and for his tireless efforts and those of his team on the ground. We also wish to highlight the professionalism, the courage and the sense of duty of the United Nations humanitarian personnel and of the humanitarian agencies such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, among others deployed in Syria. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, I would like to express my gratitude to Secretary-General António Guterres for his informative briefing. I also thank him for his leadership and all his support, in particular his tremendous efforts, as well as those of his Special Envoy, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, and of the entire United Nations team, to achieve the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and a definitive resolution of the Syrian conflict. Today's meeting should be another milestone in the international response to the humanitarian crisis prevailing in Syria. However, unfortunately, that is not the case. As the Secretary-General underscored in his briefing, in recent weeks, the parties involved at all levels have intensified their fighting in eastern Ghouta despite the humanitarian ceasefire agreed through the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) exactly 16 days ago. Nevertheless, we welcome with satisfaction reports that the United Nations and Syrian Arab Red Crescent convoy was finally able to reach eastern Ghouta last Friday to complete the delivery of food that could not be unloaded on 5 March for security reasons. However, the delivery of all necessary humanitarian supplies, including the medical and health-care supplies that were seized in the first attempt by convoys to the besieged areas, continues to be urgent and must be carried out without delay. We also welcome the news that the Secretary- General has just provided to us with regard to some improvements in the situation on the ground in eastern Ghouta. We hope that today's meeting will lead to greater improvement or a definitive resolution of the situation in that part of Syria. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 17/23 We read the letter dated 9 March that the co-penholders — France, the United Kingdom and the United States — addressed to the Secretary-General and the Council. We have also read very carefully the many letters that the Syrian Government has addressed to the members of the Security Council through its Permanent Representative. Basically, we note in those letters the repeated mutual accusations that have been a characteristic of this long conflict since its beginning. We are talking about a 30-day ceasefire, and time is gradually running out. We have had enough of mutual recrimination. The only collective task that we should focus on is finding a coherent peace mechanism to stop this endless and heinous war. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea remains deeply concerned about the developments in the situation in Syria. We reiterate the urgent need for Council members who have influence over the national parties to the conflict to redouble their diplomatic initiatives with a view to reaching a common understanding on how to find a political solution to the tragic crisis in Syria, the effects of which are a threat to the region and the international community, in particular because of the humanitarian implications posed by the millions of Syrians who are currently being displaced within the country or seeking asylum and because of the security risks caused by the expansion of Da'esh, the Al-Nusra Front and other terrorist entities. We also express our deep indignation at the continuing fighting in the province of Idlib, which, for seven consecutive days, has been subject to attacks and rocket fire from Islamic factions in areas of the cities of Kafraya and Fo'ah. Those events, like many others, demonstrate the need for a common front that will expel from Syria the Islamic State, Al-Qaida, the Al-Nusra Front and all other associated entities that threaten peace and security in the region. In conclusion, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea calls on the guarantors of the Astana process — Russia, Iran and Turkey — to ensure that the rounds of negotiations to be held on 15 and 16 March — to which the Special Envoy of the United Nations for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, was invited — serve not only to plan future actions and strategies, but also to give genuine impetus to finding a solution to the Syrian crisis once and for all. During my statement after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), I said that we had partially spared ourselves from embarrassment (see S/PV.8188). However, since 16 days have passed since the adoption of the resolution without it being implemented. I think we remain completely shamed. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): Let me thank the SecretaryGeneral for his comprehensive, but again very worrying and alarming, update. Like many around this table, we share a sense of urgency, especially following the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). We also see how difficult it is to implement resolution 2401 (2018) on the ground. Small steps, such as sending an aid convoy to eastern Ghouta last Monday, are still mere drops in the ocean of people's needs. Even with a unanimously adopted resolution, we are still lacking any substantial change on the ground and the fighting is far from being over. We therefore call for the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). We understand that the solution is not entirely in our hands, but still we should try to do our utmost to find possible ways to ensure that the life-saving aid convoys might reach those in need and medical evacuations might begin. Unfortunately, the situation in eastern Ghouta, but also in Idlib and Aleppo provinces, does not allow the suffering of ordinary Syrians to be alleviated. Let me once again stress our full support for the Secretary-General, as well as his Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura, in finding a political solution to the Syrian crisis. A political solution to the conflict remains the only viable way to end the suffering of Syrian people. Let me also underline that the role of the Security Council remains crucial, but it is up to the Syrian people to decide their own future. We agree that fighting against terrorist groups designated as such by the Security Council is crucial, but, at the same time, such designations cannot justify the attacks on innocent civilians and civilian infrastructure, including health facilities. Those attacks must stop and parties to the conflict must strictly comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law. In that context, let me once again strongly underline that any response to violence should be proportionate. We need full compliance with the ceasefire agreed in resolution 2401 (2018). The Russian proposal for a daily five-hour pause is simply not enough to allow humanitarian workers to deliver aid and to evacuate those who cannot be treated on the ground. The international community, and especially the Council, S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 18/23 18-06756 bear a huge responsibility to protect civilians. Allow me to share a couple of concrete ideas, which I hope will be useful, on how to improve the situation on the ground. As the Security Council, we should demand United Nations access in order to monitor designated de-escalation zones to ensure the well-being of civilians. All States Members of the United Nations should fully cooperate with the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism set up last year and facilitate its work. Parties engaged in the conflict must cease enabling the crimes on the ground and withhold all their support to armed groups that target civilians. Parties conducting air strikes against terrorist groups must ensure that all necessary precautionary measures are taken into consideration in order to avoid civilian casualties and that all military operations are fully consistent with international law. All potential violations, including possible war crimes, must be investigated, and the perpetrators must be held accountable. In conclusion, let me underline that, from our perspective, we in New York sometimes lack feedback on our actions. With regard to actions taken at Headquarters, it is for the Syrian people themselves to tell us what would be the most effective way to support them. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): My delegation thanks the Secretary-General for his briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), on the humanitarian situation in Syria. Two weeks after its unanimous adoption by members of the Security Council, resolution 2401 (2018), which had inspired a great deal of hope, has not been implemented as planned, much to our regret. The requirement of an immediate cessation of hostilities for a period of at least 30 days, provided for by resolution 2401 (2018), to enable the safe and unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid and services and medical evacuation of the critically sick and wounded, in accordance with applicable international humanitarian law, has not yet gone into effect. The humanitarian and security situation remains worrisome because it is impossible for humanitarian convoys that endure indiscriminate attacks and bombings perpetrated by various hostile groups to reach besieged areas. In addition, attacks are carried out against medical and humanitarian personnel and health-care infrastructure. According to the World Health Organization, such attacks are on the rise. The deterioration of the humanitarian situation within Syria's borders due to increased fighting makes for dangerous living conditions for thousands of internally displaced persons and obliterates the hope of restoring security and dignity to millions of refugees in neighbouring countries living in extremely difficult conditions. Given the dire situation, Côte d'Ivoire hopes that the second international conference on supporting the future of Syria and the region, to be held in Brussels on 24 and 25 April at the initiative of the European Union, will result in pledges of increased humanitarian aid and development support. In accordance with the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018), Côte d'Ivoire again calls for the immediate cessation of hostilities in order to enable the safe, sustained and unimpeded access of humanitarian convoys delivering basic necessities to hundreds of people in dire need in eastern Ghouta and other areas of the country. My delegation welcomes reports that, for a few days, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent was able once again to enter the city of Douma in eastern Ghouta to deliver the aid necessary, including food and non-food items. My delegation encourages all Syrian stakeholders to create conditions that would allow the United Nations to make scheduled deliveries in eastern Ghouta, throughout the entire country and on Syrian borders. Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its belief that the humanitarian situation will not improve without significant progress on the political landscape because the two issues are inextricably linked. Therefore, it invites hostile groups and all stakeholders to engage in political dialogue in order to achieve a peaceful solution to the crisis in Syria. In that regard, it welcomes the holding of a meeting in Geneva between the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. De Mistura, and the three Astana guarantors — Iran, the Russian Federation and Turkey — with a view to relaunching the Syrian political process. The delegation of Côte d'Ivoire hopes that the next meeting to be held in Astana, at the initiative of the three guarantors of the Astana process, will enable us to reach a lasting ceasefire in Syria and to calmly resume the intra-Syrian peace talks pursuant to resolution 2254 (2015). 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 19/23 Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Once again we take this opportunity to pay tribute to humanitarian workers who risk their lives daily as they carry out their duties. We join other colleagues in congratulating the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, on his efforts to find a political solution to the serious situation in Syria, which, as the Secretary-General recalled, is in its eighth year. Bolivia deplores the challenges to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) that the Secretary-General outlined in his briefing today. We condemn all deliberate attacks on civilians and demand respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law. We call on the parties involved to focus primarily on protecting hospitals, medical facilities, schools and civilian residences, and the personnel of the various agencies and humanitarian assistance organizations whose employees put their own lives at risk as they carry out their work on the ground. We call on the parties to cooperate and enhance coordination efforts with the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, provide unhindered humanitarian access and allow urgent medical evacuations to be carried out, in particular in besieged and hard-to-reach areas. We call upon the parties to work together to achieve the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) throughout Syria as soon as possible and in accordance with agreements reached in the Astana process and on the de-escalation zones. We underscore the importance of unity within the Security Council when implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Such unity must be present if our goal is to fully implement it. We also call on the members of the Council and all parties involved to depoliticize the humanitarian situation in the Syrian Arab Republic and ensure that its actions are in line with international law. We highlight a few forums for dialogue that could assist with reaching consensus on a definitive cessation of hostilities, such as the Syrian National Dialogue Congress in Sochi, whose outcome is geared towards strengthening the political process in Geneva. We hope that that forum will allow for the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) as soon as possible. In conclusion, we reiterate that there is no military solution to the crisis. The only solution is through an inclusive political dialogue ordered and led by and for the Syrian people. We extend our best hopes for the outcome of the next meeting to be held in Astana. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We thank the Secretary- General for his comprehensive, up-to-date and very useful briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Two weeks after the adoption of that resolution, the humanitarian situation in Syria continues to cause serious concern. The United Nations and its humanitarian partners have failed to ensure safe, sufficient, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian access for populations in need of life-saving assistance due ongoing fighting, in particular in eastern Ghouta. Nonetheless, we are mindful of the fact that resolution 2401 (2018) applies to all parts of Syria. We note that the Secretary-General did not overlook that aspect of the resolution in his briefing. We had all emphasized the importance of the effective implementation of the resolution in order to make positive changes on the ground and alleviate the humanitarian tragedy in Syria. Given the increasingly complex situation on the ground, we knew that it would not be an easy task. After the Council adopted resolution 2401 (2018), we recognized that the United Nations and its humanitarian partners could deliver aid to eastern Ghouta and other affected areas. No doubt, there remain serious challenges to ensuring the full implementation of the resolution. Although it demands the cessation of hostilities without delay for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria, with the immediate engagement of all parties to ensure safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and medical evacuations, there have been ongoing military activities resulting in civilian casualties and the destruction of civilian facilities. Here, one should also not overlook the damage being caused by the shelling of Damascus. Therefore, it is clear that much more remains to be done and all parties should be committed to the full implementation of the resolution. As the United Nations and its humanitarian partners are ready to deliver more aid to all Syrians throughout the country, it is absolutely critical that all the parties provide them safe, unfettered and sustained humanitarian access. In that regard, all those who have influence over the parties S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 20/23 18-06756 should exert the necessary pressure to contribute to saving lives. It is also imperative to use all existing arrangements to facilitate the implementation of the resolution, particularly the cessation of hostilities. In that connection, we look forward to the Astana meeting, scheduled to take place on 15 and 16 March, which we hope will contribute to the full implementation of the resolution. Finally, as the Secretary-General stated, we are entering into the eighth year since the start of the Syrian crisis. While we look forward to seeing the Syrian people, as a sovereign State, find a comprehensive political solution based on resolution 2254 (2015), the Council also has a responsibility and an indispensable role in resolving the Syrian crisis. Therefore, we hope that the spirit of cooperation and consensus that the Council demonstrated during the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) will be sustained not only to respond to the humanitarian tragedy, but also to ensure progress in the political track with a view to finding a lasting solution to the crisis. Most importantly, the cooperation of relevant countries that have influence is key. Without those countries, there will be no solution in sight. The President: I will now make a statement in my capacity as representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. I would like to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his briefing. Through him, I would also like to thank all United Nations and other humanitarian personnel on the ground. They work under extreme circumstances. Sixteen days ago (see S/PV.8188), the Security Council showed a rare example of unity regarding Syria when it adopted resolution 2401 (2018) . I recall the glimmer of hope that day in the Chamber. All of us agreed that all parties to the Syrian conflict must cease hostilities in order to enable the delivery of humanitarian assistance and the evacuation of the critically sick and wounded. Yet one day after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), the Syrian regime, supported by Russia and Iran, launched a most violent ground offensive to conquer the enclave of eastern Ghouta. That offensive came on top of a relentless air campaign that had started one month ago. Resolution 2401 (2018) calls for a cessation of hostilities, without delay. Unfortunately, it is the military offensive that continues without delay. Elsewhere in Syria, including in Idlib and Afrin, violence continues to threaten the civilian population as well. The Council must do everything in its power to advance the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). In that regard, I would like to stress the importance of humanitarian aid, the monitoring of the cessation of hostilities and accountability. With regard to my first point, the immediate delivery of humanitarian aid, last week we were deeply shocked to hear reports that medical supplies, including surgical supplies, insulin and even trauma kits, had been removed from convoys by the Syrian regime. Medical supplies save lives and provide relief to the inhumane suffering that too many Syrians are going through. Medical supplies cannot be used as weapons by terrorists. There is no justification for denying medicine and medical supplies to the wounded and sick. The first humanitarian convoy that received authorization from the Syrian regime to deliver aid to eastern Ghouta was not able to fully unload because of resumed fighting. The convoy that arrived last Friday was finally able to deliver aid, including medical supplies, for 27,500 people. However, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs is still waiting for authorization to complete the delivery to Douma for all 70,000 people, as initially approved by the Syrian authorities. We call on all parties to immediately allow sustained and unimpeded access to deliver supplies to people in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. That applies to eastern Ghouta and to all in need throughout the country. On my second point, the cessation of hostilities and the need for monitoring, resolution 2401 (2018) calls for an immediate nationwide cessation of hostilities. A strong monitoring mechanism is needed urgently in order to ensure implementation. We agree with the French proposal in that regard. Since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), air strikes have continued, even increased, especially on eastern Ghouta. We hear the Russian Federation say that those strikes are targeted at terrorists. However, we underline once more that the exemption to the ceasefire for attacks directed at United Nations-listed terrorist groups does not provide an excuse to ignore the basic principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. According to the latest report of the Commission of Inquiry, the siege of eastern Ghouta continues to be characterized by the use of prohibited weapons and attacks against civilian and protected objects, which we condemn in the strongest terms. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 21/23 We also condemn the shelling of Damascus from eastern Ghouta. We call upon all parties to abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law at all times. Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura should facilitate negotiations between armed opposition groups, the Syrian regime and Russia in order to advance the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). One concrete and helpful step is to evacuate United Nations-listed terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta. A first evacuation of 13 imprisoned terrorist fighters reportedly took place last Friday. It is crucial that any evacuation of armed fighters take place in a safe and orderly fashion. We call on the United Nations to prepare for putting in place the necessary monitoring mechanisms in that regard. We call on Russia to accept the offer of the Special Envoy to facilitate further evacuation of United Nations-listed terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta. Civilians should never be forced to leave against their will. Forced displacement may constitute a war crime. On my third point, the credibility and accountability of the Council, despite the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) we have seen no cessation of hostilities. We have seen no significant improvement in the humanitarian situation on the ground in Syria. This also has a negative impact on the credibility of the Council. It is vital for the functioning of the rules-based international order that decisions of the Council be respected and implemented. As a Council, we have a collective responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. However, we should not forget that the responsibility and, indeed, the obligation to execute its decisions lies with individual Member States. The human suffering in Syria, especially in eastern Ghouta, must end now. We need a full cessation of hostilities in all of Syria, including eastern Ghouta, Idlib and Afrin. And we call on the Russian Federation in particular to use its influence and to do its utmost to achieve that, thereby also upholding the Council's credibility. In conclusion, the siege of eastern Ghouta is entering its fifth year. The war in Syria will enter its eighth year later this week, on 15 March, as others have noted. One wonders how the Syrian regime thinks to ever achieve the legitimacy to govern the people it now pounds into submission or death. As the High Commissioner for Human Rights stated during the thirty-seventh session of the Human Rights Council, "what we are seeing in eastern Ghouta are likely war crimes and potentially crimes against humanity". The perpetrators of these crimes must know they are being identified, that dossiers are being built up with a view to their prosecution, and that they will be held accountable for what they have done. We thank the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic for its important work to date. We recall the resolution of the Human Rights Council of 5 March, which calls on the Commission to investigate the situation in eastern Ghouta. We call on all Council members to support the referral of the humanitarian catastrophe in Syria to the International Criminal Court. We also urge all States to increase their support for the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for the Syrian Arab Republic. For now, however, our common efforts should be directed at securing immediate relief for those millions in Syria in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. For that, we need the cessation of hostilities to be implemented immediately and in a sustained manner. We need a continuous pause in the fighting of 30 days, as demanded by resolution 2401 (2018). If its implementation continues to fail, that will require a response from the Council that goes beyond where we stand now. We thank the Secretary-General for his perseverance and endless efforts to uphold the norms and values of the Charter of the United Nations, international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as well as to promote compliance with resolution 2401 (2018). We call on all Council members to follow his example. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I wish to again remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than five minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I will not begin by commenting on the procedural point that you have raised, Mr. President, but rather I will focus on the essential issues that S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 22/23 18-06756 are supposed to be of interest to the members of the Security Council. I welcome the Secretary-General and note the statement at the outset of his briefing that the Secretariat does not have all the necessary information to carefully access the situation on the ground because the United Nations does not have a presence in all areas. The Secretariat humbly and politely said those words, noting that it does not have full, relevant information pertaining to the Syrian situation, although the United Nations has a branch of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Damascus and there are dozens of United Nations agencies operating in Syria, in addition to 13 international non-governmental organizations also operating there. However, some of our colleagues in the Security Council, who have shut down their embassies in Damascus and are now completely disconnected from credible information, instead rely on information from what is known as open sources. They have provided a vast amount of information that would never serve the interests of the Syrian people or of those present in such an important and significant discussion. That information is misleading and could poison the atmosphere and fuel sedition regarding the role of the Security Council, which is mandated to maintain international peace and security. The Syrian Government stands ready to engage seriously with positive international initiatives that serve the interests of the Syrian people, especially in ending the bloodshed throughout Syria, as stated in resolution 2401 (2018). My country has expressed its satisfaction with resolution 2401 (2018), particularly the positive provisions contained therein. In that regard, my country confirms that it has taken all the following procedures to relieve the suffering of our people in eastern Ghouta. First, immediately after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), hostilities were ceased on a daily basis from 9 a.m. until 2 p.m, Damascus local time, and remain so to this very moment, with the aim of delivering humanitarian aid and ensuring the unimpeded and safe exit of civilians from the areas controlled by terrorist groups. Secondly, two safe humanitarian corridors have been opened for civilians wishing to exit the area. Thirdly, two joint United Nations-International Committee of the Red Cross convoys, in collaboration with the Syrian Red Crescent, were sent to eastern Ghouta on 5 and 9 March. Notwithstanding the foregoing, all those procedures have been countered by the terror of armed organizations present in Ghouta. Incited by their masters — some of them, unfortunately, members of the Security Council — these organizations have targeted civilians in Damascus since the beginning of the year, firing more than 2,499 missiles and mortars that have claimed the lives of 70 civilian martyrs and injured 556 people. Those organizations have prevented our people in eastern Ghouta from leaving in order to continue to use them as human shields and material for humanitarian and media blackmail. They have even targeted those who managed to escape towards the two corridors by firing bullets and missiles. The latest incident in Syria occurred on 8 March, when the so-called Faylaq Al-Rahman — one of the terrorist arms of the petty State of Qatar in Syria — targeted a civilian convoy heading towards one of the corridors, leading to high casualties among civilians. By the way, that terrorist organization, Faylaq Al-Rahman, has been hailed by some of those present because of its readiness to implement resolution 2401 (2018). They presented it as a part of the moderate Syrian opposition, and distributed a letter signed by that and other terrorist organizations, addressed to the Secretary-General. That is the modus operandi of the Security Council with terrorist groups. The procedures taken by the Syrian Government are not limited to eastern Ghouta. Over the past few days, the Government has undertaken a number of other procedures. First, we have requested that the United Nations and a number of humanitarian organizations immediately send a mission to investigate the humanitarian situation in Raqqa, which was destroyed by the International Coalition led by the United States of America. Secondly, we have requested approval to send humanitarian convoys to the Rukban camp, provided that the aid is delivered and distributed by the Syrian Red Crescent and the Red Cross exclusively, and not by the United States occupation authorities or the terrorist groups in Rukban camp and Tanaf area. Thirdly, two days ago the Syrian Red Crescent obtained Government approval to send convoys to Ghouta, Raqqa, Afrin and Rukban. To date, it has not sent the convoys to Rukban and Afrin because the United Nations failed to ensure the necessary safeguards from the United States and Turkish occupation forces. That is the reason. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 23/23 With every advance by the Syrian Army against terrorist groups in any given area, the States sponsoring terrorism launch heated disinformation campaigns to distract the world from the terrorism, aggression and occupation against Syria. The inference is that those countries have never been keen to protec the lives of civilians, but prefer to protect their investments in terrorism after they have spent billions of dollars on it, as was said by the previous Prime Minister of Qatar, in order to recycle terrorism elsewhere in Syria. The behaviour that I have mentioned is not limited to State-sponsored terrorism, unfortunately. It has even been demonstrated by some senior officials of the Secretariat. We had hoped that the Secretariat, especially in the light of the second preambular paragraph of resolution 2401 (2018), would provide an unequivocal legal description of the crimes committed by the so-called International Coalition led by the United States against our Syrian people in Raqqa and other places, and the procedures to ensure the end of that aggression. We had also hoped that the Secretariat would provide us with an unequivocal legal description of the acts of invasion by Turkish forces of a precious part of our national territory, especially against our civilian people in Afrin, and the procedures to ensure the end of the Turkish aggression. We had also hoped for an unequivocal legal description of the presence of the United States forces on Syrian territory without the approval of the Syrian Government and the procedures to ensure the end of that occupation. The government of my country affirms its right to defend its citizens and combat terrorism in accordance with relevant Security Council resolutions, especially the second preambular paragraph of resolution 2401 (2018); fight all those who practice, fund and support terrorism; work towards restoring security stability and peace; and rebuild all that has been destroyed by terrorists and their masters. Finally, I have listened to my colleague the representative of the United States, who levels charges again and again against my country before all who are present and says that her country will take military actions against my country outside the legitimacy of the Council if chemical substances are used, just as its administration in Washington, D.C., did when it bombarded Al-Shayrat air base in my country last year. These irresponsible and provocative statements, which run counter to the Charter of the United Nations, are direct incitement to terrorist groups to use chemical weapons and fabricate anew all the evidence needed to accuse the Syrian Army, as they have done in previous times. I remind the representative of the United States that the former Joint Investigative Mechanism refused to take samples from Al-Shayrat air base because if it had done so it would have been categorically proved that the Syrian Government is not responsible for the incident in Khan Shaykhun. In fact, what the United States perpetrated against that Syrian air base was a full-fledged aggression. I call on the representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom and France to put an end to their violations of Security Council resolutions related to fighting terrorism, and on their Governments to stop supporting the terrorist groups in my country and cease providing them with a political umbrella to pursue their crimes against the Syrian people. It is high time that the United States Administration learn from its mistakes and stop repeating them. Is it not enough what they have done in Viet Nam, Iraq, Libya, Somalia and Yemen, invoking very cheap lies that have already been condemned and denounced by international public opinion? In this regard, I recall the words of Naguib Mahfouz, the Nobel laureate: "They are liars, they know they are liars, and they know that we know that they are liars. However, they still lie, and very loudly so." In conclusion, the Russian Centre for Reconciliation of Opposing Sides in the Syrian Arab Republic issued a statement a few minutes ago that street battles have begun in Ghouta, following the demands for the separation of the aforementioned Faylaq Al-Rahman and Jabhat Al-Nusra. This current street fighting impedes the evacuation of civilians who are forced to find safe haven underground in Ghouta. The President: There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject. The meeting rose at 1.20 p.m.
Threats To International Peace And Security. The Situation In The Middle East ; United Nations S/PV.8231 Security Council Seventy-third year 8231st meeting Friday, 13 April 2018, 10 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Meza-Cuadra . (Peru) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-10728 (E) *1810728* S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 2/22 18-10728 The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Spanish): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to warmly welcome His Excellency Secretary-General António Guterres, to whom I now give the floor. The Secretary-General: The situation in the Middle East is in chaos to such an extent it has become a threat to international peace and security. The region is facing a true Gordian knot — different fault lines crossing each other and creating a highly volatile situation with risks of escalation, fragmentation and division as far as the eye can see, with profound regional and global ramifications. We see a multiplicity of divides. The first is the memory of the Cold War. But, to be precise, it is more than a simple memory: the Cold War is back with a vengeance — but with a difference. The mechanisms and the safeguards to manage the risks of escalation that existed in the past no longer seem to be present. Secondly, there is the Palestinian-Israeli divide. Thirdly, there is the Sunni-Shia divide, evident from the Gulf to the Mediterranean. It is important to note that apparent religious divides are normally the result of political or geostrategic manipulation. Finally, there is a wide range of different factors — from opposing attitudes in relation to the role of the Muslim Brotherhood or the status of the Kurds, to the dramatic threats to communities that have been living in the region for millenniums and are part of the rich diversity of Middle Eastern societies. Those numerous divisions are reflected in a multiplicity of conflicts with different degrees of interconnection, several of which are clearly linked to the threat of global terrorism. Many forms of escalation are possible. We see the wounds of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict continuing to fester. The recent violence in Gaza resulted in many needless deaths and injuries. I repeat my call for an independent and transparent investigation into those incidents. I also appeal to those concerned to refrain from any act that could lead to further casualties, in particular any measures that could place civilians in harm's way. That tragedy underlines the urgency of revitalizing the peace process for a two- State solution that will allow Palestinians and Israelis to live side by side in peace in two democratic States within secure and recognized borders. I reaffirm the readiness of the United Nations to support those efforts. In Yemen, we are witnessing the worst humanitarian disaster in today's world. There is only one pathway to ending the Yemeni conflict and to addressing the humanitarian crisis: a negotiated political settlement through inclusive intra-Yemeni dialogue. My Special Envoy, Martin Griffiths, is doing everything possible to facilitate that political settlement. He will brief the Council next week. In Libya, I encourage all parties to continue to work with my Special Representative, Ghassan Salamé, as he engages in the political process with a broad range of Libyan interlocutors across the country in order to implement the United Nations action plan. It is high time to end the Libyan conflict. The case of Iraq demonstrates that progress is possible with concerted local, regional and global commitment. With the defeat of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, having overcome the risk of fragmentation, the Government of Iraq must now focus on reconstruction, reforms and reconciliation. I hope that the upcoming elections will consolidate that progress. At the recent Paris and Rome conferences, the international community reaffirmed its support for Lebanon's sovereignty, stability and State security institutions. It is absolutely essential to prevent a new Israel-Hizbullah conflict, which could inevitably result in many more victims and much greater destruction than the last war. I reiterate the critical importance to act on key principles and commitments on Lebanon, including the Security Council resolutions, such as resolution 1701 (2006), and the policy of disassociation. The dangers of the links to the Syrian conflict are 13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 3/22 evident in the recent confrontations between Iran and Israel in Syria.Syria today indeed represents the most serious threat to international peace and security. We see there confrontations and proxy wars, involving several national armies, a number of armed opposition groups, many national and international militia, foreign fighters from everywhere in the world and various terrorist organizations. From the beginning, we have witnessed systematic violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international law, in general, in utter disregard for the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.For eight long years, the people of Syria have endured suffering upon suffering. I reiterate that there is no military solution to the conflict. The solution must be political through the Geneva intra-Syrian talks, as stipulated in resolution 2254 (2015), and in line with the consistent efforts of my Special Envoy, Staffan de Mistura. Syrians have lived through a litany of horrors: atrocity crimes, sieges, starvation, indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure, the use of chemical weapons, forced displacement, sexual violence, torture, detention and enforced disappearances. The list goes on.In a moment of hope, the Security Council adopted resolution 2401 (2018), demanding that all parties cease hostilities without delay for a durable humanitarian pause. Unfortunately, no such cessation of hostilities ever really took place. That is the bleak panorama of Syria today.In that panorama, I am outraged by the continued reports of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. I reiterate my strong condemnation of the use of chemical weapons by any party to the conflict under any circumstances. Their use is abhorrent and a clear violation of international law. The seriousness of the recent allegations requires a thorough investigation, using impartial, independent and professional expertise.In that regard, I reaffirm my full support for the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and its Fact-finding Mission in undertaking the required investigation into those allegations. The mission should be granted full access, without any restrictions or impediments, to perform its activities. I take note that the Syrian Government has requested that and is committed to facilitating it. The first OPCW team is already in Syria; a second team is expected today or tomorrow.However, we need to go further. In a letter to the Council two days ago, I expressed, following the end of the mandate of the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism,"my deep disappointment that the Security Council was unable to agree upon a dedicated mechanism to attribute responsibility for the use of chemical weapons in Syria".I want to repeat today that the norms against chemical weapons must be upheld. As I wrote in the same letter:"[e]nsuring accountability for a confirmed use of chemical weapons is our responsibility, not least to the victims of such attacks. A lack of accountability emboldens those who would use such weapons by providing them with the reassurance of impunity. This, in turn, further weakens the norm proscribing the use of chemical weapons and the international disarmament and non-proliferation architecture as a whole. I urge all Member States to act responsibly in these dangerous circumstances;"I appeal to the Security Council to fulfil its duties and not to give up on efforts to agree upon a dedicated, impartial, objective and independent mechanism for attributing responsibility with regard to the use of chemical weapons. I stand ready to support such efforts."The increasing tensions and the inability to reach a compromise in the establishment of an accountability mechanism threaten to lead to a full-blown military escalation. In my contacts with the members of the Security Council, particularly the permanent members, I have reiterated my deep concerns about the risks of the current impasse and stressed the need to prevent the situation from spiralling out of control.That is exactly the risk that we face today — that things spiral out of control. It is our common duty to stop it.The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the Secretary-General for his valuable briefing.I shall now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements.S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 4/22 18-10728 Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We are greatful to the Secretary-General for his briefing. His participation, his assessments and his authoritative words about the situation that has developed are very significant. We agree with him that there are many wounds in the Middle East. However, most important, currently the deepest wound is the situation in Syria, insofar as any negative repercussions would have major global implications.Two days ago, news of a threat by the United States to launch missile strikes against the Syrian Arab Republic ricocheted around the world. The Russian Federation was also warned to prepare for strikes. Let me point out that our military is in Syria at the invitation of its legitimate Government in order to combat international terrorism. We continue to see dangerous military preparations for an illegal act of force against a sovereign State in violation of the norms of international law. It is not just the use of force but even the threat of it that flies in the face of the Charter of the United Nations, and that is precisely what we are seeing in the most recent statements and actions of Washington and its allies. The bellicose rhetoric is being ratcheted up at every level, including at the very top. Additional forces and assets of the United States military and its allies are bearing down on the Syrian coast. It feels as though Washington is singlemindedly heading towards unleashing a military scenario against Syria. That cannot be permitted. Such developments would be fraught with terrible consequences for global security, especially considering that a Russian military contingent is deployed in Syria.There are also those who have been observing these risky preparations with tacit approval, declaring that they understand Washington's motives or engaging in direct incitement, thereby becoming potential accomplices in an act of reckless military adventurism. There are people in the Security Council who love to talk about preventive diplomacy. Right now, for some reason, they are nowhere to be seen or heard. The guilty parties have been speedily identified not just before any investigation has been conducted but even before it has been established whether the incident in question took place at all, but evidently they must still be punished. Someone will have to answer for these unfortunate developments and for the previous interventions that have engulfed many countries in years of crisis with untold casualties.Witness the recent experience of Iraq and Libya, which, among other things, shows that the attitude of America's leaders to the Security Council is largely one of convenience. They need it as cover for their Iraqi test tubes and Libyan no-fly zones. What they are presenting us with now is another virtual test tube, and an empty one. The reckless behaviour of the United States as it tramples on international law and State sovereignty is unworthy of its status as a permanent member of the Security Council, which presupposes the highest possible degree of responsibility and certainly not a right to sabre rattling, a right that is unknown in international law.Why does the United States continue to torture the Middle East, provoking one conflict after another and pitting the States of the region against one another? Who will benefit from a potential strike against the Syrian military, which is taking the brunt of the fight against terrorism and achieving major victories in it? We know for sure that the ringleaders of the Syrian armed groups were given orders to launch an offensive after a possible military action. Is this latest wave of chaos really being unleashed just for that?The excuse is the alleged use of toxic substances in the Syrian town of Douma on 7 April, for which there has been no reliable confirmation. Our specialists found no trace of the use of toxic substances. The residents of Douma know of no such attack. All the evidence of the alleged attack has been provided by anti-Government forces for whom this development is in their interests. We have good reason — indeed, we have information — leading us to believe that what took place was a provocation with the participation of various countries' intelligence services. We have been issuing warnings about this for a long time. It is a repeat of the Khan Shaykhun scenario in April of last year.The Syrian Government, for which this is clearly the last thing it needs, has said that it was not involved and has sent a request for an immediate inspection by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) of the location of the alleged incident. It has offered security guarantees jointly with the Russian military. The mission is already getting started on its work in Syria and we hope that it will be able to conduct a truly independent and impartial investigation.Only the Security Council has the authority at the international level to decide what measures to take and against whom in connection with the use of chemical 13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 5/22 weapons in Syria. Russia will continue to work diligently and systematically to de-escalate the recent tensions in international relations. We proposed adopting a brief resolution in support of the OPCW inspection mission in Douma that the United States, Britain and France irresponsibly blocked, thereby demonstrating their lack of interest in an investigation. The only thing they care about is overthrowing the Syrian Government and, more broadly, deterring the Russian Federation. This has been clearly visible in other international and domestic political events built on unfounded hoaxes and conspiracy theories that always centre around the Russian Federation.What is the United States trying to achieve? After many years of internecine strife in Syria, significant areas of the country have been stabilized. The political process is reviving and indicators of national reconciliation are emerging. The terrorists have been dealt a significant blow. We have never denied that the United States has also made a certain contribution to achieving that shared goal, but it has always kept certain types of terrorists in reserve for its fight against the so-called regime and for advancing its geopolitical priorities in the region.My British colleague is always asking me what Russia is doing to implement resolution 2401 (2018). My answer is that my country is practically the only one that is doing anything about it. Over the course of the Astana process, peace has been restored in more than 2,500 towns and villages. That does not mean that they have become victims of the regime, as the United States calls it, merely that with the help of Russia and other guarantors they have established normal relations with the central authorities in Damascus. With the support of the United Nations, the Syrian National Dialogue Congress was held successfully in Sochi. How many towns and villages has the United States brought peace to? How many groups has it persuaded to join the ceasefire agreements?In order to break the deadlock in the situation in eastern Ghouta after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), complex negotiations were conducted with the leaders of armed groups, with Russian assistance. The militias and their family members were safely evacuated from the district, and civilians were finally given the opportunity to shake off years of terror. Film of their genuine joy exists, but the Western media is not showing it. The United States does not care about the fate of the prisoners of the militias in eastern Ghouta who had been supporters of the Syrian Government. When they were bargaining with the Syrian authorities to exchange prisoners, the militias claimed that they were holding between 2,000 and 4,000 people. Now it turns out that there are far fewer. People died from harsh treatment and hard labour digging huge tunnels for their torturers.Some members have grieved to see their bearded pilgrims setting off for Syria on free tourist tickets. They lost no opportunity to shriek from every street corner about the plight of the hundreds of thousands of people in besieged eastern Ghouta. Now those people need help in rebuilding normal lives, but these Council members have already lost interest because the area is under Government control. Now there will have to be unpleasant discussions about the blockade of Fo'ah and Kefraya. When was the last time a humanitarian convoy was there? When was the last time Council members even asked about it? Someone must answer for the coalition's destruction of Raqqa.These are dangerous developments, with far-reaching ramifications for global security. In this instance, responsibility lies entirely with the United States and its allies. It is a pity that Old Europe continues to lose face. We call on the leaders of these States to immediately reconsider, return to the international legal fold and not to lead the world to the dangerous brink. We urgently need to find a peaceful way out through a collective effort. The Russian Federation is ready to cooperate equitably with all partners and to solve the problems that may arise through dialogue. We will continue to focus on finding a peaceful settlement to the conflict in Syria based on established international law. We will continue to work actively to that end, and we call on all our partners to do the same.Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I started to listen to my Russian friend so as to respond to him, but instead I am truly in awe of his ability to say what he said with a straight face.Today's meeting of the Security Council has been convened under truly strange circumstances. The Russian Federation has asked us to discuss what it calls unilateral threats related to Syria. What is strange is that Russia is ignoring the real threat to international peace and security that has brought us all here. It is ignoring its own unilateral responsibility for all of it. What we should discuss today is the use of deadly chemical weapons to murder innocent Syrian S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 6/22 18-10728 civilians. That is one of the most blatant and grotesque violations of international law in the world today. It is a violation of all standards of morality. It violates the long-standing international consensus that chemical weapons represent a unique evil. Chlorine, mustard gas and other chemical weapons killed 90,000 people and injured more than 1 million during the First World War. In the history Canada in the Great World War, the Canadian soldier A.T. Hunter described it this way."The gas cloud gathered itself like a wave and ponderously lapped over into the trenches. Then passive curiosity turned to active torment — a burning sensation in the head, red-hot needles in the lungs, the throat seized by a strangler. Many fell and died on the spot. The others, gasping, stumbling with faces contorted, hands widely gesticulating and uttering hoarse cries of pain, fled madly through the villages and farms and through the city itself, carrying panic to the remnants of the civilian population and filling the roads with fugitives of both sexes and all ages".Chemical weapons did not produce the most casualties in the First World War, but they were the most feared. In the Second World War chemical weapons were employed on an industrial scale against civilians, resulting in the worst genocide in human history, which the United States recalled just yesterday on Holocaust Remembrance Day. That is what brings us here today. That is what chemical weapons are all about. That is why we must not stay silent in the face of the horrible use of chemical weapons in our own time.The first response to all of this death and injury was the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which banned the use of chemical weapons and more. Later, in 1993, the Chemical Weapons Convention was signed. It obligates all of its parties to never under any circumstances"develop, produce, otherwise acquire, stockpile or retain chemical weapons, or transfer, directly or indirectly, chemical weapons to anyone".It also prohibits all parties from helping anyone to engage in such activities. The United States is a party to the Convention. Russia is a party to the Convention. Every country that is currently a member of the Security Council is a party to the Convention. Even the Al-Assad regime has pledged to abide by the Convention, so in theory all of us agree on the core principle at stake today. No country can by allowed to use chemical weapons with impunity. Now that we have established what we all agree on, let us ask ourselves what we should be condemning today. We should be discussing the actions that truly brought us to this moment in time. We should not be condemning the country or group of countries that might have the courage to stand up in defence of our common principle against the use of chemical weapons. Instead, we should be condemning the country that has unilaterally prevented the Security Council from upholding it.Which member of the Council most exhibits unilateralism with regard to chemical weapons? It is Russia alone that has stopped at nothing to defend the Syrian regime's multiple instances of the use of chemical weapons. It is Russia alone that killed the Joint Investigative Mechanism, which enabled the world to ensure accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. It is Russia alone that has used its veto six times to prevent the condemnation of Al-Assad's use of chemical weapons. It is Russia alone that has used its veto 12 times to protect the Al-Assad regime. To make matters worse, it was Russia alone that agreed to be the guarantor of the removal of all chemical weapons in Syria. If Russia had lived up to its commitment, there would be no chemical weapons in Syria and we would not be here today. That is the Russian record of unilateralism. It is a record that has led to the trashing of all international standards against the use of chemical weapons. This meeting should not be about so-called unilateral threats, but rather about the multiple actions that Russia has taken to bring us to this point.Our President has not yet made a decision about possible actions in Syria, but should the United States and its allies decide to act in Syria, it will be in defence of a principle on which we all agree. It will be in defence of a bedrock international norm that benefits all nations. Let us be clear. Al-Assad's most recent use of poison gas against the people of Douma was not his first, second, third or even forty-ninth use of chemical weapons. The United States estimates that Al-Assad has used chemical weapons in the Syrian war at least 50 times. Public estimates are as high as 200.In the weeks after Al-Assad's sarin-gas attack last April, which killed nearly 100 people, including many children, the regime used chlorine gas at least once and possibly as many as three times in the same area. Last November, just as the mandate of the Joint Investigative Mechanism expired, the regime again attacked its people with sarin in the Damascus suburbs.13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 7/22 In January, Al-Assad used at least four chlorine-filled rockets in Douma, and then he struck again last weekend. Thanks to Russia, there was no United Nations body to determine blame. But we know who did this; our allies know who did this. Russia can complain all it wants about fake news, but no one is buying its lies and its coverups. Russia was supposed to guarantee that Al-Assad would not use chemical weapons, and Russia did the opposite.The world must not passively accept the use of chemical weapons after almost a century of their prohibition. Everything the United Nations stands for is being blatantly defied in Syria, with the help of a permanent member of the Council. All nations and all peoples will be harmed if we allow Al-Assad to normalize the use of chemical weapons. It is those who act to violate the prohibition of chemical weapons who deserve our condemnation. Those who act to defend it deserve our support. The United States and its allies will continue to stand up for truth, accountability, justice and an end to the use of chemical weapons.Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): I thank Secretary-General Guterres for his briefing and deeply appreciate his tireless efforts on the issue of the Middle East and that of Syria.The current situation in Syria is perilous. The country is at the crossroads of war and peace, and China is following the developments there with great concern. The possibility of an escalation of tensions worries us deeply. The pressing priority of the moment is to launch a comprehensive, objective and impartial investigation into the relevant incidents in order to arrive at authoritative conclusions.China has consistently stood in favour of the peaceful settlement of disputes and opposed the routine use or threat of force in international relations. To take unilateral military action by circumventing the Security Council is inconsistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and runs counter to the basic norms enshrined in international law and those governing international relations.Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity must be fully respected. We call on the parties concerned to remain calm, exercise restraint, refrain from any move that could lead to further escalation of the situation and resolve the issue peacefully through consultation and dialogue. China is convinced that there can be no military solution to the Syrian issue; the only way out is a political settlement. China supports the United Nations in playing an active role in safeguarding the authority and standing of the Organization and its Security Council.China calls on the international community to steadfastly continue its diplomatic efforts, tirelessly stay the course so as to settle the Syrian issue politically, give full play to the role of the United Nations as the main mediator, and resolve without delay the Syrian issue comprehensively, justly and adequately, in keeping with the provisions of the relevant Security Council resolutions.The people of the world yearn for peace and oppose war. The situation in Syria has ramifications for peace and stability in the Middle East and the world at large, as well as for the credibility and authority of the Council. At this critical juncture, the Council must rightfully discharge its sacred responsibility emanating from the Charter of the United Nations; act in line with the dictates of our times; build unity and consensus and do its utmost to maintain peace; leave no stone unturned in its efforts to prevent war; and live up to the trust and expectations of the international community.China is and has always been a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development and a defender of the international order. China stands ready to continue its unflagging efforts to safeguard peace and stability in the Middle East and the world at large, in a spirit of responsibility to history and to the peoples of the world.Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I thank the Secretary-General for his statement.We are meeting today to address the threats to international peace and security that have arisen as a result of the situation in Syria, six days after the latest chemical-weapons carnage, on 7 April in Douma.For seven years, the situation in Syria has without a doubt constituted a grave threat to international peace and security as defined in the Charter of the United Nations. The Security Council itself characterized this as such unanimously on 27 September 2013, when resolution 2118 (2013) was adopted in the wake of the appalling chemical-weapons attacks that had taken place in eastern Ghouta. The world then learned for the first time and with horror of the symptoms of large-scale chemical-weapons-related deaths in Syria.S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 8/22 18-10728 To counter those who are seeking to sow confusion, going so far as to accuse the Syrian people of having gassed themselves; those who are suggesting conspiracy theories; those who are endeavouring methodically to destroy our mechanisms for action on chemical weapons in Syria, we must come back to simple facts. Yes, the Syrian crisis represents a threat to international peace and security. This threat is related to the repeated, organized and systematic use of chemical weapons by the Bashar Al-Assad regime, which once again reached new levels of horror with the two attacks perpetrated in Douma on 7 April last. Those attacks claimed the lives of at least several dozen people and wounded hundreds of others. Many of the injured will continue to suffer throughout their lives from the serious respiratory and neurological aftereffects of the chemicals used.There is no doubt once again as to the responsibility of Damascus for this attack. The facts collected on the ground, the symptoms of the victims, the complexity of handling of the substances used, and the determination of the regime's forces to subjugate the last pockets of resistance in Douma as expeditiously as possible and using every means at their disposal, all point to this.This is a well-known and documented modus operandi, given that an independent mechanism, created at the initiative of the Security Council, had already established at least four times since 2015 that chemical weapons had been used by the Damascus regime in Sarmin, Talmenes, Qmenas and Khan Shaykun — an investigative mechanism that a permanent member of the Security Council decided last November to force into silence.The chemical-weapons policy of the Bashar Al-Assad regime is among the most serious violations of all the norms that guarantee our collective security. It is first and foremost a violation of all international obligations relating to the prohibition of chemical weapons under the Chemical Weapons Convention, to which Syria is a party.Secondly, it constitutes a violation of the very foundations of international humanitarian law, namely, the principles of distinction, precaution and proportionality.Thirdly, it constitutes a breach of successive Security Council resolutions: resolutions 2118 (2013), 2209 (2015) and 2235 (2015) and therefore a breach of the obligations incumbent upon Syria under the Charter of the United Nations.Lastly, the use of chemical weapons against civilians, which was banned in 1925 under the Geneva Protocol, constitutes a war crime under the Statute of the International Criminal Court.The Secretary-General in August 2013 called the use of chemical weapons a crime against humanity. That chemical war is a tool to accelerate a deliberate policy of submission by terror, which, in seven years, has caused the deaths of 400,000 people, the deliberate destruction of civilian and health infrastructure in entire regions, a massive exodus of refugees and displaced persons and has fuelled international terrorism. This frightening picture is that of one of the most blatant threats to international peace and security in the contemporary era. It is also the record of those who, against all odds, continue to support it.I will once again have to state the obvious: if Syria has continued to use toxic substances for military purposes, it is because it has retained the capacity to use and manufacture them, in contravention of its international commitments, of the guarantees provided by Russia in the framework of the 2013 Russian-American agreement and of Security Council resolutions.It has already been several years since the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) informed us of the major remaining doubts about the sincerity of Syria's initial declaration to the organization in 2013. Many of the OPCW's questions and requests for documents have gone unanswered. Syria has never provided a satisfactory explanation for the inspectors' discovery of substances and capabilities that Syria had never declared. We saw those capabilities again in action on 7 April, used to kill as many civilians as possible and terrorize the survivors to consolidate the definitive takeover of Douma by the Syrian regime.Beyond Syria, the prevailing impunity since 2013 affects the entire chemical non-proliferation regime, and with it the entire security system that we have collectively built since the Second World War. It is that collective security legacy, built to protect future generations from the outbreaks of violence in the two global conflicts, that the members of the Security Council have been mandated to protect. To allow the normalization of the use of chemical weapons without reacting is to let the genie out of the bottle. That would be a terrible setback to international order, for which we would all pay the price.13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 9/22 The Security Council, to which the Charter of the United Nations entrusts the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security on behalf of the entire international community, is therefore more than justified in meeting today. It is more than justified for the Council to note, once again, the violation of international law and its own resolutions, and the persistence of a proven threat to international peace and security. It is more than justified to urgently re-establish a mechanism for attributing responsibility for chemical attacks — that opportunity was given to the Council in vain, once again, on Tuesday (see S/PV.8228) with the American draft resolution (S/2018/321).The Council is more than justified in doing what it has committed itself to do, that is, to take measures under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. But in the face of the mass atrocities committed in Syria, the Council's action has been paralysed for several years by successive Russian vetoes. Russia vetoed 12 draft resolutions on Syria, including six on the chemical issue alone. Those vetoes had no other objective than to protect the Syrian authorities — to guarantee a regime of impunity, in defiance of all international standards. To allow the indefensible, Russia has deliberately chosen to sacrifice the ability of the Council to act, the most important tool of our collective security. We had proof of that again last Tuesday.On 7 April, Douma joined Ypres, Halabja and Khan Shaykhun in the litany of chemical massacres. I solemnly say that, in deciding to once again use chemical weapons, the regime reached a point of no return on 7 April. France will assume its responsibility to put an end to an intolerable threat to our collective security and to finally ensure respect for international law and the measures taken for years by the Security Council.A chemical attack like that of Douma, which consists in gassing the last inhabitants of a besieged enclave — even when it is about to fall, even when the last fighters are negotiating their surrender — is the height of cynicism. That is where we are after seven years of the regime's war against its people. This is the situation to which the world must provide a firm, united and resolute response. That is our responsibility today.It will also be essential to combat impunity for those responsible for the use of such weapons and, more broadly, for those who are responsible for the most serious crimes committed in Syria. France is fully committed to that endeavour. That is the purpose of the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, which we initiated last January. We will also continue to support and assist all international mechanisms in their work to investigate the most serious crimes committed against civilians in Syria.In addition to the chemical issue, continuing violations of international humanitarian law must cease without delay. We ourselves demanded it by unanimously adopting resolution 2401 (2018) — thwarted the day after its adoption by the resumption of bombardments by the regime with the active support of its allies, including those within the Council who had subscribed to the truce. Resolution 2401 (2018) has lost none of its relevance, quite the contrary — full and unhindered humanitarian access to help populations in distress must be implemented throughout the territory. It is essential and urgent that humanitarian convoys can reach eastern Ghouta safely and that civilians fleeing hostilities or in need of medical treatment can be protected.Finally, we can only sustainably resolve the Syrian crisis within the framework of a political solution and on the basis of the full implementation of resolution 2254 (2015). Only under those conditions can put an end to the suffering of the Syrian people, eradicate terrorism and work together for the stability of the Middle East. We have been calling for a political solution for seven years. May those who join us today in their concern about the consequences of the Syrian crisis finally force the regime to accept negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations.We cannot allow the most fundamental values and standards of humanity, such as those emanating from the Charter of the United Nations, be thwarted and flouted in front of our eyes without reacting. Those values and standards must be defended and protected. That is the reason behind our commitment — to restore the complete ban on chemical weapons set in stone within international conventions, and thereby consolidate the rule of law. It is the responsibility of those who believe, like France, in effective multilateralism led by a respected United Nations.We must stop the Syrian chemical escalation. We cannot allow a country to simultaneously defy the Council and international law. The ability of Damascus to violate all our norms constitutes a threat to international security. Let us put an end to it.S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 10/22 18-10728 Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): The Secretary-General has presented a catalogue of danger in the Middle East, including Gaza, Yemen and Iraq. It is no disrespect to those issues that today, like other speakers, I will concentrate on Syria. The United Kingdom will be ready to put its shoulder to the wheel on those other issues when the time comes.The situation we face today and the reason we are in the Security Council today arise wholly and solely from the use of chemical weapons on the Syrian people, most probably by the Syrian regime — not just once, but consistently and persistently over the past five years. The highest degree of responsibility, to quote the Russian Ambassador, is indeed what the Council, and in particular its five permanent members, are for, and it is our duty to uphold.The British Cabinet met recently and concluded that the Al-Assad regime has a track record of the use of chemical weapons and that it is highly likely the regime is responsible for Saturday's attack. This is a further example of the erosion of international law in relation to the use of chemical weapons, as my French and American colleagues have set out, and it is deeply concerning. But more important than that, the use of chemical weapons cannot be allowed to go unchallenged. The British Cabinet has agreed on the need to take action to alleviate humanitarian distress and to deter the further use of chemical weapons by the Al-Assad regime. To that end, we will continue to work with our friends and allies to coordinate an international response.The Secretary-General mentioned the Cold War. Of course, the Cold War was bracketed by East-West cooperation. We have been on the same side as Russia. In April 1945, Russia liberated Vienna as part of our joint efforts to bring peace to Europe. In 1995, it passed the Dayton Accords at part of our joint efforts to bring peace and stability to Bosnia and Herzegovina. But in 2018 the Russians refuse to work with us to bring peace to Syria.Instead, since the first attack on Ghouta and chemical-weapons use, in 2013, the Joint Investigative Mechanism has ascribed two uses of mustard gas to Da'esh, three uses of chlorine to the Syrian regime and one use of sarin to the Syrian regime before the latest attack. As my French colleague has set out, the United Kingdom, the United States and France are members in good standing of the Chemical Weapons Convention. We are members and supporters of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission. In the debates in the Security Council earlier this week, we would have dispatched an investigative mission, had Russia and Bolivia not blocked that effort (see S/PV.8228).Syria is the latest pernicious chronology of Russia's disregard for international law and disrespect for the international institutions we have built together to keep us collectively safe. This is revealed in actions over Georgia 10 years ago, over Malaysia Airlines Flight MH-17 and over the attack in Salisbury, which we will return to next week.Let me repeat what I said in the Security Council last week. My Government and the British people are not Russophobic. We have no quarrel with the Russian people. We respect Russia as a country. We prefer a productive relationship with Russia, but it is Russia's own actions that have led to this situation.What has taken place in Syria to date is in itself a violation of the United Nations Charter. No purpose or principle of the Charter is upheld or served by the use of chemical weapons on innocent civilians. On the contrary: to stand by and ignore the requirements of justice, accountability and the preservation of the non-proliferation regime is to place all our security — not just that of the Syrian people — at the mercy of a Russian veto. We will not sacrifice the international order we have collectively built to the Russian desire to protect its ally at all costs.The Russian Ambassador set out what Russia is doing on the ground in Syria. He thought that might be inconvenient for me to hear. However, it is not inconvenient for me to point out that Russia has given $5.5 million to the United Nations appeal. The United Kingdom has given a $160 million, and this is part of a contribution totalling $3.5 billion in all. It is not inconvenient for me to say that; it may be inconvenient for the Russian Ambassador to hear it.The Russian Ambassador also asked why we were not joining in and trying to stabilize actions in Syria and bring about peace. We have tried. Indeed, we have tried very hard to support Staffan de Mistura in getting the Geneva political process under way, and we shall continue to so. But we do not join Russia, because, sadly, its efforts have not been to try and restart the Geneva process. Instead, their efforts have been to support Syria in the use of chemical weapons and the 13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 11/22 bombardment of the Syrian people. In the area known as T-4, they helped the regime liberate this area but they took their eye off the ball and Da'esh took it back. They took it again, but, sadly, foreign fighters have been able to re-establish themselves there. This is not de-escalation. This is not political progress. This is a gross distortion by Russia of what is actually happening on the ground.The circumstances that we face today are truly exceptional. My colleagues from the United States and France have set out in great detail the catalogue of awful things that are happening to the Syrian people. That catalogue goes to the heart of what the Geneva Conventions, the non-proliferation regime, the United Nations and the Security Council are for. It is not only dangerous what Russia is doing in vetoing our resolutions and in supporting the Syrian regime's actions against its own people. It is ultimately prejudicial to our security. Indeed, it will let Da'esh re-establish itself. It is something that we believe we need to take action to defend.Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing today, for his efforts and for his good offices.Last weekend, reports once again began to emerge of horrifying allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria, this time in Douma, with reports of a large number of civilian casualties. Like many others, we were alarmed by these extremely serious allegations, and we called for an immediate, impartial and thorough investigation to establish the facts. In that regard, we welcome the fact that the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), which we fully support, has been deployed to Syria. Full access and cooperation by all parties must now be ensured.I want to reiterate once more that Sweden will spare no effort to combat the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State or non-State actors anywhere in the world. We unequivocally condemn in the strongest terms the use of chemical weapons, including in Syria. It is a serious violation of international law, it constitutes a threat to international peace and security, and their use in armed conflict is a war crime. The international disarmament and non-proliferation regime must be safeguarded, which is best achieved through true multilateralism and broad international consensus.We share the outrage and the frustration of many in this Chamber about chemical-weapons use in Syria. Those responsible for such crimes must be held accountable. We cannot accept impunity.The conflict in Syria is in its eighth year, and we are at a dangerous moment. We fully share the deep concern expressed by the Secretary-General about the risks of the current impasse and the need to avoid the situation escalating and spiralling out of control and to pay further attention to the divides, tensions and fault lines in the region, as described again by the Secretary-General this morning.We remain deeply disappointed that the Security Council has been unable to agree and move forward on a substantial, swift, and unified response to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We deeply regret that Russia once again used its veto and blocked the Council from taking action this week (see S/PV.8228). Over the past few days, we have tried to ensure that all peaceful means to respond have seriously been considered. We are working tirelessly to ensure that no stone is left unturned in efforts to find a way forward in the Security Council. The Secretary-General offered to support such efforts through his good offices, which is an opportunity that should be seized. That is why yesterday we circulated yet another proposal that asks for four things.First, it condemns in the strongest terms any use of chemical weapons in Syria and expresses alarm at the alleged incident in Douma last weekend, because the use of chemical weapons constitutes a serious violation of international law.Secondly, it demands full access and cooperation for the OPCW Fact-finding Mission, because we need facts and evidence about what happened in Douma last weekend.Thirdly, it expresses the Council's determination to establish a new impartial, objective and independent attribution mechanism based on a proposal by the Secretary-General, because the perpetrators of chemical-weapons attacks must be identified and held to account, and, to that end, we need a new mechanism.Fourthly, it requests the Secretary-General to dispatch immediately a high-level disarmament mission to Syria because we need to resolve all outstanding issues on chemical weapons and rid Syria once and for all possible chemical weapons that might still exist in S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 12/22 18-10728 the country. Such a mission would add political and diplomatic leverage to the necessary technical and professional work of the OPCW. We therefore call on all members of the Council to muster the political will and respond to the appeal by the Secretary-General so as to come together and move forward.The use of chemical weapons is a grave threat to international peace and security. It is indeed deplorable that the Council has not yet been able to come together and agree on a timely and firm response. Even though the use of chemical weapons in itself violates international law, any response must comply with international law and respect the Charter of the United Nations. The time has now come to urgently revert to a political process under United Nations auspices for a political solution in line with resolution 2254 (2015), and for Syria and the Astana guarantors to move forward without further delay and live up to their commitments so that resolution 2401 (2018), which demands the cessation of hostilities and humanitarian access, can be fully and urgently implemented. That is the only way to end to the suffering of the Syrian people and end the brutal seven-year-long conflict.We firmly believe that there is a way for the Council to shoulder its responsibilities under the Charter. We believe that there continues to be a way for the Council to come together. We believe that we need to ensure that we have exhausted every peaceful effort and every diplomatic option to stop further atrocities from being carried out in Syria, hold those responsible to account, come to terms once with the chemical-weapons issue in Syria, cease hostilities and find a political solution.Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): First of all, on behalf of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, I thank Secretary-General António Guterres for having illustrated for us the chaotic and dangerous situation currently prevailing in the Middle East by providing a detailed overview of every one of the conflicts in that vulnerable region, from Libya to the desolate and devastating crisis in Syria, which, as all evidence suggests, runs the imminent risk of dramatically deteriorating.In line with the statement of the Secretary-General, we reaffirm Equatorial Guinea's firm belief that in confronting such situations we must always have recourse to dialogue and establish and respect mechanisms intended for achieving the peaceful settlement of conflicts until such options are exhausted. A unilateral military response could be counterproductive, and, far from solving the problem, it would lead to more suffering and chaos than already present, as the Secretary-General indicated — and additional disorder as in case of Libya, with which we are well familiar in Africa, and the consequences of which affect the entire Sahel region and part of Central Africa. We stand categorically against the use of force with the sole exception that it be justified under the conditions set forth under the Charter of the United Nations Charter and that it be used as a last resort after all other means have been exhausted.We are concerned about the rhetoric that is being used. It sounds dangerously familiar to us, and we do not like where it might lead us. We appeal to Governments' sense of responsibility, and in particular to the permanent members of the Security Council, as we believe that they have the additional responsibility of defending the relevance of the Council.We would like to ask the following questions. Who benefits from the inability of the Security Council to make decisions? Are we contributing to delegitimizing the Council? Are we actively eroding the Council's relevance in the international political arena? If the Council is unable to take action, how long will it take before the international community withdraws its faith, hope and trust in the Council?There is no military solution to the Syrian issue. We must therefore continue to look for ways to solve the problem through diplomatic channels. All Council members must act responsibly and agree to establish an independent and impartial monitoring mechanism to ascertain what took place in Douma and ensure accountability and that the perpetrators are brought to justice.The Secretary-General stated his disappointment with the Council's failure to establish a mechanism that would identify and attribute responsibility to those using chemical weapons. We could not agree more with that statement. Only a few days ago, our delegation stated its frustration when the Council failed to adopt three draft resolution put to the vote (see S/PV.8228). The Secretary-General's offer concerning his good offices must be considered, and we must provide him with that opportunity.In conclusion, we reiterate the position of Equatorial Guinea in arguing against and condemning 13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 13/22 the use of chemical weapons and other weapons of mass destruction regardless of who uses them.Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): I thank you, Sir, for having convened this meeting. We welcome the presence of the Secretary-General among us. His assessments are always very precise and useful, and we thank him for the intensive work that he is doing for the benefit of upholding the purposes and principles of the Organization.For some reason, some members of the Security Council are avoiding addressing the main reason for convening this meeting, which is that one State Member has threatened the unilateral use of force in violation of the Charter of the United Nations. Much has been said about the use of chemical weapons, and Bolivia would like to make clear its total and absolute condemnation of the use of chemical weapons or the use of chemical agents as weapons as unjustifiable and criminal acts wherever, whenever and by whomever they are committed. For their use is a grave crime under international law and against the interests of international peace and security. Those responsible for committing those terrible and criminal acts must be identified, investigated, prosecuted and punished. We demand a transparent and impartial investigation that must identify those responsible for any act of the use of chemical weapons.Needless to say, it is essential that the Security Council ensures an independent, impartial, complete, conclusive and, above all, depoliticized investigation. We regret that the Security Council has as yet failed to achieve that objective. Nonetheless, we will support all work intended to accomplish that goal. It is crucial that the Council continue to discuss the issue of the use of chemical weapons, but I reiterate that what has brought us together at this meeting is the threat of one State Member' illegal use of force.Over the past 72 years, humankind has built a framework that is not only physical or institutional, but also juridical. Humankind has setup instruments of international law intended precisely to prevent the most powerful from attacking the weakest with impunity so as to establish a balance in the world and prevent grave violations to international peace and security. We have built an international system — the Security Council is clear evidence of it — based on rules. It is the duty of the Council and of all the organs of the United Nations to respect those rules and defend multilateralism. The Charter of the United Nations, which prohibits unilateral action, must be upheld.Another key detail to remember is that the Security Council is not representative of the five permanent members it comprises, nor of its 15 members seated around this table; rather, it represents the entire membership of 193 States, both the nations and their peoples. The Security Council must not be utilized as a sounding board for war propaganda nor interventionism. It should also not be made into a pawn to be sacrificed on the chessboard of war, geopolitics and petty interests.We have heard many stories from history about the prohibition of chemical weapons, and Bolivia is an active participant in that system, but I would like to talk about the story of our Charter. When one is unsure about how to act under certain circumstances, I read that the best way to settle such uncertainty is to recall the principles of the French Revolution and reflect on where the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are upheld. Those principles form part of the genesis of the Charter. Another part comes from the Magna Carta, of course, which, for the first time in history, limited the exercise of power precisely to defend the weakest.Another antecedent to the Charter is the Yalta Conference. I read that the Conference established the system of control and checks and balances, which is the Security Council with its five permanent members. Bolivia did not attend the Conference. As I understand it, just Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin were present. The outcome of the Conference was ratified at the San Francisco Conference a few months later in 1945. That is the system that we have agreed to uphold, which is why I believe that is essential to understand the principles of our Charter. Our Charter is not words on page, meant to hand out to tourists visiting the United Nations Headquarters, but rather a set of norms that we have agreed to comply with and uphold. Article 2 states that"The Organization and its Members, in pursuit of the Purposes stated in Article 1, shall act in accordance with the following Principles."Principle 4 of Article 2 reads,"All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 14/22 18-10728 any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations."That is to say that any use of force must be authorized by the Security Council, in accordance with the Charter. Any form of unilateral action therefore contravenes international law and the purposes and principles of the Charter.Another point worth mentioning is that we have listened, with due respect, to our colleagues speak about the criminal use of chemical weapons, and we completely agree with them on that. However, it would be very dangerous to fight an alleged violation of international law with another violation of international law and the Charter. That is why, in this specific case, we hope that there is an independent, impartial, comprehensive and conclusive investigation.Allow me to offer a clarification to my dear colleague from the United Kingdom. While Bolivia voted against one draft resolution, it voted in favour of two others. It voted against the one because, regrettably, this platform was being exploited for political motives. Draft resolutions are presented for nothing more than the spectacle of it, for the television cameras. Draft resolutions are presented knowing that they will be vetoed, and not all efforts are put forth to reach consensus, though that is what we normally do for resolutions.We believe that this meeting is very important because we not only discussing an attack on a Member State, or the threat of a military strike against a Member State of the United Nations, whichever it may be, but rather because we are living at a time of constant attacks on multilateralism. Let us recall that the achievements in the Paris Agreement on Climate Change have been undermined. Let us recall that the gains reached with the Global Compact for Migration have been eroded. Let us recall that there is a clear policy and mindset of multilateralism subversion. What happens is that for some the discourse on human rights is used until it no longer serves their interests, and then they violate those rights.My region is a witness to that. We endured Operation Condor, as it was called, during the 1970s, which was planned by the intelligence services of some Member States. When democracy did not suit them, they financed coups d'etat. When they were unhappy with the discourse on human rights, they infringed human rights. When the discourse of democracy was no longer enough, they were ready to finance coups d'etat. The use of unilateral practices leaves behind unhealed wounds, despite the passage of time.Some of the members of the Council have spoken on the situation in Iraq and Libya, which I believe are some of the worst crimes that have been committed this century. The invasion of Iraq, with its dire consequences, left more than 1 million dead. The effects of the strikes against Libya and the regime-change policies imposed on it, which, as my colleague from Equatorial Guinea aptly said, they still feel, suffer and endure throughout the entire region of the Sahel and Central Africa. But no one wants to talk about the root causes of those conflicts, and no one will talk about the impunity enjoyed for those serious crimes. It warrants repeating. Those are the most serious crimes committed this century. We hope that all the members of the Security Council, given the high degree of responsibility we have — 10 of us elected by the membership and five enjoy the privilege to have a permanent seat on the Council with the power of veto — must lead by example for the rest of the membership on the fulfilment of the purposes and principles of the Charter.By way of conclusion, I would like to reiterate what former Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said in a similar situation in 2013: "The Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security". That is my appeal. Everything must be addressed within the framework of the Charter. The use of force is legal only in the exercise of the right to self-defence, in line with Article 51 of the Charter, or when the Security Council approves such action. That was the reason for the meeting, and Bolivia's position is to categorically condemn any threat or use of unilateral force.Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, I would very much like to thank the Secretary-General for his valuable briefing today. We share his concern about the fact that the Middle East is experiencing crises and challenges that unquestionably represent threats to international peace and security. The situation will undoubtedly deteriorate if the Security Council resolutions are not implemented by the relevant parties.The question of Palestine, the practices of the Israeli occupation there and its continued violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and the relevant Security Council resolutions 13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 15/22 are testament to that. The most recent is its repression of peaceful protests in Gaza and the use of excessive force. That led to the deaths of dozens of civilians and injuries to hundreds as they exercised their legitimate right to demonstrate peacefully in support of the March of Return. Kuwait condemns those Israeli practices in the strongest terms. We regret that the Security Council has not taken action to condemn such acts of repression or to call on the Israeli occupation forces to end them. The Israeli occupying Power should not be an exception. Everyone should respect and abide by international law and the Charter of the United Nations and should implement the relevant Security Council resolutions with the aim of achieving a just, comprehensive and lasting peace that can fulfil the Palestinian people's legitimate political right to establish their own State on their own land, with East Jerusalem as its capital.We have had a number of meetings over the past few days. Today's meeting would not have taken place if we had been able to agree on a new mechanism to investigate the allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. This disagreement has led to deep divisions among the members of the Security Council. We must step up our efforts to advance the stalled political process in Syria. We have been concerned about escalating tensions among all parties since the beginning of the year. Through the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which primarily calls for a cessation of hostilities throughout Syria for at least 30 days, we tried to improve the humanitarian situation. Unfortunately, however, it has not been implemented and has in fact been violated in flagrant disregard for the will of the international community.We share the concern and disappointment of the Secretary-General about the deteriorating situation in Syria and the ongoing allegations of the use of chemical weapons, and support his call for an agreement on a new mechanism to ensure accountability and end impunity in Syria. We reiterate our support for the efforts of the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to establish the facts surrounding the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma, in eastern Ghouta, and emphasize that there must be accountability for the perpetrators of those crimes, if they are confirmed.In view of our responsibility as members of the Council, we should do our utmost and not lose hope, and we should continue our efforts to agree on the establishment of an independent, impartial and professional mechanism for attributing responsibility and ensuring accountability. The continued violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and the relevant Security Council resolutions, including resolution 2118 (2013), by the warring parties in Syria further convince us that, in the case of grave violations of human rights or crimes that amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity, there should be a moratorium on the use of the veto as a procedural matter, so that such tragedies for innocent civilians are not repeated.The State of Kuwait takes a principled and firm position, in line with that of the League of Arab States. We call for preserving the unity, sovereignty and independence of Syria, as well as for a cessation of the violence and hostilities in order to put an end to bloodshed, protect the Syrian people and achieve a peaceful settlement. This would be done under the auspices of the United Nations and through the efforts of the Secretary-General's Special Envoy to Syria, based on the Geneva communiqué of 2012 (S/2012/522, annex) and resolution 2254 (2015), with the aim of achieving a political transition agreed on by all sectors of Syrian society and of meeting their legitimate aspirations.Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): We join others in expressing our appreciation to the Secretary-General for his insightful briefing and personal presence at today's meeting. In our view, since his appointment as steward of this world Organization, he has ceaselessly promoted a very important approach, which is the use of amicable and preventive diplomacy.Following an alert to the world, the Security Council underlined in its first presidential statement of 2018, on preventive diplomacy and sustaining peace (S/PRST/2018/1), adopted during Kazakhstan's presidency of the Security Council, that the ways to address conflict may include measures to rebuild trust by bringing Member States together around common goals. That has been particularly important in situations where international relations have featured confrontations and tension behind which the contours of a global war are increasingly apparent. We are right now in a moment when we must exercise special caution and vigilance in making decisions about our actions, especially in the Middle East. We believe that it is time to tap into all the tools available for a comprehensive strategy of preventive diplomacy in order to avoid the very serious consequences of any S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 16/22 18-10728 military action that could have repercussions for global security and stability.The recent escalation of the rhetoric on Syria and the threat of the use of unilateral actions has left the delegation of Kazakhstan deeply concerned about the unfolding situation, which has the potential to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. We all bear a responsibility for complying with international law and order, and none of our countries has the right to violate the Charter of the United Nations or to act or threaten to act unilaterally with respect to a sovereign nation under any pretext, unless that is decided by the Security Council. The Security Council is a collective body and is designed to take balanced decisions with regard to the issues of peace and security. We can agree or disagree, but we are mandated to work together to achieve a decision for which we have to bear a collective responsibility.Kazakhstan believes that the most effective way to prevent conflicts is to use diplomacy and mediation, not military means. We look forward to the next round of talks to be held in Geneva and in our capital, Astana, when the parties will address the stepping up of efforts to ensure observance of their respective agreements, among other issues.In addressing the disputes over the issue of the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma in Syria, which has provoked the most recent tension in international relations, we consider it necessary to state the following. Kazakhstan strongly condemns any use of chemical weapons, if confirmed. Impunity is not permissible. We should act resolutely to stop any further use of such inhuman weapons, but we should act on the basis of proven facts. In this particular case, where there are doubts about the actual use of a poisonous substance, Kazakhstan calls on the members of the Council to be patient, at least until the expert group of the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to Syria is deployed to the site of the alleged attack and can report on the findings of its investigation, particularly given that yesterday we learned that the Syrian Government has granted visas for the OPCW investigators and pledged to facilitate access to the sites of the alleged chemical attack. We should first establish and understand the scientifically and professionally ascertained facts, after which the Council should decide on the appropriate line of action to take.At this stage, any military action or threat of it without the prior approval of the Security Council is undesirable. It could have a long-lasting negative impact that would be very difficult to overcome and could result in unprecedented and unanticipated complications. Kazakhstan remains committed to the Charter of the United Nations and to all Security Council resolutions aimed at resolving the political and humanitarian aspects of the Syrian conflict. We believe it is crucial to exercise restraint and refrain from any rhetoric that might exacerbate the already fragile and volatile situation. Such a pause for reflection on the consequences is essential to preserving international peace and security.In the light of the prevailing circumstances, it is more critical than ever that all Council members implement resolution 2401 (2018). The crisis in Syria can be resolved only through an inclusive and Syrian-led political process, based on the Geneva communiqué of 30 June 2012 (S/2012/522, annex), subsequent Security Council resolutions and the relevant statements of the International Syria Support Group. Lastly, we fully endorse the views articulated by the Secretary-General on 11 April about the risks of the current impasse that we are witnessing today (see SG/SM/18984). We must at all costs avoid the situation spiralling out of control. Our ultimate goal should be to put an end to the horrific suffering of the Syrian people and to help them to move forward on a path of peace and progress.Once again, this is an alarming moment, and we need to work together to restore unity and effectiveness in the Security Council by rebuilding trust and consensus in order to preserve global peace and security. We need cooperation within the Council to establish a workable attribution mechanism, which we passionately advocated today in this Chamber. Let us make it happen and transform our words into real deeds. The delegation of Kazakhstan is ready for that and calls on its colleagues to go the extra mile in that direction.Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and deeply appreciate his efforts to weigh in on the grave challenge that we are facing, in order to ensure that what should and must be avoided will not happen because of miscalculation or a lack of thoughtfulness or of appreciation for the tremendous responsibility that the Security Council, especially its permanent members, bears. The Cold War is back with a vengeance, the Secretary-General said, but this time, he went on to tell us, in a less managed 13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 17/22 manner. It is difficult to quarrel with him. His approach was quite comprehensive, focusing, as he said, on the multiplicity of dangerous conflicts that the Middle East is facing. While his approach may be better, I choose to focus on Syria because it is the current flashpoint.Following the alleged chemical attacks in Douma, it is regrettable that the Council was not able to adopt a resolution to create an independent, impartial and professional investigative mechanism for identifying those responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. This is a problem that has been with us for some time and a reality that sadly reflects the lack of unity in the Council even on matters that are manifestly in the common interest of all. We certainly welcome the deployment of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission to Syria to establish the facts surrounding the alleged use of chemicals as weapons. We have repeatedly stated that using chemicals as weapons is inhumane, and we condemn their use by any actor under any circumstances. One matter remains, and that is establishing a mechanism for attribution. We hope that will be done as soon as possible, but that does not mean that in the meantime we should cease to exercise maximum restraint in the interests of peace.Right now, pragmatic considerations and simple rational calculation suggest that we must get our priorities right. We need to continue to live if we are to be able to fight evil. We have continued to express our deep concern about the current dynamics in Syria and their devastating implications for regional and international peace and security. We fully concur with the Secretary-General, who stressed in his statement of 11 April that it is vital to ensure that the situation does not spiral out of control (see SG/SM/18984). He stressed that legitimate concern again today. The Security Council, as the principal body responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, should not and cannot allow that to happen. At a time when we are talking about preventive diplomacy — as well as after appointing a Secretary-General who told us, in his maiden speech to the Council (see S/PV.7857), that prevention is not merely a priority, but the priority — now is the time for the United Nations to undertake the search for diplomacy for peace in earnest. If we are seriously committed to moving our Organization from a culture of reaction to one of prevention, now is the time to stand firm, speak with one voice and take proactive and collective action that can be respected by all major stakeholders.That requires the Council to be united for global peace and security. We know that is difficult, but we believe that we have no other sane option. This is the time for the Security Council to stand up and be counted. The Security Council is the custodian of the Charter of the United Nations, which, growing out of the devastation of the Second World War, promised to save succeeding generations from that scourge. That is a clarion call the Council should heed and act on. The situation should not be allowed to spiral out of control. The Secretary-General is right and the Council should listen to him.Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): We thank the Secretary-General for his comprehensive and insightful briefing. His statement rightly focused on the broader Middle East. However, I will focus on the most pressing issue at hand, the use of chemical weapons in Syria.The Charter of the United Nations starts with the words "We the peoples of the United Nations", and while the Russian Federation is blocking the Council from taking effective action on the crimes of Russia's ally Syria, all peoples of every nation are outraged by the continued unrestrained violence that the Syrian regime has unleashed against its own people. As the Secretary-General just said, the people of Syria have lived through a litany of horrors. No responsible Government can ignore the universal outrage that those horrors have provoked.Our collective incapacity in the Council to stop the crimes in Syria should weigh heavily on the conscience of all our members, but on the conscience of one permanent member in particular. It was our collective conscience that created the Charter of the United Nations. It was our collective conscience that created the Chemical Weapons Convention. The use of chemical weapons is unlawful in and of itself. It is a violation of the Charter of the United Nations. It is a serious violation of international law and may constitute a war crime and a crime against humanity.We strongly believe that the international community must fully uphold the standard that the use of chemical weapons is never permissible. As the Secretary-General just said, the norm against the use of chemical weapons must be upheld. The non-proliferation regime must be upheld. Accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria is therefore neither optional S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 18/22 18-10728 nor negotiable. The images of last weekend's attack in Douma are appalling. Atrocities have once again been inflicted on Syria's civilian population. Once again, dozens of innocent civilians have been killed and hundreds injured. The Kingdom of the Netherlands believes that it is highly likely that the Syrian regime is responsible for the attack. It has a proven history of such attacks, having used chemicals as a weapon against its own people in 2014, 2015 and 2017. It is unacceptable that four years after Syria joined the Chemical Weapons Convention, its declarations can still not be verified as accurate or complete.The Kingdom of the Netherlands is a long-time supporter of fighting impunity when it comes to chemical weapons. Regrettably, all attempts to achieve accountability in the Council have failed. Referral to the International Criminal Court was vetoed. The renewal of the mandate of the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) was also vetoed. This week, accountability was again vetoed. With its vetoes, the Russian Federation has assumed much responsibility for the crimes committed by the Syrian regime. The draft resolution for a new accountability mechanism that was vetoed this week remains the bare minimum of what is acceptable to the Kingdom of the Netherlands. We will not settle for anything less than an independent, impartial attribution mechanism that can ensure that the culprits of that vicious attack will be identified and held accountable.No veto can wipe from our memory the clear findings presented by the JIM on the use of chemical weapons by the Al-Assad regime and Da'esh. No veto can stop our compassion for the victims of the chemical-weapon attack last weekend. No veto can end our determination to achieve justice for the victims and for the people of Syria as a whole.In conclusion, the Kingdom of the Netherlands remains committed to fighting impunity. We reiterate our strong support for an international, impartial and independent mechanism, the Commission of Inquiry, the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons and a referral of the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, as the most appropriate path to accountability and justice. At the heart of our policy on Syria is a deep desire for peace and justice for its people. Impunity cannot and will not prevail.Let me end with warm words of appreciation to the Secretary-General and his tireless efforts for justice and the international legal order.Ms. Wronecka (Poland): I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his comprehensive briefing and to assure him of our full support in finding a political solution to all conflicts, not just the one in Syria.Since we are discussing the situation in the Middle East and in particular the current situation in Syria, let me begin with a very sad observation. Even with our unanimously adopted resolutions, such as resolution 2401 (2018), we are still not seeing any substantial change on the ground. The fighting is far from being over and the human suffering is tremendous. Taking into consideration the current situation and the growing risk of the loss of human life owing simply to a lack of food or medicine, we should try to do our utmost to find possible ways to ensure that life-saving aid convoys can reach those in need. Unfortunately, that applies not only to eastern Ghouta but also to Idlib and Aleppo provinces. We must find a way to alleviate the suffering of ordinary Syrians. The civilian population in Syria has already suffered too much.International public opinion is watching our meetings and sees our lack of agreement on the most basic principles under international humanitarian law. The Council bears enormous responsibility and will be held accountable for its actions. We therefore call on the Council to take the necessary steps to ensure that all the parties to the conflict, especially the regime and its allies, implement the ceasefire, enable humanitarian access and medical evacuations and fully engage in the United Nations-led talks in Geneva, in line with resolution 2254 (2015) and the 2012 Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex), which represent the best path to peace.With regard to the issue of chemical weapons, a century ago that was a normal way to wage war. Just recently we commemorated the hundredth anniversary of the first use of chemical weapons, on the Western and Eastern fronts of the First World War alike. French, British, American and other Allied soldiers were targeted with chlorine in Ypres, while Russian soldiers were dying from the same gruesome weapons in Bolimów, now part of Polish territory. Now, a century later, we are being challenged by these ghastly weapons yet again. Our nations are seeing the effects of the same 13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 19/22 toxic gas through the images of civilians who sought refuge in basements in Ghouta and other areas in Syria.Chemical weapons were banned when the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) cam into effect in 1997. We had begun a new chapter in the history of non-proliferation and disarmament. All of us in this Chamber agree that the use of chemical weapons by anyone, anywhere is deplorable and unacceptable. Can we really allow the success story of the CWC to be reversed? Will the Security Council allow the vision of a world free of chemical weapons to be destroyed? It is regrettable that the establishment of an independent, impartial investigative mechanism on the use of chemical weapons in Syria was vetoed on Tuesday (see S/PV.8228), thereby enabling those responsible for chemical attacks to remain unpunished. Accountability for such acts is a requirement under international law and is central to achieving durable peace in Syria. As members of the Security Council, we must find a way to reach agreement on how to properly respond to chemical attacks in Syria. We hope to see the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) deployed to Douma as soon as possible. We reiterate our appreciation to the Director-General and staff of the OPCW for their commitment to its goals and work, often in particularly challenging circumstances.Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): The delegation of Côte d'Ivoire thanks Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing on new developments in the critical situation in several countries in the Middle East, in particular Syria, since the Security Council considered the issue on 9 and 10 April (see S/PV. 8225 and S/PV. 8228).Despite the relative lull in the fighting in Syria, the humanitarian situation remains troubling in the light of the allegations of the recurring use of chemical weapons by parties to the conflict. As a result of its internal divisions, despite our goodwill, the Council has failed to ensure the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), which we adopted unanimously in order to deliver humanitarian assistance to people in need. In the light of the continuing reports of the use of chemical weapons in Douma, the Council was unable to reach an agreement on a statement that at the very least would have conveyed our solidarity to the Syrian people at this difficult time. The delegation of Côte d'Ivoire remains concerned by the current impasse in the Security Council, which has, unfortunately, prevented it from reaching agreement on a mechanism to combat impunity vis-à-vis the use of chemical weapons in Syria.In this context, we reiterate our support for the impartial, transparent, independent investigation to be conducted by the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons with the aim of shedding light on allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Douma, in eastern Ghouta.Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its strong condemnation of any use of chemical weapons, by any party, during peacetime or during wartime. Once again we beseech members of the Council to unite so as to set aside their differences and successfully set up an accountability mechanism to ensure that those who use chemical weapons are held accountable.We remain alarmed by the tensions stemming from the current political impasse, and we encourage the Secretary-General to make use of his good offices with stakeholders to restore peace and calm, in order to prevent any further escalation of the situation. To that end, my country invites all parties to exercise restraint so as to peacefully resolve this issue and in so doing safeguard international peace and security, which is our shared legacy.Côte d'Ivoire reaffirms our conviction and our principled position that there can be no military response to the crisis in Syria. The solution needs to be sought through dialogue and an inclusive political process, as stipulated in the road map set out by resolution 2254 (2015). My country remains convinced that dialogue alone will lead us to an equitable settlement of the conflict in Syria.The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make statement in my capacity as the representative of Peru.We would like to express our gratitude for the briefing by Secretary-General António Guterres and to thank him for his willingness to help to achieve a solution to the impasse in which the Security Council currently finds itself. We encourage him to continue to spare no effort in this respect, in line with the prerogatives conferred upon him by the Charter of the United Nations.Peru expresses its deep-rooted concern at the divisions that have emerged in the Council, in particular between its permanent members, and at the regrettable use of the veto, which limits our capacity to maintain S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 20/22 18-10728 international peace and security and to resolve the humanitarian conflicts and crises that form our agenda.We note with alarm the fact that the conflict in Syria continues to involve atrocity crimes committed with impunity and that it has deteriorated into a serious threat to regional and global stability, to the point where it is giving rise to serious tensions.With respect to reports of the further use of chemical weapons in Douma, we believe it necessary to resume, as a matter of urgency and in a renewed spirit of compromise, negotiations that will lead to ensuring full access, as required, for the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, which is being deployed in Syria to determine what happened; and to create a dedicated, independent, objective and impartial mechanism to attribute responsibility.On that understanding, we believe it important to recall once again that there can be no military solution to the Syrian conflict and that any response to the barbaric events taking place in that country must be in keeping with the norms of international law and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.We recall also that in its resolution 2401 (2018), the Council ordered a humanitarian ceasefire throughout the entire Syrian territory, and that it is urgent to make headway in the political process in line with resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). As the Secretary-General himself said, of particular concern is the potential threat posed by the current deadlock. We must at all costs prevent the situation from spiralling out of control. This must not occur given that our duty is to put an end to the suffering of millions of people and to impunity for atrocity crimes.Peru reiterates its commitment to living up to the lofty responsibility that the maintenance of international peace and security entails. My delegation will continue to work towards a solution to the conflict and protect the Syrian people, in keeping with the Charter of the United Nations and international law.I now resume my functions as President of the Council.I would like to recall the statement by the President of the Security Council contained in document S/2017/507, on the length of interventions.Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): First, I should like, on behalf of my Government, to express our condolences to the people and the Government of Algeria in connection with the tragic military plane crash that claimed the lives of 247 passengers.Secondly, I welcome the participation of the Secretary-General in this very important meeting. I thank him for his comprehensive and accurate briefing, which made clear that he and others in the Council did in fact understand this meeting's agenda item. He spoke in a manner commensurate with the threats to international peace and security posed by the allegations and accusations against my country and its allies.My colleague the Ambassador of Sweden said that the use of chemical weapons is a war crime. This is true. I agree with him, as does my Government. However, I would ask him whether he believes that war in itself is a crime and needs to be stopped and prevented. Perhaps this would be a very good title for a book by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, and perhaps this would make clear to Member States that war in itself is a crime.My colleague the representative of the United States said that the Syrian chemical weapons that killed civilians had been used 50 times; that is what she said. Chemical weapons were used 50 times and killed 200 civilians. Imagine that — the Syrian Government reversed the course of the global terrorist war against my country by killing only 200 civilians after having used chemical weapons 50 times. Are these not the words of amateurs? This is a scenario for DC Comics' Superman series. Is that how the White House strategists think — that a certain Government has used chemical weapons 50 times to kill 200 civilians? How is that logical?My American colleague overlooked one important detail — that her country, on board the MV Cape Ray, destroyed the Syrian chemical stockpiles in the Mediterranean, along with ships from Denmark and Norway. How could it be that the experts in the United States delegation did not tell her that Ms. Sigrid Kaag told the Security Council in June 2014 that there were no more chemical stockpiles in Syria. Could they have simply forgotten all of that?Some believe that the massive western military forces in the eastern Mediterranean are due to a Sufi Western affection for a handful of terrorist yobs in 13/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8231 18-10728 21/22 Douma. By the way, those yobs were chased out to the North, as the Council is aware. They are now on their way to Saudi Arabia and thence to Yemen. They will be recycled and used on other fronts, including Yemen. No, the massive military forces in the Mediterranean do not target that handful of terrorists. They target the State of Syria and its allies. That should be the topic discussed today in this meeting.My colleague the American Ambassador was not horrified that her country used 20 million gallons of Agent Orange in Viet Nam in 1961, killing and injuring 3 million Vietnamese. Four hundred thousand children are born with deformities every year due to the use of Agent Orange at that time. She was not horrified by her country's forces killing thousands of Syrians in Raqqa and thousands of Iraqis in Fallujah and Mosul through the use of white phosphorus, which is a chemical weapon. I ask my colleague, the Ambassador of Sweden: Is that not a war crime?I would like to read a remark of the former Defence Minister of Britain, Mr. Doug Henderson. He spoke of the use by his country and the United States of white phosphorus in Iraq. I would ask my friend the British Ambassador to listen to this. Mr. Henderson said that it was unbelievable that the United Kingdom would occupy a country — meaning Iraq — to look for chemical weapons and at the same time use chemical weapons against that very same country.George Orwell, the well-respected and ethical Western author said: "In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act". The truth that needs to be told today is that three permanent members of the Security Council are dragging the entire world once again towards the abyss of war and aggression. They seek to obstruct the Council's work in maintaining international peace and security, which is the main principle agreed upon and endorsed by our founding fathers when they adopted the Charter of the United Nations in San Francisco on 26 June, 1945. Even though my colleague, the Ambassador of Bolivia has already read it out, I would like to once again remind the Council of paragraph 4 of Article 2 of the Charter:"All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations".The truth that needs to be told today is that those three States have a legacy based on fallacies and fabricated narratives in order to launch wars, occupy States, control their resources and change their governing systems. The truth that needs to be told today is that the entire world and the Council stand witnesses to the invasion, occupation and destruction of Iraq based on a United States lie in this very Chamber 14 years ago. They stand witnesses to France's exploitation of the Council to destroy Libya under the pretext of protecting civilians while ending the future of an entire people for the very simple reason that its President at the time, Mr. Sarkozy, wanted a cover up for his financial corruption. This is an ongoing case, of which members are all aware. However, some countries still fall for those lies promoted by those very same States in order to attack my country, Syria.God bless the days when France the policies of Charles de Gaulle in the Council followed and repudiated the aggression of the United States and Britain against Iraq. We yearn for those days. France no longer respects the policies of Charles de Gaulle and is now one of the countries that launch attacks against other countries.The truth that needs to be told today is that the international community has not sought to rein in those who are reckless and undermine international relations, subjecting them to disaster time and again since the establishment of this international Organization. Our biggest fear is that if the international community does not come together to end the abuse of those who are reckless, then the Organization will die in circumstances very similar to that which led to the death of the League of Nations.The truth that needs to be told today is that after the failure of the United States, Britain, France and their proxies in our region to achieve their objectives in Syria through providing all forms of support to the armed terrorist groups, we see them today tweeting and bragging about their nice, new and smart rockets, and defying international legitimacy from the Council Chamber. They dispatch war planes and fleets to achieve what their terrorists have failed to achieve over the past seven years.The truth that needs to be told today is that the Syrian Government liberated hundreds of thousands of civilians in eastern Ghouta from the practices of armed terrorist groups that used them as human shields, held S/PV.8231 Threats to international peace and security 13/04/2018 22/22 18-10728 them hostage for years and prevented any medical or food assistance from reaching them. The terrorist groups used the schools, homes and hospitals of those civilians as military bases to launch attacks on 8 million civilians in Damascus.The truth that needs to be told today is that some reckless people are pushing international relations towards the abyss based on a fake video prepared by the terrorist White Helmets, pursuant to instructions by Western intelligence.The truth that needs to be told today is that the so-called international alliance used its war planes to serve Da'esh in order to block the victory of the Syrian Arab Army and its allies against that terrorist organization. That international alliance made the White Helmets its media division to fabricate and falsify incidents in order to benefit the Al-Qaida terrorist organization.The government of my country took the initiative to invite the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to dispatch its Fact-finding Mission to visit Syria and the alleged site of the incident in Douma. The Government of my country has provided all the facilitation needed for the team to work in a transparent and accurate manner. The team is supposed to start its work in a few hours. This invitation was issued out of strength, confidence and diplomatic experience, not because we are weak or afraid and giving in to bullying or threats.The Syrian Arab Republic condemns in the strongest terms the Governments of these three States for launching their threats to use power in a flagrant violation of Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations, which identifies the primary purpose of the United Nations as the maintenance of international peace and security and the suppression of acts of aggression and other breaches to peace.With the exception of the United States, Britain and France, we all understand that the Security Council is the organ charged with the maintenance of international peace and security and should stand against attempts to impose the law of the jungle and the rule of the powerful. However, some Member States think that the United Nations is just a private business company that works on the basis of pecuniary interests, market rules and the principle of supply and demand to determine the fate of peoples and States, and that use it as a platform for cheap theatrics and the dissemination of lies. This is the truth that disappoints the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the world.I am not reinventing the wheel in this Chamber. The history of our relations with those States is filled with agony, pain and bitterness as a result of their very well-known policies of aggression. Another more important and shocking truth that should be told today is that the silence of the majority with respect to those aggressive policies does not constitute collusion with these States, but it does arise from fear of their arrogance and political blackmail, economic pressure and aggressive record. Those States do not blink when they go after anyone who is telling the truth.In conclusion, if those three States — the United States, Britain and France — think they can attack us and undermine our sovereignty and set out to do so, we would have no other choice but to apply Article 51 of the Charter, which gives us the legitimate right to defend ourselves. This is not a threat the way they do; it is a promise. This is a promise. We will not let anyone attack our sovereignty.Why do I say that this is a promise? I say this because a thought commonly ascribed to the great United States leader George Washington, who lived more than 200 years ago comes to mind — the sound that is louder than that of the cannons is the sound of the truth that emanates from the heart of a united nation that wants to live free. We in Syria also have leaders and prominent figures as great as George Washington. They are doing the same thing for Syria — protecting the unity and sovereignty of their country.The meeting rose at 12.25 p.m.
Threats To International Peace And Security. The Situation In The Middle East ; United Nations S/PV.8225 Security Council Seventy-third year 8225th meeting Monday, 9 April 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Meza-Cuadra . (Peru) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Poland. . Mr. Radomski Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-09955 (E) *1809955* S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 2/26 18-09955 The meeting was called to order at 3.05 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Spanish): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Staffan de Mistura, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, and Mr. Thomas Markram, Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs. Mr. De Mistura is joining today's meeting via video-teleconference from Geneva. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I now give the floor to Mr. De Mistura. Mr. De Mistura: This emergency meeting of the Security Council underscores the gravity of the events in recent days in Syria, of which there are severe consequences for civilians. It takes place at a time of increased international tensions, drawing national, regional and international actors into dangerous situations of potential or actual confrontation. It is an important meeting. There is an urgent need for the Council to address the situation with unity and purpose. How did we reach this point? The month of March saw devastating violence in part of eastern Ghouta, which resulted in at least 1,700 people killed or injured in opposition-controlled areas, dozens and dozens of people killed or injured in Government-controlled areas and, ultimately, the evacuation of 130,000 people, including fighters, family members and other civilians. However, in Douma there was a fragile ceasefire, which continued for most of March. The United Nations good offices played an important role in that regard. Since 31 March, the United Nations has no longer been able to be involved in talks, since, at that time, the Syrian Government did not agree to our presence, although we made efforts to propose concrete ways to address the issues that we understood were arising in the continuing contacts, including the proposal to activate the detainee working group agreed in Astana. However, that proposal was not taken up at the time. From 2 April, the evacuation of some 4,000 fighters, family members and other civilians from Douma to northern Syria took place. However, on 6 April there was a major escalation in violence. There were reports of sustained air strikes and shelling against Douma, the killing of civilians, the destruction of civilian infrastructure and attacks damaging health facilities. There were also reports of shelling on Damascus city, which reportedly again killed or injured civilians. Jaysh Al-Islam requested our involvement in emergency talks in extremis, but there was no positive response to that request when it conveyed the same message to the other side. At approximately 8 p.m. local time on 7 April, reports of an alleged chemical weapons attack in Douma started to emerge. Pictures immediately circulated on social media showing what appeared to be lifeless men, women and children. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the ground claimed to have received hundreds of cases of civilians with symptoms consistent with exposure to chemical agents. The same NGOs claimed that at least 49 people had been killed and hundreds injured. I wish to recall what the Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, noted, namely, that the United Nations "is not in a position to verify these reports". However, he also made it very clear that he cannot ignore them and that he "is particularly alarmed by allegations that chemical weapons have been used against civilian populations in Douma" once again. He further emphasized "that any use of chemical weapons, if confirmed, is abhorrent and requires a thorough investigation". I note that a number of States have strongly alluded to or expressed the suspicion that the Syrian Government was responsible for the alleged chemical attack. I also note that other States, as well as the Government of Syria itself, have strongly questioned the credibility of those allegations, depicting the attacks as a fabrication or/and a provocation. My comment is that this is one more reason for there to be a thorough independent investigation. 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 3/26 The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons has said that it has made the preliminary analysis of the reports of the alleged use of chemical weapons and is in the process of gathering further information from all available sources. My colleague Mr. Thomas Markram, Deputy of the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, who is with us in the Chamber today, will further address this matter. But I urge the Security Council, in accordance with its own mandate to maintain international peace and security and uphold international law, to, for God's sake, ensure that a mechanism is found to investigate these allegations and assign responsibility.Returning to the narrative of the events, at around midnight on 7 April, hours after the alleged chemical-weapons attack, Jaysh Al-Islam informed the United Nations that it had reached an agreement with the Russian Federation and the Syrian Government. The Russian Federation Ministry for Defence stated that the agreement encompasses a ceasefire and Jaysh Al-Islam fighters laying down their arms or evacuating Douma. The Russian Federation also reported that up to 8,000 Jaysh Al-Islam fighters and 40,000 of their family members were to evacuate.As I brief the Security Council now, we understand that additional evacuations from Douma are already under way. We have also received reports that some detainees — the ones we had heard about before — had begun to be released from Douma today. We note reports that the agreement provides for civilians who decide to stay to remain under Russian Federation guarantees, with the resumption of services in coordination with a local committee of civilians.I urge the Syrian Government and the Russian Federation to ensure the protection of those civilians so that as many civilians as possible can stay in their homes if they choose to, or leave to a place of their own choosing or return as per international law. I urge that there be, for there should be, an immediate refocusing for the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). What we have see is basically an escalation before a de-escalation.Clearly, the dangers of further escalation arise from situations beyond Ghouta as well. We have received reports of missiles targeting the Syrian Government's Tiyas, or T-4, airbase early this morning. No State has claimed responsibility for that reported strike. The United States and France have explicitly denied any involvement. The Syrian Government, the Russian Federation and Iran have suggested that Israel could have carried out the attack, with Iranian State media reporting that over a dozen military personnel were killed or injured, including four Iranian military advisers. The Government of Israel has not commented. The United Nations is unable to independently verify or attribute responsibility for that attack, but we urge all parties to show their utmost restraint and avoid any further escalation or confrontation.We are also concerned about the dynamics in other areas of Syria. Syrians in Dar'a, northern rural Homs, eastern Qalamoun, Hamah and Idlib have all expressed to us their own fears that they may soon face escalations similar to what we have seen in eastern Ghouta. We therefore urge the Security Council and the Astana guarantors and those States involved in the Amman efforts to work towards reinstating de-escalation in those areas and elsewhere in Syria. The indications are the opposite at the moment.Meanwhile, following its operations in Afrin, the Turkish Government has indicated the potential for further operations in other areas of northern Syria if Partiya Yekitiya Demokrat and Kurdish People's Protection Units forces are not removed from those areas. Military operations in such areas have the potential of raising international tensions. We therefore urge all parties concerned to de-escalate, show restraint and find means to implement resolution 2401 (2018) through dialogue and fully respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria. Let me also highlight the fact that we have recently seen — and this is particularly tragic when we consider the efforts all of us, including all members of the Security Council, have made in the last year — the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant launch new operations within Syria, south of Damascus, in rural Damascus, in remote areas near the Iraqi border.I would like to conclude with some bottom lines, if I may.First, civilians are paying a very heavy price for the military escalation. We are not seeing de-escalation; we are seeing the contrary. Today our first priority must be to protect civilians from the war, from the conflict, from chemical weapons, from hunger. We call on all sides to ensure respect for international humanitarian law and human rights law, including humanitarian access across Syria to all people in need. We urge once S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 4/26 18-09955 more for concrete respect for resolution 2401 (2018) throughout Syria, which is, after all, a resolution of the Security Council.Secondly, continued allegations of the use of chemical agents are of extremely grave concern. Those allegations must be independently and urgently investigated. Any use of chemical weapons is absolutely prohibited and constitutes a very serious violation of international law, the Chemical Weapons Convention and resolution 2118 (2013). Preventing impunity and any further use of chemical weapons and upholding international law must be an utmost priority for all members of the Security Council.Thirdly, I have to say this very slowly because today is the first time, in over four years of briefing the Security Council in person, that I have reached a point in which I have to express a concern about international security, not just regional or national or Syrian security, but international security. Recent developments have more than ever before brought to the surface the dangers that the Secretary-General warned about recently at the Munich Security Conference, when he spoke of "different faultlines" in the Middle East that are interconnected and crossing each other, of conflicting interests of both global and regional Powers, and forms of escalation that can have absolutely devastating consequences that are difficult for us to even imagine. The Council cannot allow a situation of uncontrollable escalation to develop in Syria on any front. Instead, it must find unity and address the concrete threats to international peace and security in Syria today.I am sorry to have been this brief, but I wanted to focus on one specific concern, namely, the threat to international security related to what we are seeing now in Syria and the danger of the alleged chemical-weapons attacks being repeated. Next time I will brief the Council on humanitarian and other issues and on the political process, which I know we are all interested in focusing upon, but today is the day for talking about security — international security — and peace.The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank Mr. De Mistura for his very informative briefing.I now give the floor to Mr. Markram.Mr. Markram: I thank you for the opportunity to address the Council again today, Mr. President. The High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, is away on official travel.It has been less than a week since I last briefed the Council (see S/PV.8221) on the issue of chemical weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic. In the intervening period, new and deeply disturbing allegations of the use of chemical weapons have come to light. Over the past weekend, there have been reports on the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma, in the Syrian Arab Republic. According to reports that came in yesterday, it is alleged that at least 49 people were killed and hundreds more injured in a chemical-weapon attack. More than 500 other individual cases reportedly presented with symptoms consistent with such an attack. The Office for Disarmament Affairs has been in touch with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) on the matter. The OPCW, which implements the Chemical Weapons Convention, to which Syria is a State party, is gathering information about the incident from all available sources, through its Fact-finding Mission in Syria. After completing its investigation, the Fact-finding Mission will report its findings on the alleged attack to the States parties to the Convention.Sadly, there is little to say today that has not already been said. The use of chemical weapons is unjustifiable. Those responsible must be held to account. That those views have been stated on many previous occasions does not lessen the seriousness with which the Secretary-General regards such allegations. Nor does it lessen the truth behind them, which is that what we are seeing in Syria cannot go unchallenged by anyone who values the decades of effort that have been put in to bring about the disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. As the body charged with the maintenance of international peace and security, the Council must unite in the face of this continuing threat and fulfil its responsibilities. To do otherwise, or simply to do nothing, is to accept, tacitly or otherwise, that such a challenge is insurmountable. The use of chemical weapons cannot become the status quo, nor can we continue to fail the victims of such weapons.Just over one year ago, in responding to the attack on Khan Shaykhun, the Secretary-General called for those responsible to be held accountable, stating that there can be no impunity for such horrific acts. Just over one week ago, speaking on behalf of the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, I noted that unity in the Security Council on a dedicated mechanism for accountability would provide the best foundation for success in that regard. I reiterate that belief here, as 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 5/26 well as the readiness of the Secretary-General and the Office for Disarmament Affairs to assist.The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank Mr. Markram for his informative briefing.I now give the floor to members of the Security Council who wish to make statements.Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): If you imagine, Mr. President, that I derive pleasure from the subject of my statement today, or from speaking at great length, you are wrong. Unfortunately, however, the situation is such that I have a lot to say today. And you will have to listen to me.We thank Mr. De Mistura and Mr. Markram for their briefings.The Russian Federation asked that this meeting be convened under the agenda item "Threats to international peace and security" because we are deeply alarmed about the fact that a number of capitals — Washington first and foremost, with London and Paris blindly following its lead — are purposely steering a course designed to supercharge international tensions. The leadership of the United States, Britain and France, with no grounds and no thought for the consequences, are taking a confrontational line on Russia and Syria and pushing others towards it too. They have a broad range of weapons in their arsenal — slander, insults, bellicose rhetoric, blackmail, sanctions and threats of the use of force against a sovereign State. Their threats against Russia are brazen, and the tone they take has gone beyond the limits of the permissible. Even during the Cold War their predecessors did not express themselves so crudely about my country. What next?I remember the rhetorical question that President Putin of Russia put to our Western partners, and especially the United States, from the rostrum of the General Assembly in 2015 (see A/70/PV.13), about their careless geopolitical experiments in the Middle East, when he asked them if they at least realized what they had done. At the time, the question went unanswered. But there is an answer, and it is that no, they do not realize what they have done. As they do not realize what they are doing now. It is not only we who are perplexed at their lack of any coherent strategy on any issue. It perplexes most of the people in this Chamber. They just do not want to ask them about it openly. Wherever they go, whatever they touch, they leave behind chaos in their wake in the murky water where they have gone fishing for some kind of fish. But the only fish they catch are mutants. I will ask them another rhetorical question. Do they understand the dangerous place they are dragging the world to?One of the areas where the hostility manifests itself most strongly is Syria. The terrorists and extremists supported by external sponsors are being defeated. Let me remind those responsible that these are the terrorists and extremists whom they equipped, financed and dumped into the country in order to overthrow the lawful Government. Now we can see why this is causing hysteria among those who have invested their political and material capital in such dark forces.In the past few weeks, thanks to Russia's efforts to implement the Security Council's resolutions, a massive operation has been carried out to unblock eastern Ghouta, whose residents have been forced to endure the humiliation of the rebel militias for several years. More than 150 thousand civilians were evacuated from this suburb of Damascus, completely voluntarily and under the necessary security conditions. Tens of thousands of them have already been able to return to liberated areas and many have been taken in by relatives. The changes in their demographic composition that the defenders of the Syrian opposition have been screaming about have not happened. That is a lie. Some extremely complex negotiations were conducted with the leaders of the armed groups, as a result of which many left the neighbourhoods they were occupying, with full guarantees for their security. Incidentally, there were several attempted acts of terrorism during these transport operations when militias tried to bring suicide belts onto the buses and were prevented. Others preferred to regulate their status with the Syrian authorities. Thanks to the presidential amnesty, they will now be able to return to civilian life, and may even eventually be able to join Syria's security forces. That represents the implementation of the United Nations principle of demobilization, disarmament and reintegration.However, not everyone is so keen on such positive dynamics. The outside sponsors — that is, the leading Western countries — were ready to grasp at any straw in order to hang on to any centre of terrorist resistance, however tiny, within striking distance of the Syrian capital, so that the militias could continue to terrorize ordinary residents, taking their food and begging humanitarian aid from the international community. Incidentally, they were not about to S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 6/26 18-09955 share medicines with those ordinary civilians, as an inspection of the strongholds left behind by the fighters revealed. As happened previously in eastern Aleppo, the improvised hospital facilities in basements were full of medicines that thanks to Western sanctions were not to be had for love or money in Damascus and other Government-controlled areas. Mass graves and bodies that showed evidence of torture were also discovered. The dimensions of the tunnels that the jihadists used were astonishing. Some of them could easily accommodate small trucks travelling in both directions. Those impressive underground facilities connected the positions of groups that some view as moderate to the strongholds of Jabhat Al-Nusra.On 6 April, at their sponsors' instructions, Jaysh Al-Islam's new ringleaders prevented the fourth group of militia fighters from evacuating Douma and resumed rocket and mortar fire on residential areas of Damascus, targeting Mezzeh, Mezzeh 86, Ish Al-Warwar, Abu Rummaneh and Umayyad Square. According to official data, eight civilians were killed and 37 were wounded. It is regrettable that we seen no statements from Western capitals condemning the shelling of a historic part of Damascus.The next day, 7 April, militias accused the Syrian authorities of dropping barrel bombs containing a toxic substance. However, they got their versions mixed up, referring to it sometimes as chlorine and sometimes as sarin or a mixture of poison gases. In a familiar pattern, the rumours were immediately seized on by non-governmental organizations financed by Western capitals and White Helmets operating in the guise of rescue workers. These so-called reports were also just as quickly disseminated through media outlets. I should once again point out that many of these dubious opposition entities have an accurate list of the email addresses of the representatives of Security Council members, which leads us to conclude that some of our colleagues, with a reckless attitude to their position, have been leaking sensitive information to those they sponsor. Incidentally, we all should remember the incident in which the White Helmets accidentally posted on the Internet a video showing the preparation stages for filming the next so-called victim of an attack allegedly perpetrated by the Syrian army. The chemical "series" that began in 2013 has continued to run, with each subsequent episode designed to top the impact of the previous one.In Washington, London and Paris, conclusions have immediately been reached as to the guilt of the Syrian authorities, or regime, as they call it. Has no one wondered why Damascus needs this? While the Syrian leadership has received its share of insults, the main burden of responsibility has been laid at the door of Russia and Iran, to no one's surprise, I believe. As is now customary, it has occurred at lightning speed and without any kind of investigation. On 8 April, Syrian troops searching the village of Al-Shifuniya, near Douma, discovered a small, makeshift Jaysh Al-Islam chemical-munitions factory, along with German-produced chlorine reagents and specialized equipment.The Istanbul-based opposition journalist Asaad Hanna posted a video on his Twitter feed that was allegedly from the area of the incident. In it, an unidentified individual in a gas mask, presumably from the White Helmets, is posing against a backdrop of a homemade chemical bomb that allegedly landed in a bedroom in a building in Douma. It is accompanied by commentary about what it calls another of the regime's attacks on civilians. There can be no doubt that this production was staged. The trajectory of the alleged bomb is entirely unnatural. It fell through the roof and landed gently on a wooden bed without damaging it in any way and was clearly placed there before the scene was shot.In an interesting coincidence, the chemical act of provocation in Douma on Saturday, 7 April, occurred immediately after the United States delegation in the Security Council was instructed to call for expert consultations for today, Monday, 9 April, on its draft resolution on a mechanism for investigating incidents involving chemical weapons. Today far-reaching changes were made to the initial text. In such murky circumstances, of course, we have to determine what happened. But we have to do it honestly, objectively and impartially, without sacrificing the principle of the presumption of innocence and certainly not by prejudging the process of an investigation.Despite this provocation, the Russian specialists have continued their efforts to resolve the situation in eastern Ghouta. On Sunday afternoon, 8 April, according to new agreements, the evacuation of Jaysh Al-Islam combatants was resumed. Following Douma's liberation from militants, Russian radiological, chemical and biological protection specialists were sent there to collect evidence. They took soil samples that showed no presence of nerve agents or substances 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 7/26 containing chlorine. Local residents and combatants who were no longer fighting were interviewed. Not one local confirmed the chemical attack. At the local hospital, no one with symptoms of sarin or chlorine poisoning had been admitted. There are no other active medical facilities in Douma. No bodies of people who had died from being poisoned were found, and the medical staff and residents had no information about where they might have been buried. Any use of sarin or chlorine in Douma is therefore unconfirmed. By the way, representatives of the Syrian Red Crescent refuted statements allegedly made on their behalf about providing assistance to victims of toxic gases. I call on those who plan to denounce the regime when they speak after me to assume that there was no chemical-weapon attack.Sweden has drafted a resolution calling for the incident to be investigated. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) does not need a resolution to investigate it, but we are willing to consider it. Today we propose to do what is envisaged in the draft resolution, which is to let the OPCW, which Mr. Üzümcü, Director-General of its Technical Secretariat, has announced is ready to deal with the situation, fly to Damascus immediately, if possible tomorrow. There the Syrian authorities and the Russian military will ensure the necessary conditions so that the OPCW experts can travel to the site of the alleged incident and familiarize themselves with the situation. That, by the way, is what President Trump and other Western leaders have been urging us to do.The Syrians have repeatedly warned that there might be chemical provocations. At the Russian Centre for the Reconciliation of Opposing Sides in the Syrian Arab Republic they are saying that the equipment needed to film the next purported chemical attack has already been brought in. We have also made statements to that effect in the Security Council. Everyone has heard those warnings, but has deliberately ignored them because they do not correspond to the doctrinal positions espoused by those who dream of seeing the legitimate Government of yet another Arab country destroyed.There has still been no attention given to the discovery in November and December 2017 of a significant quantity of chemical munitions on Syrian territory that had been liberated from militias. In terrorist warehouses in Az-Zahiriya and Al-Hafiya in Hama governorate, 20 one-ton containers and more than 50 pieces of ordnance containing toxic chemicals were discovered. In Tel Adel in Idlib governorate, 24 tons of toxic chemical, presumed to be chlorine, were discovered. At a storage site in Moadamiya, 30 kilometres to the north-east of Damascus, 240- and 160-millimetre-calibre munitions and plastic canisters of organo-phosphorous compounds were found. In the area around As-Suwayda in Idlib governorate, an manufacturing facility for synthesizing various toxic substances was found, along with 54 pieces of chemical ordnance and 44 containers of chemicals that could be used to manufacture toxic substances.Since the beginning of this year alone, four instances of militias using toxic chemicals against Government troop positions have been established in Suruj and Al-Mushairfeh districts, and more than 100 Syrian troops have been hospitalized. On 3 March, during the liberation of Khazram and Aftris in eastern Ghouta, soldiers from a sub-unit of Government troops discovered an auxiliary workshop for homemade chemical munitions. This far from exhaustive list is an indication of the misdeeds of the still unreconciled opposition. And yet we have seen no eagerness to send OPCW expert groups there to collect evidence of these events. We demand that the OPCW verify all of these areas. They are accessible. We are also seeing information that American instructors in the Al-Tanf camp have trained a number of groups of fighters to carry out provocations using chemical weapons in order to create a pretext for a rocket strikes and bombings.It has been clear to us that sooner or later there would be an attempt to bring the jihadists out of harm's way and at the same time to punish the regime that some Western capitals hate. The talking heads on television have thrown themselves into urging a repeat of last year's effort at a military attack on Syria. This morning there were missile strikes on the T-4 airfield in Homs governorate. We are deeply troubled by such actions.The provocations in Douma are reminiscent of last year's incident in Khan Shaykhun, with their shared element being the planned nature of the attacks. Analysis of the operations conducted by the United States in April 2017, on the eve of the incident in Khan Shaykhun and after it, shows that Washington prepared its operation in advance. From 4 to 7 April of last year — in other words, from the day that a toxic substance was used in Khan Shaykhun until the strike on the Al-Shayrat airbase — the USS Porter and Ross naval destroyers S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 8/26 18-09955 were already present in the Mediterranean Sea, where they were engaged in planned operations. They did not call into any ports where an exchange of munitions could have been effected as a way to increase their quantity of cruise missiles.Specifically, from 4 to 5 April, the USS Porter was located south-east of Sicily and the Ross was en route from the Rota naval base to an area south of Sardinia. Later, on 6 April, both ships were observed moving at accelerated speed towards the area of the firing positions to the south-west of Cyprus, from where they launched a massive strike on Al-Shayrat on 7 April. However, the 59 Tomahawk missiles that were launched would have exceeded the two destroyers' total munitions capacity if they had actually been engaged in the anti-missile defence operations that they were assigned to, which required only 48 units. That means, therefore, that even before the chemical incident in Khan Shaykhun, these United States naval vessels undertook a military operation with a strike capability above the number of cruise missiles necessary for their anti-missile defence operations, which could be evidence of advance planning by Washington of an action against Damascus.Among other things, Saturday's fake news from Douma was aimed at diverting the public's attention from the circus that is the Skripal case, in which London has become terminally mired, hurling completely unproven accusations at Russia and accomplishing its basic purpose of extracting solidarity from its allies in order to construct an anti-Russian front. Now the British are shifting away from a transparent investigation and concrete responses to the questions they have been asked while simultaneously covering their tracks.At the Security Council meeting on 5 April on the Skripal case (see S/PV.8224), we warned the Council that the attempt to accuse us, without proof, of involvement in the Salisbury incident was linked to the Syrian chemical issue. There was an interesting new development regarding the issue yesterday. As Britain's Foreign Minister Boris Johnson was continuing his display of rapier wit "exposing" Russia, another gem emerged. The Times informed us that Royal Air Force experts in southern Cyprus had intercepted a message sent from outside Damascus to Moscow on the day of the Skripals' poisoning that contained the phrase "the package has been delivered" and said that two people had "successfully departed". Apparently this formed part of the intelligence that London provided to its allies before expelling our Russian diplomats. Is not it obvious to everyone that there is an irrefutable Syria-Russia-Salisbury connection? I will give the British intelligence services one more huge hint, for free. Why do they not assume that the Novichok they are so thrilled about reached Salisbury directly from Syria? In a package. To cover its tracks. How pathetic.Ambassador Haley recently stated that Russia will never be a friend of the United States. To that, I say that friendship is both reciprocal and voluntary. One cannot force a friendship and we are not begging the United States to be friends. What we want from it is very little — normal, civilized relations, which it arrogantly refuses, disregarding basic courtesy. However, the United States is mistaken if it thinks that it has friends. Its so-called friends are only those who cannot say no to it. And that is the only criterion for friendship that it understands.Russia has friends. And unlike the United States, we do not have adversaries. That is not the prism through which we view the world. It is international terrorism that is our enemy. However, we continue to propose cooperating with the United States. That cooperation should be respectful and mutual, and aimed at resolving genuine problems, not imaginary ones, and it should be just as much in the interests of the United States. Ultimately, as permanent members of the Security Council, we have a special responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security.Through the relevant channels, we already conveyed to the United States that military action conducted on false pretences against Syria, where Russian troops are deployed at the request of its legitimate Government, could have extremely serious repercussions. We urge Western politicians to temper their hawkish rhetoric, seriously consider the possible repercussions and cease their feeble, foolhardy efforts, which merely produce challenges to global security. We can see very good examples of what becomes of the military misadventures of the West in Yugoslavia, Iraq and Libya. No one has invested Western leaders with the power to take on the roles of the world's policeman and its investigators, prosecutors, judges and executioners as well. We urge them to return to the world of legality, comply with the Charter of the United Nations and work collectively to address the problems that arise rather than attempting to realize its own selfish geopolitical dreams at every step. All our energy should be focused on supporting the political process in Syria, and for that, all stakeholders with influence must unite in a 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 9/26 constructive effort. Russia is always ready for that kind of cooperation.In conclusion, I would like to take this opportunity to request a briefing of the Security Council on the results of the United Nations assessment mission in Raqqa and on the situation in the Rukban camp. We can see how the coalition members are trying to complicate a resolution of the problems resulting from their actions in Syria, particularly the carpet-bombing operation designed to wipe out Raqqa. No chemical provocations will distract our attention from that issue.Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): We thank Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and Deputy High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Thomas Markram for their briefings.Only five days ago, here in this Chamber (see S/PV.8221), we mourned as we remembered the sarin attack at Khan Shaykhun that occurred a year ago. This weekend another devastating gas attack was carried out in the city of Douma, killing more than 45 civilians and injuring more than 500. It was another in a series of chemical-weapon attacks in Syria. That is unacceptable. The Kingdom of the Netherlands is one of nine Security Council members that requested today's emergency meeting because we all believed that it was critically important to address this horrific attack. We must reinstate the prohibition on the use of chemical weapons. We must underscore the basic norms of the international legal order and stop the ongoing tragedy in eastern Ghouta and Douma.We almost met twice today because one permanent member of the Council seemed not to want a focused discussion on the issue at hand, the chemical attack in Douma. That begs the question of whether that particular member State would prefer the international community to stand by and watch like a spectator while it covers for the crimes of its ally, the Syrian regime, some of which amount to serious war crimes. The Council must not stand idly by. It is high time for us to act in three ways, condemning, protecting and holding to account. First, today we should condemn in the strongest possible terms any use of chemical weapons. International law has been trampled on. Silence and impunity are not an option. However, condemnation alone is not enough.Secondly, we must deliver on our responsibility to protect. The protection of civilians must remain an absolute priority. We call on the Astana guarantors to use their influence to prevent any further attacks. They must ensure a cessation of hostilities and a de-escalation of the violence, as per resolution 2401 (2018). An immediate ceasefire is needed in Douma so that humanitarian and medical aid can reach the victims of the attack and so that humanitarian personnel can continue their life-saving work. We owe it to the men, women and children of Douma and of Syria. We owe it to our own citizens.Furthermore, the Kingdom of the Netherlands would also like to point out that the majority of the States Members of the United Nations count on the permanent members of the Council not to use their veto in cases of mass atrocities. The international community should be able to count on the Council to uphold international humanitarian law and the international prohibition on the use of chemical weapons, and to act when international law is trampled. Let me be clear. We support the humanitarian work of the White Helmets. They do extremely important humanitarian work for civilians in Syria in dire circumstances.Thirdly, all members of the Council regularly stress the importance of accountability for perpetrators who use chemical weapons. Yet the Council has not been able to move forward on that issue for months owing to one permanent member's use of the veto. We have been unable to tackle this crisis because one permanent member is a direct party to the conflict and has proved that it will defend the Syrian regime at all costs. We must intensify our efforts to establish a mechanism that can continue the meticulous work of the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) and investigate and identify perpetrators independently of the politics in the Council. The JIM has identified both the Syrian regime and a non-State actor as responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. As I said last week (see S/PV.8221), the discontinuation of the JIM mandate cannot be the end of the story — all the more so because since the JIM ceased to operate, we have received reports that the regime has carried out at least six more chemical-weapon attacks and perhaps even more. For those who claim that chemical-weapon attacks have not taken place or that such accounts have been fabricated, I have a clear message. The establishment of an effective, impartial and independent attribution and accountability mechanism must not be vetoed.Let us not forget that the United Nations is bigger than the Council alone. We have strong leadership at the helm of Organization and a powerful General S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 10/26 18-09955 Assembly. Both must consider all instruments to advance accountability for the use of chemical weapons. The work should build on the important work of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission and the JIM. We welcome the Fact-finding Mission's immediate investigation of the terrible incident in Douma this weekend. It should be given full access and cooperation by all parties. We reiterate our strong support for, first, the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Those Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011; secondly, the Commission of Inquiry; thirdly, the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, initiated by France; and fourthly, a referral of the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court in The Hague as the most appropriate path to accountability and justice.In conclusion, the Council must act. The OPCW Fact-finding Mission must complete an investigation as soon as possible, and there can be no impunity for the use of chemical weapons. To do otherwise is tantamount to condoning such appalling attacks, failing in our responsibilities and undermining the international architecture that we have collectively designed to stop such attacks. It is time for the Council and the international community as a whole to act.Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I thank Mr. De Mistura and Mr. Markram for their briefings.Almost exactly one year ago, I stood on the floor of the Security Council and held up pictures of dead Syrian children (see S/PV.7915). After that day, I prayed that I would never have to do that again. I could; there are many truly gruesome pictures. Many of us have worked hard to ensure that one day we would not have to see images of babies gassed to death in Syria. However, the day we prayed would never come, has come again. Chemical weapons have once again been used on Syrian men, women and children. And once again, the Security Council is meeting in response.This time I am not going to hold up pictures of victims. I could; there are many, and they are gruesome. Worse are the videos imprinted in our minds that no one should ever have to see. I could hold up pictures of babies lying dead next to their mothers, brothers and sisters — even toddlers and infants still in diapers, all lying together dead. Their skin is the ashen blue that is now tragically familiar from chemical-weapon scenes. Their eyes are open and lifeless, with white foam bubbles at their mouths and noses. They are pictures of dead Syrians who are unarmed, not soldiers and fit the very definition of innocent and non-threatening. Rather, they are women and children who were hiding in basements from a renewed assault by Bashar Al-Assad. They are of families who were hiding underground to escape Al-Assad's conventional bombs and artillery, but the basements that Syrian families thought would shelter them from conventional bombs were the worst place to be when chemical weapons fell from the sky. Saturday evening, the basements of Douma became their tombs.It is impossible to know for certain how many have died, because access to Douma is cut off by Al-Assad's forces. Dozens are dead that we know of, and hundreds are wounded. I could hold up pictures of survivors — children with burning eyes and choking for breath. I could hold up pictures of first responders washing the chemicals off of the victims and putting respirators on children, or of first responders walking through room after room of families lying motionless with babies still in the arms of their mothers and fathers. I could show pictures of a hospital attacked with chemical weapons. I could show pictures of hospitals struck by barrel bombs following the chemical attack. Ambulances and rescue vehicles have been repeatedly attacked, maximizing the number of dead civilians. Civil defence centres have been attacked in order to paralyse the medical response so as to increase the suffering of the survivors. Who does that? Only a monster does that. Only a monster targets civilians, and then ensures that there are no ambulances to transfer the wounded, no hospitals to save their lives and no doctors or medicine to ease their pain.I could hold up pictures of all of that killing and suffering for the Council to see, but what would be the point? The monster who was responsible for those attacks has no conscience, not even to be shocked by pictures of dead children. The Russian regime, whose hands are all covered in the blood of Syrian children, cannot be ashamed by pictures of its victims. We have tried that before. We must not overlook Russia and Iran's roles in enabling the Al-Assad regime's murderous destruction. Russia and Iran have military advisers at Al-Assad's airfields and operation centres. Russian officials are on the ground helping direct the 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 11/26 regime's starve-and-surrender campaign, and Iranian allied forces do much of the dirty work.When the Syrian military pummels civilians, they rely on the military hardware given by Russia. Russia could stop that senseless slaughter if it wanted, but it stands with the Al-Assad regime and supports without any hesitation. What is the point of trying to shame such people? After all, no civilized Government would have anything to do with Al-Assad's murderous regime. Pictures of dead children mean little to Governments like Russia, who expend their own resources to prop up Al-Assad.The Council, which saw the pictures last year, has failed to act because Russia has stood in its way every single time. For a year we have allowed Russia to hold the lives of innocent Syrians hostage to its alliance with the Al-Assad regime. That also allowed Russian to weaken the credibility of the United Nations. We are quick to condemn chemical weapons in the Security Council, but then Russia prevents any action. It vetoed five draft resolutions on this issue alone and used 11 vetoes all together to save Al-Assad. Our lives go on as usual.The Council created the Joint Investigative Mechanism. It found the Syrian regime responsible for the attack at Khan Shaykhun a year ago. Because Russia supported Al-Assad and his actions, Russia killed the Mechanism. We condemned it, and our lives went on as usual. We pushed for a ceasefire. The Council unanimously agreed, but it was immediately ignored by Russia and Al-Assad. We condemned it, and our lives went on as usual. Now here we are, confronted with the consequences of giving Russia a pass in the name of unity — a unity that Russia has shown many times before it does not want. Here we are, in a world where chemical-weapons use is becoming normalized — from an Indonesian airport to an English village to the homes and hospitals of Syria. Since the Al-Assad regime used chemical weapons at Khan Shaykhun one year ago, chemical weapons have been reportedly used dozens of times, and the Council does nothing.What we are dealing with today is not about a spat between the United States and Russia. It is about the inhumane use of chemical agents on innocent civilians. Each and every one of the nations in the Council is on record opposing the use of chemical weapons. There can be no more rationalizations for our failure to act. We have already introduced and circulated to the Council a draft resolution demanding unrestricted humanitarian access to the people of Douma. Al-Assad is doing all he can to assure maximum suffering in Douma. Our priority must be to help the starving, the sick and the injured who have been left behind. We also call on the Council to immediately re-establish a truly professional and impartial mechanism for chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, including the attack this weekend. We hope that our colleagues on the Council will join us, as they have before.That is a very minimum we can do in response to the attack we just witnessed. Russia's obstructionism will not continue to hold us hostage when we are confronted with an attack like that one. The United States is determined to see the monster who dropped chemical weapons on the Syrian people held to account. Those present have heard what the President of the United States has said about that. Meetings are ongoing. Important decisions are being weighed, even as we speak. We are on the edge of a dangerous precipice. The great evil of chemical-weapons use, which once unified the world in opposition, is on the verge of becoming the new normal. The international community must not let that happen. We are beyond showing pictures of dead babies. We are beyond appeals to conscience. We have reached the moment when the world must see justice done. History will record this as the moment when the Security Council either discharged its duty or demonstrated its utter and complete failure to protect the people of Syria. Either way, the United States will respond.Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I thank the Peruvian presidency for having convened this emergency Security Council meeting, at the request of France, together with eight other Council members. I also wish to thank the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, and the Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mr. Thomas Markram, for their insightful briefings.There are times in the lives of nations where what is essential is at stake: life or death; peace or war; civilization or barbarism; the international order or chaos. That is the case today following the dreadful chemical carnage that once again pushed the boundaries of horror on Saturday in Douma. We are aware that two new and particularly serious chemical-weapons attacks took place in Douma on 7 April. The provisional toll of human life is appalling. There are nearly 50 dead, including a number of children, and 1,000 wounded. S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 12/26 18-09955 That toll is likely to be even higher, as assistance cannot reach some areas. Once again, toxic substances have been dropped to asphyxiate, to kill and to terrorize civilians, reaching them even in the basements where they sought refuge. Chlorine gas has the particular characteristic of being a heavy gas, capable of entering basements. For that reason, it is used. That is the level of deadly cynicism that has been reached in Syria.There are no words to describe the horror of the images that surfaced on 7 April, nearly one year after the Khan Shaykhun attack, which killed nearly 80 people. What we see in the thousands of photos and videos that surfaced in the course of several hours after the 7 April attacks reminds us of the images we have seen far too often: children and adults suffocating due to exposure to concentrated chlorine gas. What we also see are people suffering from violent convulsions, excessive salivation and burning eyes, all of which are symptomatic of exposure to a potent neurotoxin mixed with chlorine to heighten the lethal effect. As I mentioned, in total more than 1,000 people were exposed to that deadly chemical compound.The experience and the successive reports of the Joint Investigative Mechanism leave no room for doubt as to the perpetrators of this most recent attack. Only the Syrian armed forces and their agencies have the requisite knowledge to develop such sophisticated toxic substances with such a high degree of lethality. And only the Syrian armed forces and its agencies have a military interest in their use. This attack took place in Douma, an area that has been subjected to relentless shelling by the Syrian armed and air forces for several weeks. Unfortunately, the use of such weapons enables much swifter tactical progress than conventional weapons.We are all aware that the Syrian regime has already been identified by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism as the party responsible for the use, on at least four occasions, of chlorine and sarin gas as a chemical weapon. There are no illusions as to the sincerity of the declaration delivered by Syria on the state of its chemical stockpiles in 2013. Unfortunately, we once again we have proof in the form of empirical evidence. This dovetails with the regime's strategy of terror against civilians. We have already experienced this. At the worst, this is bad faith or, even worse, complicity. The Damascus regime clearly seeks, by sowing terror, to accelerate the capture of other urban areas that it wishes to control. What could be more effective to prompt those who resist the regime to flee than sieges, a tactic worthy of the Middle Ages, in addition to chemical terror. Let us make no mistake: the children frozen in an agonizing death are not so-called collateral victims. They are deliberate targets of these chemical attacks, designed and planned for the purpose of waging terror. The Damascus regime is conducting State terrorism, with its litany of war crimes and even crimes against humanity.The offensive and the shelling conducted by the regime, as well as by its Russian and Iranian allies, over the past 48 hours prove the degree to which they have engaged in a military race without any consideration of the human cost. This latest escalation of violence, punctuated by a new instance of the use of chemical weapons, brings us face to face with the destructive madness of a diehard regime that seeks to destroy its people completely. And that regime's Russian and Iranian allies are either unable or unwilling to stop it. We are aware of the fact, and the Russian authorities have confirmed this on several occasions, that Russian military forces have a presence on the ground and in the air in eastern Ghouta. On 7 April, as the second chemical attack took place in Douma, Russian aircraft were also taking part in air operations in the Damascus region. Russian and Iranian military support is present on the ground and at all levels of the Syrian war machinery. No Syrian aircraft takes off without the Russian ally being informed. These attacks took place either with the tacit or explicit consent of Russia or despite its reluctance and military presence. I do not know which is more alarming when it comes to our collective security.The stakes revolving around this recent attack are extremely grave. This is the latest proof of the normalization of chemical weapons use, which we should attribute not only to a regime that has become uncontrollable and continues to gas civilians with complete impunity, but also to its supporters, including a permanent member of the Security Council. That member failed in its commitment to implement resolution 2118 (2013), which it, itself, co-sponsored. That member's responsibility in the endless tragedy that is the war in Syria is overwhelming.France therefore of course turns towards Russia today in order to put forward two demands. The first demand is a cessation of hostilities and the establishment of an immediate ceasefire in Syria, in line with resolution 2401 (2018), adopted on 24 February, 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 13/26 which to date has never been upheld by the Damascus regime. France deeply deplores the fact that, although it was unanimously adopted, it was not possible to implement that resolution, which provides for a truce and emergency humanitarian access. The second demand is the establishment of a new international investigative mechanism that will be able to document all of the factors of the attack in Douma and ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice. The end of the Joint Investigative Mechanism last November due to two successive Russian vetoes has stripped us of an essential tool of deterrence. For that reason, we support any initiative to bridge that gap. And in that spirit France has committed to a partnership to combat impunity for the use of chemical weapons. In that same spirit, we endorse the draft resolution that has been put forward today by the United States.With this attack the Al-Assad regime is testing yet again the determination of the international community to ensure compliance with the prohibition against chemica-weapons use. Our response must be united, robust and implacable. That response must make it clear that the use of chemical weapons against civilians will no longer be tolerated, and that those who flout that fundamental rule of our collective security will be held accountable and must face the consequences. The Al-Assad regime needs to hear an international response, and France stands ready to fully shoulder its role alongside its partners.Ultimately, we know that only an inclusive political solution will bring an end to the seven-year conflict, which has claimed the lives of 500,000 people and pushed millions to take the route of exile. That is why France will remain fully committed alongside the United Nations Special Envoy and in line with the Geneva process. However, in the light of this most recent carnage, we can no longer merely repeat words. Without being followed up by deeds, such words would be meaningless. I wish to reiterate here what President Macron has stressed on several occasions: France will assume its full responsibility in the fight against the proliferation of chemical weapons. France's position is clear. It will uphold its commitments and keep its word.Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I thank the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria and Mr. Markram for their briefings. I also thank all the United Nations teams on the ground for the important and incredibly difficult work they do.As Staffan de Mistura said, this is an important Security Council meeting. My Government shares the outrage that other colleagues have eloquently described today. It is truly horrific to think of victims and families sheltered underground when the chlorine found them.This is the third time in five days that the Council has convened to discuss chemical weapons. This is dreadful in the true sense of that word. The Council should dread what we risk happening — for chemical weapons to become a routine part of fighting. As one of the five permanent members of the Council (P-5), the United Kingdom believes that we have a particular responsibility to uphold the worldwide prohibition on the use of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). We agree with the Netherlands Ambassador that the P-5 has specific responsibilities. I believe that four members of the P-5 do believe that, but there is one that does not. The Russian Ambassador referred to a resurgence of the Cold War. This is not the Cold War. In the Cold War there was not this flagrant disregard for the prohibitions that are universal on the use of WMDs.The Special Representative of the Secretary-General also referred to the risks of escalation, and to international peace and security more broadly. We share his fears, but it is the Syrian Government and its backers, Iran and Russia, who are prolonging the fighting and risking regional and wider instability. There are real questions about what is happening in the T-4 airbase, with its foreign fighters and its mercenaries.We have been challenged today by our Russian colleague to say why we believe the attack was carried out by Syria and why we believe, further, that chemical weapons were used. The reasons are as follows. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism found six uses of chemical weapons between 2014 and 2017. Two it ascribed to Da'esh for the use of mustard gas, three it ascribed to the regime for the use of chlorine and one further use it ascribed to the Syrian regime for the use of sarin. That is the attacks that we talked about in the Council just last week at Khan Sheykhoun, which led to the United States strike — which we support — on Al-Shayrat. In addition, as the French Ambassador has said, we had reports of Russian and Syrian warnings before the chemical-weapon attack took place and of a pattern of Mi-8 Hip helicopters flying overhead. Those reports have come from the ground.S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 14/26 18-09955 I listened carefully to the Russian Ambassador's argument. As I have just set out, we, as the United Kingdom believe that the Syrian regime is responsible for these latest attacks. But there is one way to settle this — to have an independent fact-finding mission followed by an independent investigation — as we all know that fact-finding missions are there to determine whether chemical weapons have been used and, if they have been used, what sort of chemical weapons. But only an investigation can determine who is responsible for their use, and therefore start the path to accountability.I was very interested to hear the Russian offer that an OPCW fact-finding mission could visit and would have the protection of Russian forces. I believe that this is an offer worth pursuing, but it would, of course, be necessary for the OPCW mission to have complete freedom of action and freedom of access. That still leaves us with the question of who committed these atrocities. That is why we support the United States text for a draft resolution and we believe that there is no legitimate reason not to support the call for the Council to set up an independent investigative mechanism. As I said before, we have nothing to hide, but it appears that Russia, Syria and their supporters, Iran, do have something to fear.The Russian Ambassador singled out the United Kingdom, the United States and France for criticism. I would like, if I may, to turn to that. The responsibility for the cruelty in Syria belongs to Syria and its backers — Russia and Iran. The use of chemical weapons is an escalatory and diabolical act. It strikes me that what Russia is trying to do is to turn the debate in the Council away from the discussion of the use of chemical weapons into a dispute between East and West, presenting itself as the victim. It is far too important to play games with the politics between East and West in respect of chemical weapons. Russia's crocodile tears for the people of eastern Ghouta has an easy answer. It is to join us in the non-political attempt to get in humanitarian and protection workers from the United Nations to do their job of looking after and mitigating the risk to civilians. Russia's concern about attribution for the use of chemical weapons also has an easy answer. It is to join us in allowing the United Nations to set up an international investigative mechanism to pursue the responsible parties. I repeat here the two demands of my French colleague, and I hope we will be able to make progress.I had not intended to address the Skripal case in Salisbury, but since my Russian colleague has done so, I will address it today. He asked what the similarities were between Salisbury and Syria. I think it is important that I point out that the cases are different in the following respects. First, there is a thorough investigation under way in Salisbury. As we have heard, there is no investigation under way in Syria. The British Government in Salisbury is seeking to protect its people, as is its duty. The Syrian Government, on the contrary, as we have heard today, attacks and gasses its people. I am sorry to say that what the two do have in common though, is Russia's refusal to assume P-5 responsibilities to prevent the use of WMDs and its reckless support for the use of WMDs by its agents and by its allies.It is not we who want to alienate Russia. It alienates herself by not joining in the vast majority of the Council who wish to find a non-polemical way through and to address the use of chemical weapons against civilians in Syria. The Russian Ambassador mentioned friends of the United States. My Government and its people are proud to be a friend of the United States. We stand with everyone on the Council who wants to find a way through the chemical weapons problem, to have a proper fact-finding mission and to have a proper investigation as the first step to bringing this dreadful conflict to a close.Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): China would like to thank Special Envoy de Mistura and the Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mr. Markram, for their briefings. China takes note of the reports alleging that chemical weapons were once again used in Syria and caused civilian casualties. That is of great concern to China.China's position on chemical-weapons has been consistent and clear. We are firmly opposed to the use of chemical weapons by any State, organization or individual under any circumstances. Any use of chemical weapons, whenever and wherever, must not be tolerated. China supports a comprehensive, objective and impartial investigation of the incident concerned so that it can reach a conclusion based on substantiated evidence that can stand the test of history and facts so that the perpetrators and responsible parties can be brought to justice.The Syrian chemical-weapons issue is closely linked to to a political settlement of the Syrian situation. China 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 15/26 supports the ongoing important role of the Security Council and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) as the main channels for dealing with the Syrian chemical-weapons issue. We hope that the parties concerned will take a constructive approach so as to seek a solution through consultations, establish the facts, prevent any further use of chemical weapons, preserve the unity of the Security Council and cooperate with the efforts by the parties concerned to advance the political process in Syria.The Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and is inflicting tremendous suffering on the Syrian people. A political settlement is the only solution to the Syrian issue. The international community must remain committed to a political settlement of the question of Syria, while fully respecting its sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity.China has always opposed the use or threat of force in international affairs. We always advocate adherence to the Charter of the United Nations. All parties should increase their support for the United Nations mediation efforts and compel the parties in Syria to seek a political settlement under the principle of Syrian leadership and ownership in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015).The fight against terrorism is an important and urgent issue in the political settlement of the Syrian question. The international community must strengthen its coordination, uphold uniform standards and combat all terrorist groups identified as such by the Security Council.At a recent Security Council meeting, China set out its principled position with regard to the Skripal incident (see S/PV.8224). China believes that the parties concerned should strictly comply with their obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention and, in line with the relevant provisions of the Convention, carry out a comprehensive, impartial and objective investigation and deal with the issues concerned within the framework of the OPCW. China hopes that the parties concerned will work in accordance with the principles of mutual respect and equality, engage in consultations, cooperate, avoid politicization and measures that might further exacerbate tensions and resolve their differences properly through dialogue.Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I thank Mr. Staffan de Mistura and Mr. Thomas Markram for their briefings this afternoon. I would also like to thank you, Mr. President, for acceding to our request for an emergency meeting.We are dismayed by the general escalation of violence in Syria, as described today by Staffan de Mistura, in clear violation of the various resolutions, including resolution 2401 (2018). In that regard, I want to plea with the Syrian authorities represented in the Chamber and with the Astana guarantors to live up to the Security Council's resolutions.We asked for this meeting today because over the weekend we were yet again faced with horrifying allegations of chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, this time in Douma, just outside Damascus. There are worrying reports of a large number of civilian casualties, including women and children. The graphic material that has been shared is beyond repugnant. We are alarmed by those extremely serious allegations. There must now be an immediate, independent and thorough investigation.Let me reiterate that Sweden supports all international efforts to combat the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State or non-State actors anywhere in the world. We unequivocally condemn in the strongest terms the use of chemical weapons, including in Syria. It is a serious violation of international law and constitutes a threat to international peace and security. The use of chemical weapons in armed conflict is always prohibited and amounts to a war crime. Those responsible must be held accountable. We cannot accept impunity.Addressing the use of chemical weapons in Syria has become a central test of the credibility of the Council. How we respond to the most recent reports from Douma is therefore decisive. Despite the odds, we must put aside our differences and come together. Now is the time to show unity. In our view, the following needs to happen.First, we must condemn in the strongest terms the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria.Secondly, our immediate priority must be to investigate the worrying reports from Douma. In that context, we welcome the announcement by the Director-General of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) that the Fact-finding Mission for Syria — to which we reiterate our full support — is in the process of gathering information from all available sources. We express our hope that the Fact-finding Mission can be urgently deployed to Syria.S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 16/26 18-09955 Thirdly, all States, as well as the parties to the conflict, including the Syrian authorities, must fully cooperate with the Fact-finding Mission. What is particularly needed is safe and unhindered access to the site in Douma, as well as any information and evidence deemed relevant by the Fact-finding Mission to conduct its independent investigation.Fourthly, we need to urgently redouble our efforts in the Council to agree on a new independent and impartial attributive mechanism to identify those responsible for chemical-weapons use.Finally, if the allegations of chemical-weapons use are indeed confirmed and those responsible are eventually identified, the perpetrators must be held to account.We are ready to work actively and constructively with other members for urgent Council action. To that end, we have circulated elements as input to our discussions. We must immediately engage in consultations in order to break the current deadlock and to shoulder our responsibility under the Charter of the United Nations. We owe that to the many victims of the crimes committed in this conflict.Mr. Radomski (Poland): Allow me to thank Special Envoy Mr. Staffan de Mistura and Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Mr. Thomas Markham for their important briefings.We are horrified by the news of another deadly attack in eastern Ghouta, which took place on Saturday evening. Dozens of people perished as a result of a vicious act of violence against civilians in Douma. The available information about the symptoms of the victims affirm that they are consistent with those caused by a chemical agent.Poland condemns that barbaric attack, and expects that it will be possible to hold the perpetrators accountable. No military or political goal can justify the extermination of innocent vulnerable people, especially those seeking help in medical facilities. That atrocious crime seems to be a cynical response to the debates in the Council last week, when we commemorated the first anniversary of the attack in Khan Shaykun (see S/PV.8221).We call on the actors affecting the situation in Syria, especially the Russian Federation and Iran, to take all the necessary actions to prevent any further use of weapons of mass destruction and to achieve the full cessation of hostilities in the whole territory of Syria. We insist that all parties to the conflict comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law.As has been stated many times by members of the Council, as well as United Nations officials and European Union representatives, it is highly regrettable that the renewal of the mandate of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism was vetoed, thereby allowing those responsible for the subsequent chemical attacks to remain unpunished. Today we face the results of that impunity, witnessing further attacks against civilians with the use of chemicals as weapons.We urge all our partners in the Council to engage in a serious discussion in good faith in order to re-establish an accountability mechanism for chemical attacks in Syria. That is the minimum that we owe the victims of Ghouta, Khan Shaykun, Al-Lataminah and the numerous other places where chemical weapons have been used.Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We would like to thank Special Envoy De Mistura and Mr. Thomas Markram for their briefings.Reports of the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma on Saturday and the videos and pictures that we saw through media outlets are indeed very worrisome. It is also deeply disturbing that such reports of the use of chemical weapons have continued in the ongoing military activities in Syria. As we have repeatedly stated, we strongly condemn any use of chemical weapons by any actor under any circumstances. There is no justification whatsoever for the use of chemical weapons. Those responsible for these inhuman acts must be identified and held accountable. This is absolutely vital, not only for the sake of the victims of chemical weapons in Syria but also for maintaining international peace and security and for preserving the non-proliferation architecture.As the Secretary-General said in his 8 April statement, cited by the Special Envoy earlier, any use of chemical weapons, if confirmed, is abhorrent and requires a thorough investigation. That includes the need to establish accountability — something on which the Council has yet to achieve consensus. In the meantime, we believe the reported use of chemical weapons in Douma, and in other parts of Syria, should be investigated by the Fact-finding Mission, and all parties should extend full cooperation in that 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 17/26 regard, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions.While we all agree that accountability is indispensable for deterring and stopping the use of chemical weapons in Syria and beyond, there is currently, as has already be said, no independent, impartial and professional investigative mechanism that could identify those individuals, entities, State or non-State actors that use chemical weapons in the country. In that regard, the Council should recover its unity and engage in a positive and constructive discussion that could address the existing institutional lacunae.We all know that the threats to international peace and security we face today are becoming increasingly more complex by the day. We are seeing that the proliferation of nuclear weapons is posing a real danger and that the international norms on the use of chemical weapons are also being undermined. Since the end of the Cold War, the trust among major Powers has never been so low as it is currently, which has enormous implications not only for global peace and security but also for the transformative agenda that we have set for ourselves in the development sphere. We cannot think of making any meaningful headway towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals without creating the necessary global security environment. At the moment, we really cannot say that this is an environment conducive to making any progress on that account.The Security Council has the primary responsibility for the promotion and maintenance of international peace and security. Unfortunately, it has not been able to effectively address the new and emerging threats and challenges to peace and security that we are facing today. It has been all the more apparent that the lack of unity and cohesion among members is undermining the credibility of the Council. Perhaps we, the elected members, have to look for ways and means to have a greater impact, with a view to contributing to increasing the Council's effectiveness. Without dialogue among the major Powers to build the necessary trust and understanding, it will be extremely difficult to address some of the most difficult and complex security challenges we have ever seen, including the situation in Syria.Things are in fact bound to get even worse unless something is done. We cannot afford to bury our heads in the sand. The dangers are very palpable. That is why every opportunity should be seized. That is also why we consider the news about the upcoming summit-level meetings being planned to be encouraging. We can only hope that those meetings will help to defuse tensions and allow for serious discussions to take place with a view to finding a common approach to tackling current threats and challenges. The sooner those discussions happen, the better for preserving global peace and stability, which, as we speak, is becoming a source of extremely great concern. In fact, I am understating the magnitude of the potential danger we are facing.Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): The Ivorian delegation thanks Mr. De Mistura and Mr. Markram for their respective briefings on the latest developments in Syria, after the resumption of fighting in Douma and eastern Ghouta and the bombing of the city of Damascus, following the relative calm of recent weeks. My delegation would like to focus its statement on three main points.First, we remain deeply concerned about recent reports of chemical-weapons attacks against innocent civilian populations, which have reportedly resulted in numerous casualties who have shown symptoms of exposure to a chemical agent. While reaffirming its categorical rejection of any use or resort to chemical weapons, be it in times of peace or in times of war, Côte d'Ivoire strongly condemns such acts and calls for these events to be placed under an intense spotlight, with the contribution of all stakeholders.In the face of allegations of recurrent use of chemical weapons by the warring parties in the Syrian conflict, the Ivorian delegation stresses that it is more important than ever that the international community send a strong signal to show, beyond the usual principled condemnations, its determination to put a definitive end to this infernal cycle.The use of chemical weapons violates the most fundamental norms of international law and poses threats to our collective security. That is why we must engage in a unflagging fight against impunity in the use of chemical weapons and preserving the international chemical non-proliferation regime, which is one of the fundamental pillars of our common security.My second point concerns the need for the international community to put in place a mechanism for accountability and for the fight against impunity for those who use chemical weapons, in order to put an end to the repeated use of these weapons. In that regard, the Ivorian delegation expresses its readiness to work S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 18/26 18-09955 towards the establishment of such a mechanism and calls on the Council to return to the unity it had when it established the Joint Investigative Mechanism, whose mandate unfortunately could not be renewed despite our common efforts.Thirdly, Côte d'Ivoire notes with regret that resolution 2401 (2018), which remains the framework for our joint action, has not been implemented and that the humanitarian situation in Syria has further deteriorated. In the light of the distress of the civilian populations trapped in the fighting, the urgency for a cessation of hostilities remains more relevant than ever. In the face of the deteriorating situation, my country would like once again to call on all parties to the conflict to immediately cease hostilities and to respect international humanitarian law, including unhindered humanitarian access to persons in distress, in accordance with resolution 2401 (2018).In conclusion, Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its conviction that the solution to the crisis in Syria cannot be military. Only an inclusive political process can put a definitive end to this conflict. Such a political solution must be in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015) and imbued with the results of the Geneva negotiations. My country believes that the Geneva talks remain the right framework for achieving a lasting solution to the Syrian conflict.Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I thank Mr. Staffan de Mistura and Mr. Thomas Markram and their respective teams for their exhaustive briefings.The Republic of Equatorial Guinea expresses its gratitude to the French Republic and to the other members of the Council that called for the convening of this afternoon's meeting. We also thank the President of the Security Council for having decided to hold this afternoon's meeting under the agenda item "Threats to international peace and security: The situation in the Middle East". This is an appropriate topic, since recent events in the Middle East represent a genuine threat to peace and security, not only in that region but at the international level as well. From the protests in the Gaza Strip, with their loss of human lives, to the missile attacks on Syria, as well as the horrendous chemical weapons attack in the Syrian town of Douma, those are all situations of deep concern for the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.This past weekend we awoke to news that added a new low to the saddest and bloodiest episodes of the Syrian conflict. According to reports published in the international media, on 7 April, in the Syrian town of Douma in eastern Ghouta, more than 40 people, mostly women and girls, died from asphyxiation caused by inhaling a poison gas.As we heard in this Chamber on 4 April from the Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mr. Thomas Markram (see S/PV.8221), the conclusions and recommendations of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic are not binding and do not attribute responsibilities in the case of evidence of the use of chemical substances prohibited under the relevant international treaties. In the light of that fact, we take this opportunity to recall the obligation of all parties to take essential steps towards the full implementation of resolution 2118 (2013), and we underscore the need to establish an independent investigation mechanism of the United Nations whose task should be focused on preventing impunity, identifying those responsible and preventing future attacks to the best of its abilities.As far as the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is concerned, no use of chemical weapons should go uninvestigated or unpunished. As a result, the alarming information coming out of Syria, especially that pertaining to the use of chemical weapons targeting civilians, both the case of Douma, which we are discussing today, as well as similar events in the past, must be investigated exhaustively, fairly, objectively and independently by international bodies in accordance with OPCW standards. The results of such investigations must be made public and those responsible must answer for their crimes before the implacable face of justice.The fact that chemical substances continue to be used, especially against civilians, is cause for serious concern to the Government of Equatorial Guinea. During the general debate of the seventy-second session of the General Assembly, the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, His Excellency Mr. Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, condemned in the strongest terms the use, manufacture, possession and distribution of chemical weapons in armed conflicts (see A/72/PV.13). It is worth recalling that no member of the Council should be considered exempt from that obligation, which also reflects Chapter I of the Charter of the 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 19/26 United Nations, which enshrines the determination of Member States to build a world of peace and ensure the well-being of humankind.The Security Council now finds itself at a crossroads with respect to its options. It can either strengthen the presence of international forces with a view to future military intervention, as some military Powers have been suggesting, or we can pursue international negotiations, be they in Geneva, Astana, Sochi or Ankara. However, history continues to teach us that military interventionism has never resolved conflicts; rather, it exacerbates and entrenches them, sowing desolation and ruin in its wake.As far as the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is concerned, the only solution to the Syrian conflict is to be found in the words spoken yesterday by Pope Francis in the traditional Sunday mass in Saint Peter's Square in the Vatican:"There is no such thing as a good war and a bad war. Nothing, but nothing, can justify the use of such instruments of extermination on defenseless people and populations . military and political leaders choose another path, that of negotiations, which is the only one that can bring about peace and not death and destruction."In conclusion, we reiterate the appeal made by the Republic of Equatorial Guinea to the countries and actors with influence in Syria, as well as in Israel and Palestine, to wield that influence in order to force all parties involved in those conflicts to mitigate the suffering of their people and to sit down to negotiate to put an end to that chronic threat to international peace and security which persists in the Middle East.Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): We thank Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and Deputy High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Thomas Markram, for their briefings. We express our gratitude to Council members for initiating this emergency meeting, which we hope will lead to the launching of a timely and objective investigation of the incident in Douma.We firmly believe that the Security Council remains the main and sole body authorized to counter threats to international peace and security. Unfortunately, the situation within the Council is becoming increasingly strained. In order to achieve an appropriate solution to these critical issues, it is of utmost importance that the Council act unanimously, in a balanced and pragmatic manner. To that end, we must demonstrate greater flexibility and negotiability, rising above our national interests in order to achieve peace and stability. Any controversy that involves prejudices and mutual accusations and lacks conclusive results and irrefutable evidence will have only a destructive effect and will not lead to the results that the world community expects from us.With regard to the chemical attacks in Syria, we mourn together with the families of those killed and express our solidarity with them in the face of such atrocities, by which innocent civilians become victims of the relentless confrontation of the opposing parties. Kazakhstan has always taken a firm and resolute stand, uncompromisingly condemning any use of chemical weapons as the most heinous action and an unacceptable war crime.With regard to the situation in Douma, we call for an investigation into this alleged incident to be carried out and for all the circumstances to be clarified as soon as possible. The Council has the great responsibility to act on verifiable facts, not only before the world community, but before ourselves. Furthermore, history itself will ultimately be the judge of our decisions. Therefore, we need to verify all the details of the incident. In that regard, we would like to draw attention to the following aspects.First, are there any other reliable sources, in addition to White Helmets' claims, and who can verify the veracity of the assessments and testimonies of those sources? Some claim that the number of victims is 70, while others report that there were more than 150 victims and still others believe there were only 25 victims. Even one victim is too many. However, today, the Russian Federation denied the attack altogether. There are many allegations and assumptions regarding the very facts concerning the use of a toxic chemical substance.Secondly, we consider it important to take into account the fact that the Government of Syria has repeatedly notified us and requested that we check its reports that a number of terrorist groups on the side of the opposition were making attempts to transfer chemical weapons and prepare chemical attacks on the territory of eastern Ghouta. Actually, these allegations have not been given due attention and we have had no opportunity to verify all the facts. We are not advocating for any side in this conflict, but rather demanding a full S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 20/26 18-09955 and objective investigation on the basis of which we can make a thoughtful decision.Thirdly, we believe that it is imperative to conduct an independent investigation. We again recall the urgent need for an investigative mechanism, the establishment of which depends on the permanent members of the Council. They must make every possible effort to find common ground on the issue. We urgently need objective and verifiable information, as well as an immediate, independent, transparent and unbiased investigation before any decision or action, unilateral or otherwise, is taken.We fully support the proposal that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission be sent at the earliest. We are certain that the Syrian people are very interested in an objective investigation. Therefore, Damascus and opposing parties should provide all assistance and secure access for the speedy visit of the OPCW inspectors to the incident sites to collect facts on the ground.Finally, we again call for the preservation and strengthening of the unity of the Council to reach a consensus-based decision to preserve peace and stability in the world.Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, we thank you, Mr. President, for the prompt convening of today's meeting. We were one of the countries that requested it.We also thank Mr. Staffan de Mistura, the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, and Mr. Thomas Markram, Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for their briefings.Since the beginning of this year, the State of Kuwait has occupied the Arab seat in the Security Council. One of our most important priorities, which we made clear before we joined it, is to defend and uphold Arab issues, voice the concerns about them and work to find peaceful solutions. We deeply deplore the lack of any real and genuine progress on any of these issues, in particular that of the Syrian crisis, which regrettably continues to deteriorate. Security Council resolutions on such issues are not implemented. The Council is responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security but is unable to shoulder that responsibility. It is divided as it faces those dangers and threats. Therefore the crises continue, along with the suffering of the people in the region.The State of Kuwait condemns in the strongest terms the heinous rocket and barrel bomb attacks against residential areas under siege in eastern Ghouta, including the latest attack on Douma, on 7 April. Five days ago we marked the first anniversary of the Khan Shaykhun incident (see S/PV.8221), in which chemical weapons were used, as confirmed by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. It also identified who used them.Two days ago, scores of civilians, including children and women, were killed or injured in attacks and air strikes against Douma. Many cases of asphyxiation were recorded. Several international reports confirmed that the crimes committed in both incidents were tantamount to crimes against humanity and war crimes, which reminds us once again of the request we all made in the Chamber for the establishment of a new mechanism to determine whether or not and by whom chemical weapons had been used, and to hold the perpetrators in Syria accountable. The mechanism must guarantee impartial, transparent and professional investigations in all chemical attacks in Syria in order to end impunity. For the past five years — specifically, since August 2013 — the perpetrators of chemical attacks in Syria have enjoyed impunity. They have not been punished, even when we witnessed the very first crime of the use of chemical weapons in eastern Ghouta.We do not want to mark the first anniversary of the attack in Douma without a conviction. We call for the Council to establish an accountability mechanism that would determine the perpetrators of the chemical-weapons crimes anywhere in Syria — be they a Government, entity, group or individual — so that they can be held accountable in accordance with the provisions of resolution 2118 (2013). The Council must shoulder its responsibility with regard to the maintenance of international peace and security. The use of chemical weapons in Syria is a genuine threat to the non-proliferation regime. The continued attacks against civilians in medical facilities and residential areas, through air strikes or artillery, are all flagrant violations of the international community's will and relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 2401 (2018), which demanded a 30-day ceasefire, at the very least, without delay.09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 21/26 The provisions of resolution 2118 (2013) are clear and definite. They call for accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, which is a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law and human rights law. However, current events are a clear violation of the provisions of the resolution. As members of the Council, we cannot accept the status quo, which is the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria. It is another disappointment for the Syrian people, whose suffering caused by the use of such weapons in different parts of Syria we have been unable to end.The Council has a collective responsibility. The suffering Syrian people are sick and tired of tuning into meetings of the Council without seeing tangible results on the ground. At several junctures throughout this bloody conflict the Council has been able to find common ground to end the crisis. However, we must overcome our political differences and establish a new accountability mechanism in Syria that is professional, credible and impartial. Such elements are available in the draft resolution under discussion, which has been put forward by the United States. It includes updates on the incident in Douma. We call on all members of the Council to build on that draft as a good basis for negotiations on a future mechanism.We continue to seek a political solution as the only means to end the crisis in all its dimensions. The political road map is clear and agreed, based on the 2012 Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and on resolution 2254 (2015). It seeks to maintain the unity, independence and sovereignty of Syria and meet the legitimate aspirations and ambitions of the Syrian people towards living a dignified life.Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We thank Mr. Staffan de Mistura, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria, and Mr. Thomas Markram, Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for their briefings.We are deeply concerned about the reported use of chemical weapons in the city of Douma. Bolivia reiterates its condemnation of the use of chemical agents as weapons and considers it to be an unjustifiable criminal act. There can be no justification for their use, regardless of the circumstances or by whom they are used, as it constitutes a serious violation of international law and a grave threat to international peace and security.We believe that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission, in line with its mandate, should verify in the most objective, methodological and technical manner the reported use of chemical weapons. Should their use be verified, it must be investigated in an effective and transparent manner in order to ensure that the perpetrators can be identified and tried by the appropriate bodies so as to prevent impunity. We therefore need an independent, impartial and representative entity that will conduct a comprehensive, credible and conclusive investigation. Our major challenge is to ensure that we do not politicize or exploit the Security Council for our own purposes. We regret that so far there have been obstacles to the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), and we call on all the parties involved to make every effort to effectively implement it throughout Syrian territory. We emphatically reject the ongoing bombardments and indiscriminate attacks, especially those on civilian infrastructure such as health facilities, and we deplore all military activity in residential areas. Such actions only cause more displacements, injuries and deaths. We call on all the parties to respect international humanitarian law and human rights law, including authorizing humanitarian access throughout Syria and to all persons in need, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions.We reiterate that there can be no military solution to the Syrian conflict and that the only option is an inclusive, negotiated and coordinated political process, led by the Syrian people for the Syrian people, aimed at enabling sustainable peace to be achieved in the area without any foreign pressure, as provided for in resolution 2254 (2015). We also reject any attempt at fragmentation or sectarianism in Syria.Bolivia wants to once again make clear its firm rejection of the use of force or the threat of use of force. We also reject unilateral actions, which are illegal and contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, and undermine any effort to achieve a political solution.Lastly, with regard to the events in the city of Salisbury, we reiterate the importance of conducting an independent, transparent and depoliticized investigation in accordance with current rules and regulations of international law, especially as set forth by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 22/26 18-09955 We believe that cooperation among the relevant parties will be essential to making progress through the appropriate diplomatic channels in solving the crime and strengthening the non-proliferation regime.The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make a statement in my national capacity.We thank Mr. De Mistura and Mr. Markram for their briefings. Peru is deeply concerned about the new reports of the use of chemical weapons against civilians in Syria, including minors, in the town of Douma. In that regard, we note the urgent need for a thorough investigation. Peru condemns any use of chemical weapons wherever it may take place. We want to point out that it is a heinous crime, a threat to the maintenance of international peace and security and a violation both of the non-proliferation regime and international humanitarian law.In the short term, we believe that the Syrian Government and all parties to the conflict, including countries with influence on the ground, should abide by and implement the humanitarian ceasefire that the Council provided for in resolution 2401 (2018), and to cooperate with the Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. To that end, we once again reiterate the importance of establishing an independent and impartial accountability mechanism. The investigations should result in the prosecution and punishment of those responsible. The members of the Council cannot permit impunity.We must also remember that any response to the conflict in Syria and the atrocities committed there must be conducted in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. Peru opposes any use or threat of use of force contrary to international law. We reiterate our deep concern about the serious consequences that the ongoing atrocities in the Syrian conflict may have for the stability of the Middle East and for an international order based on minimum standards of humanity and coexistence. In that regard, I would like to conclude by calling on the members of the Council to restore a sense of unity and the common good to our discharge of our high responsibilities. In the case of Syria, that means implementing the ceasefire and ensuring the effective protection of civilians, investigating and punishing atrocity crimes and resuming a serious process of political dialogue, based on resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex), with a view to promoting the sustainable peace that the Syrian people so badly need.I now resume my functions as President of the Council.The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor to make a further statement.Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Like my Dutch colleague and friend, I too have three points to make.I would first like to respectfully request of my colleague Mrs. Nikki Haley, Permanent Representative of the United States, that from now on she refrain from labelling any legitimate Governments as "regimes". Right now I am referring specifically to Russia. I have made that request once before, but Ambassador Haley was not present, and I asked for it to be conveyed to her by her colleagues. Now I am requesting it personally. If it happens again, I will interrupt the meeting on a point of order.Secondly, the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom said that Syria is different from Salisbury in that there no investigation is being conducted in Syria, while one is under way in Salisbury. We would very much like to know more about the details of that investigation and would be grateful if she could communicate them to us. However, for the time being we know nothing other than that all of a sudden the alleged victims of a chemical warfare agent, thankfully, turn out to be alive and, apparently, almost completely well. However, nobody has seen them yet, and we fear for the condition of those important witnesses. At the moment, we have learned from newspaper reports, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has offered to shelter the Skripals in the United States under new identities. The CIA's participation in this is itself revealing. But it also means that we may never see these people, who are key witnesses to what happened, again.What else do we know? We know about the speedy euthanization of the Skripals' pets and the cremation of the cat and dead guinea pigs. We are also aware of the intention to demolish their house and the restaurant and pub they visited. We also know that Yulia Skripal's sister, Viktoria, who wanted to see her, was denied a British visa. Why? That is all we know. I repeat that we would very much like to learn more details about what is going on, and we would be grateful to our British 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 23/26 colleagues if they could keep us regularly informed during the investigation.Thirdly, and lastly, we did not meet here today to address the situation in Douma. The agenda item is entitled "Threats to international peace and security", although, needless to say, it was the situation regarding Douma and the so-called chemical attack that prompted the meeting. In today's meeting, as Mr. De Mistura mentioned and the Secretary-General has previously discussed, we are moving towards a dangerous area. Unfortunately, the people who are playing these dangerous games and spewing irresponsible threats do not understand that. Today we heard once again what we have already heard many times. None of our Western colleagues want to hear or listen to objective information. None of them has expressed any doubts about the one and only version that has been given of what transpired. So what is the point of an investigation? Why bother? They have accused Damascus of a chemical-weapon attack not just before any investigation has been carried out but before the incident was even known about.They are not convinced by the information that we have provided today. They simply do not want to listen. We have already said that there are no witnesses to the use of chemical weapons at all. There are no traces of chemicals, no bodies, no injuries, no poisoning victims. Nobody went to the hospital. The footage was all clearly staged by the White Helmets. We demand that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) mission immediately visit Douma and the area of the alleged chemical weapons attack, interview the residents and medical staff and and collect soil samples. My British colleague said that only an investigation can establish who is to blame. We agree, except that did not stop her from blaming the so-called Syrian regime. Those two things do not really jibe. We insist that the OPCW mission visit Douma immediately. The Syrian authorities and Russian troops are ready to provide the necessary conditions for this to take place.Lastly, we too wish there were an independent investigative mechanism. I would like to remind the Council that our draft resolution, which includes a proposal for establishing such a mechanism, is in blue, and we are ready to adopt it today, if necessary.The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the United Kingdom has asked for the floor to make a further statement.Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I apologize for taking the floor again, but I want to clarify something. The Russian Ambassador's English is far too good for him not to have understood me when I spoke on 5 April (see S/PV.8224). The investigation of the Salisbury incident that is under way is an independent police investigation, and the United Kingdom will be very pleased to update the Council as and when we have something to say.If I may, I would like to add one more thing. The other difference between Salisbury and Syria is that the United Kingdom is a party to the Chemical Weapons Convention in good standing, and the Syrian Government has not complied with its obligations as certified by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons.The President (spoke in Spanish): I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic.Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): The American representative said that Russia spends its resources to support what she calls the regime in Syria. My question to her is: What does the United States spend its resources on in Syria? Does it spend its resources providing milk and medicine to Syrian children, or on providing weapons and munitions to its terrorist groups, which have committed the most heinous crimes against the Syrian people? Or is it spending resources on the its alliance's aircraft, which have wreaked destruction in many places in Syria, particularly in the city of Raqqa? What about the continuous threats that are made against my country at nearly every meeting of the Security Council on this issue? Does she acknowledge that her Administration has no respect for the Security Council, this international Organization or the principles of international law?Let us test the credibility of what my colleague the United States Ambassador said. I ask members to note that I do not refer to the American Administration as the "American regime" because that would be legally shameful in this Chamber. Let us test the credibility of what my colleague the American Ambassador said when she asked the Security Council to act in order to achieve justice in Syria. Well, my test is to request that her Administration and her country allow the disclosure of the results of the United Nations Special Commission that investigated the presence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq for 18 years. The Commission was headed for some time by a Swede, Mr. Hans Blix.S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 24/26 18-09955 As Council members know, after 18 years of investigation the Commission found no chemical weapons in Iraq. Nor did they find Coca-Cola or Pepsi Cola. Nevertheless, in a semi-confidential meeting towards the end of 2008, the Security Council decided to end the Commission's work and bury its archives in iron boxes. I repeat — it decided to bury its archives in iron boxes. Only the Secretary-General knows the code that opens those boxes. There was one condition, which was that the boxes could not be opened for 60 years. What is so shameful in those archives? Why did they have to be buried in boxes that cannot be opened for 60 years? That question is directed to the American Ambassador.The Government of my country condemns in the strongest terms the ruthless Israeli aggression that took place this morning on the T-4 airbase in Homs governorate, in which a number of civilians were killed and injured. It was a flagrant violation of Security Council resolution 350 (1974) and of various Security Council resolutions on counter-terrorism, and would not have occurred were it not for the American Administration's unlimited and consistent support for Israel. The American Administration guarantees Israel immunity so that it will not be held accountable in the Council. That allows Israel to continue to practice State terrorism and to threaten peace and security in the region and beyond. Of course, Western countries did not even mention the Israeli aggression in their statements today, which shows that the Governments of their countries are complicit in it and are covering for it. Unfortunately, my dear friend Mr. De Mistura did not hear Netanyahu say this morning that it was Israel that launched the attack. That is why I was surprised when he said that the United Nations has not been able to verify the identity of its perpetrators. If Netanyahu himself says that he launched this aggression, why does Mr. De Mistura not refer to Israel as the aggressor?This Israeli aggression is an indirect response to the successes of the Syrian Arab Army in expelling armed terrorist groups from the suburbs of Damascus, its rural area and other Syrian territory. Those groups have been killing the Syrian people, kidnapping civilians, detaining them and using them as human shields. They targeted Damascus alone with 3,000 missiles over the course of three months, killing 155 martyrs and injuring 865 civilians, most of them women and children. The Syrian Government underscores that the repeated Israeli aggression did not and will not protect Israeli agents operating within terrorist groups, nor will it divert the attention of the Syrian Army from its decisive military achievements in combating terrorism.The American anti-racism activist Martin Luther King Jr. said that "a lie is like a snowball: the further you roll it the bigger it becomes". It would seem that this wise saying holds true at any time and at any place. The Governments of some countries lie incessantly. Fortunately, though, they have not quite perfected the details of their web of lies, much like the famous Baron Munchausen of German literature. How many roosters truly believe that sunrise is the result of crowing?Some permanent members have become professional liars, and that in itself is a weapon of mass destruction. Through their lies, Palestine was stolen. The lies of these countries fuelled the war in the Korean peninsula. Through their lies, they invaded Viet Nam. Through their lies, they invaded Grenada. Through their lies, they destroyed Yugoslavia. Through their lies, they occupied Iraq. Through their lies, they destroyed Libya. Through their lies, they created takfiri terrorist groups, such as Al-Qaida, the Taliban, Da'esh, Al-Nusra Front, Jaysh Al-Islam — and the list goes on and on. Through their lies, the same countries are trying to defeat Syria and prepare the ground for an assault today.It is worth noting that the today's negative statement of the United States representative is in absolute contradiction with a statement made by United States Secretary of Defence General Mattis in an interview with Newsweek two days ago with journalist Ian Wilkie. Mr. Wilkie used the following title for the interview: "Now Mattis Admits There Was No Evidence Assad Used Poison Gas on His People." That was said by the American Defence Secretary, not the Syrian Defence Minister. What a harmonious Administration!On 10 December 2012, some six years ago, we submitted a formal letter to the Council (S/2012/917), before the operators of terrorist groups claimed, for the first time, that sarin gas was used in Khan Al-Assal on 19 March 2013. We informed the Council that the United States, the United Kingdom and France had launched a campaign of allegations claiming that the Syrian Government may have used chemical weapons. Back then, we warned that such allegations would encourage Governments that sponsor terrorists to provide chemical weapons to armed terrorist groups and then claim that the Syrian Government had used such weapons. What happened in the past few years 09/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8225 18-09955 25/26 in Khan Al-Assal, Ghouta, Kafr Zita, Lataminah, Tal Minis, Khan Shaykhun and many other villages and towns in Syria confirms unequivocally what we had warned of five to six years ago, and during all these six years.The United States, the United Kingdom and France have been extremely eager to hold one meeting after another based on fabricated information. That is part of the deep crisis that we are witnessing. They want to involve other Council members in that crisis. Since 2013, those three countries have created a big elephant of lies and deceit in the Security Council. That elephant is living in the Chamber today and is stomping on the credibility of the Council with its huge feet. It seems that these countries called for the holding of today's meeting to support terrorists and to obstruct the agreement reached about Douma.However, those countries were a bit late because the terrorists had hoped this meeting would be held before they were forced to reach an agreement with the Syrian State to leave their strongholds and hand over their weapons. These countries were late in fulfilling their promises to the terrorists. It would have been better not to repeat their nasty story and not to rely on false reports from mercenaries — so-called White Helmets, founded by British intelligence officer James Le Mesurier. He is British, but his name is French. What proves that these countries were lying is that the residents of Douma left the city safely — 170,000 civilians left the city safely. Those terrorists chose to reach an agreement with the Syrian State as a last resort for them and their families. Many buses are transferring them and their families to the city of Jarabulus, after they refused to settle their affairs and chose to go there. However, the vast majority of residents chose to stay in their houses and resort to the Syrian State.It has been proven that the allegations of certain States, including some States members of the Council, on the deteriorating humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta were lies, just as we saw in Aleppo and other places. As it turned out, terrorist group warehouses were full of medication and food, monopolized by their elements who sold some of those items to civilians at exorbitant prices. At this point, I must ask: Did the three countries call for this meeting in order to legitimize the Israeli aggression that occurred this morning or to impede the implementation of the agreement reached with their terrorist tools?In this context, I must thank the delegation of the Russian Federation for recognizing the true nature of what these countries were preparing for, and aptly called for the meeting to be held under the agenda item "Threats to international peace and security". That is the correct agenda item.We have conveyed to the Security Council, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and what used to be called the Joint Investigative Mechanism 145 letters, the latest on 1 April 2018. I thank the Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan for pointing out that the Council members do not read and that the Council does not respond to those letters. The letters contain accurate information. They indicate that armed terrorist groups possess toxic chemical substances, notably chlorine and sarin. We have warned time and again that those groups were preparing to commit crimes involving chemical weapons against innocent Syrians, and were working with the White Helmets to fabricate evidence, photograph locations and film Hollywood-like scenes with everything staged in order to blame the Syrian Government and influence public opinion against Syria and its allies. Those countries call for the holding of meetings such as this in order to create a pretext that would justify any military aggression against Syria.It seems that the directors of that terrorist scene failed to perfect their web of lies. We note that in each of those theatrical scenes on the alleged use of chemical weapons by the Syrian Government, the substances never seem to affect the armed elements, but only women and children. These chemical weapons seem to discriminate against women and children and do not affect armed men. It suffices to wash away these chemicals with water in front of the camera. Water appears to heal everything. Rescue workers never need to wear protective masks. The Syrian Arab Army does not use these substances because it does not possess them to begin with. The Americans destroyed them on the vessel MV Cape Ray in the Mediterranean. So, the Syrian Arab Army uses these substances, which it does not possess, only when it is making military progress. How strange that is!This vehement campaign lacks the minimum standards of credibility. It relies on fabricated information on social media by elements of armed terrorist groups and their operators. I announce from this table that the Syrian Government is fully prepared to facilitate an OPCW fact-finding mission to Douma, S/PV.8225 Threats to international peace and security 09/04/2018 26/26 18-09955 where the incident is alleged to have occurred, as soon as possible to investigate and verify these allegations. We endorse the Russian proposal to hear a briefing on the fact-finding mission's report after its visit to Al-Raqqa. We welcome this visit as soon as possible.I hope that this offer does not suffer the same fate as the first offer we made to former Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon after the Khan Al-Assal incident of chemical substance use in March 2013. At that time, we asked the Secretary-General to provide assistance to the Syrian Government in immediately investigating what happened in the town of Khan Al-Assal. It took the United Nations four months and 11 days to send Mr. Sellström, as Council members recall. Yes, it took the United Nations four months and 11 days. That is how the United Nations interpreted the term "immediately" — four months and 11 days. When Mr. Sellström arrived in Damascus to investigate what had happened in Khan Al-Assal, terrorists in Ghouta were instructed to use chemical substances again. Mr. Sellström therefore left Khan Al-Assal and moved to Ghouta. Council members should be aware that since March 2013, investigations into what happened in Khan Al-Assal have not taken place.Today, we directly accuse Washington, D.C., Paris, London, Riyadh, Doha and Ankara of providing Da'esh, Al-Nusra Front, Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and scores of other affiliated terrorist groups with toxic chemical substances to be used against Syrian civilians. We accuse them of inciting those massacres and of fabricating evidence to falsely blame the Syrian Government for the use of toxic chemical substances in order to prepare the ground for an aggression against my country, just as the United States and the United Kingdom did in Iraq in 2003.Yes, we say to the United States, the United Kingdom and France that, in Syria and Iraq, we eliminated the vast majority of Da'esh elements within three years — not within 30 years, as President Obama has said. Those States have plans to justify undermining the stability of the region. Yes, we say to Saudi Arabia today that we cut off its terrorist tentacles — the gangs of Jaysh Al-Islam — in eastern Ghouta. Yes, we say to Qatar and Turkey that we cut off their terrorist tentacles — the gangs of the Al-Nusra Front and Faylaq al-Rahman — in eastern Ghouta. I say to all those who sent moderate, armed, genetically modified opposition fighters to our land that we eliminated these toxic exports. We call on those exporters to bear the consequences of their actions, as some surviving elements will return to their original countries.The issue is very simple. Let me just say that on our borders with Turkey and in the separation zone in the Golan with Israel, there are tens of thousands of good, moderate terrorists with their light weapons, long beards, black banners and white helmets. Whoever wants to adopt them should submit an application to their operators. They are ready to go to Europe and the West as refugees.In conclusion, the Syrian Arab Republic stresses once again that it does not possess chemical weapons of any type, including chlorine. We condemn anew the use of chemical weapons at anytime, anywhere and in any circumstances. My country, Syria, reaffirms its readiness to cooperate fully with the OPCW in fulfilling its commitments under the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction.The Russian Centre for Reconciliation in Syria announced today that Russian military experts have carried out investigations in Douma and confirmed that they have found no sign of the use of chemical weapons there. While treating the sick in the hospitals of Douma, Russian doctors have proven that these patients have not been subjected to any chemical substance. What we were seeing there was nothing but Hollywood-style scenes.The President (spoke in Spanish): There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject.The meeting rose at 5.45 p.m.
FEBRUARY, J900 ■ Gettysbur Mercury CONTENTS. Puzzles and their Value in Men-tal Training, 261 How Obtain Equilibrium be-tween Production and Con-sumption, 265 Scene in the Forest, Orlando Soliloquizing, 271 Education more than a Means of Gaining a Livelihood, 272 A Comparative Study in Ruskin, 274 Editorials 278 Economic Results of Gambling, 279 Results of the Art of Healing,. 282 Public Control of Industries 285 The Power of Ignorance; 292 KAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. For Fine. Printing go to p o ,,0 CARLISLE ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. C. B. Kitzmiller Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and . Douglas Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. J. H. Myers Fashionable Tailor, Clothier and Gents' Furnisher. The best place in town to taaveyourCloth-ing made to order. All workmanship and Trimmings guaranteed. No charge for re-pairs and pressing for one year. Dyeing and Repairing a specialty. Ready-made Clothing the largest stock in town. Up-to-date styles. 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HINDS & HOBLE, Publishers 4-5-13-14 Cooper Institute H. Y. City Schoolbnohs of all publishers atone store. R. A. WONDERS, Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, Etc. Scott's Corner, Opp. Eagle Hotel. GETTYSBURG, PA. JOHN M. MINNIGH, Confectionery, Ice, andIee Cpeankjj-* Oysters Stewed and Fried. No. 17 BALTIMORE ST. I .THE. GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter. VOL. VIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1900. No. 8 Editor-in-Chief. J. FRANK HEILMAN, '00. Assistant Editors. LUTHER A. WEIGLE, '00. S. A. VAN ORMER, '01. Alumni Editor. REV. F. D. GARLAND. Business Manager. JOHN K. HAMACHER. '00. Assistant Business Manager. CLARENCE MOORE, '02. Advisory Board. PROF. J. A. HIMES, LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Published monthly by the students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price One Dollar a year in advance, single copies Fifteen Cents. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. PUZZLES AND THEIR VALUE IN MENTAL TRAINING. [GIES PRIZE ESSAY, FIRST PRIZE.] OF all the powers of the human soul, the imagination is one of the most universal in its application and pleasing in its products, the earliest activity of the infant mind, and the last to cling to old age. Without the exercise of this faculty, the world would be a barren waste of material facts, in which would dwell the human race, passive recipients of objective im-pressions, without the power to revel in the beauties of imaged thought and conception of the Divine. Poetry, philosophy, art, science, invention, religion—all would be lost to mankind. L,ittle wonder, then, that the products of the imagination have ever been present and cultivated among men. The word "puzzle" has been variously defined, and the objects of thought and action to which it may be applied are widely different. But a common ground may be assumed—a puzzle is an invented contrivance, either intellectual or material, mtmllM - 262 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. whose solution requires time and ingenuity. It will be seen that the puzzle is pre-eminently the product ot the inventive imagina-tion and in turn its highest application is in the exercise of that power for its solution. Intellectual puzzles are in many senses the most important and also most ancient, being generally cast in the form of riddles. From the earliest times of history we can find evidence of the existence of puzzles, either as a form of intellectual amusement or didactic discipline. Among the Eastern nations obscure forms of expression were the inevitable associates of their symbolical modes of thought. It is certain that such methods of statement were in use among the Egyptians, while several books of riddles exist in old Arabic and Persian. One of the most well-known of puzzles is the riddle which Samson propounded to the Philistines, and many other examples are found in the Bible. The proverbs of Solomon are at times excellent types of the didactic form of the riddle. The parables of the Savior were skillful methods of teaching important truths veiled under an interesting narrative which drew the attention of the crowd, and would be very accept-able to an Eastern mind. In Greece the riddle was a favorite mode of intellectual enter-tainment at symposia. To the active mind of the Greek nothing was more pleasing than a well-directed turn of expression which would give room for play of the imagination. There is abundant evidence of this among their writers. Some of their poets even did not hesitate to write whole books of riddles, and Kleobulus, one of the seven wise men, was especially noted for his composi-tions along this line. The famous riddle of the Sphinx as told in the Oedipus Tyrannus, is probably the best known puzzle of Greek literature, though the most interesting form was a part of their very religious life and character—the oracles of the inspired priests, on which hung sometimes the fate of nations, even of the world. The raveling of such obscurities of expression was a source of the keenest pleasure to the Greek mind, and, while a product of the imagination, was an efficient agent in bringing it to that perfection shown in attic literature, thought and philosophy. The Roman mind, more earnest and grave, found small pleas-ure in these modes of intellectual activity, and very little is known of their use of puzzles until the later republic and empire, when they were introduced with the passion for everything Greek, and ■■■■HH THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 263 professional riddle-makers soon began to take a prominent part in their entertainments and banquets. During the middle ages puzzles were cultivated more as a pleasant means of entertainment than for any other purpose, and until recently the same idea has clung to them. Many manu-script and printed editions of collections of puzzles, riddles and conundrums are in existence. Much of their content consists of coarse jests, but there are some real gems of wit and valuable aids to a true estimate of mediaeval life. The Reformation put a stop to this merry jesting for a time, but it soon crept into favor again, and during the eighteenth century the most brilliant minds of Europe were engaged in the intellectual pastime. At the present day puzzles are still in great favor with both young and old, and their educational worth is becoming more and more realized. As a mental training the value of the puzzle lies chiefly in its power of cultivating quickness and strength of the constructive imagination. An obscurity of expression or mechanical con-struction may require time to solve its intricacies, but the mind is certainly the better for having mastered it. All the faculties of memory and imagination are brought into play, and side by side comes development of the reasoning power as we attempt to deduce from our problem its elements, or to arrive by induction at the result of certain assumed forces. These are the things which made the riddle so attractive to the Greek, with his quick imagination and active reasoning power. When we solve a dif-ficult puzzle, we in fact repeat the very processes by which as children we began to learn, for then everything was a puzzle; and in doing so we strengthen the faculties of the mind which are most essential, and besides strength impart to them a facility and quickness of action, which is in itself most valuable. The subject-matter of the puzzle may be another source of con-siderable benefit. The didactic riddles of the East have already been mentioned as examples of what may be taught in this way. A truth given an obscure expression which requires mental effort to unravel will be impressed upon the mind when it has been gained. A mechanical construction whose every portion has been carefully studied with a view to its possible part in the function of the whole, will not soon be forgotten. In this fact alone may be grounded a strong argument in favor of the puzzle's part in mental training. 264 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Puzzles are beginning to play a more and more important part in the education of the child. Almost the first book placed in its hands, "Mother Goose," is full of simple riddles. Froebel's kindergarten method, so generally acknowledged now-a-days, em-bodies the puzzle idea to a great extent, developing as it does the powers of observation, invention and reasoning. As the child passes into school, puzzles of graded difficulty are used for several years, and his toys always include a number of puzzles and games, many of which contain subject-matter of educational value. Many firms now publish educational games, whose benefit to the child will be revealed by even a superficial examination. The use of puzzles may be carried too far, however; for they may be made an end in themselves. Men may become so infatu-ated with the delicacy of reasoning and exhilaration of discovery as to lose sight entirely of the practical use of the mind. So did the School-men of the middle ages, who waged long controversies on trivial and absurd questions merely for sake of the argument. Neither should puzzles take the place of more legitimate means of education, for it must be kept in mind that they are for the more developed merely an intellectual pastime which will benefit instead of harm ; and for the child a means of starting its mind upon the path which it must shortly travel with the more able guides of language, art and science. Puzzles seem to be trivial things, and are so in a certain sense. But they present wonderful capabilities to the student of Psy-chology and the teacher of the child's mind. Used within proper bounds, as a means and not an end, they may become, in devel-opment of strength and facility of the imagination and the reas-oning power, and in didactic force, a powerful factor in mental training. —L. A. W., '00. Hold fast to the Bible as the sheet anchor of your liberties; write its precepts in your hearts, and practice them in your lives. —U. S. Grant. A broken reputashun is like a broken vase—it may be mend-ed, but alwuss shows whare the brak waz.—Josh Billings. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 265 MOW OBTAIN EQUILIBRIUM BETWEEN PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION. AS a matter of course, the first thing to consider in searching for a remedy for any evil, whether in economics or else-where, is to seek to find the causes of that evil, and to discover a means of removing these causes. Whether the means proposed be beneficial in other respects or advisable upon other grounds we do not need to inquire in this paper. All that is necessary is to find some measure which gives fair promise of bettering matters in this one department of economic life which we have under consideration, namely, of establishing a more stable and more nearly correct relation between the producer and consumer. Briefly and roughly stated, it seems to us that the whole difficulty arises from the fact that the producer is not able to foretell how much of a demand there will be for his goods and incidental to this, how many of those who create the demand will be able to pay within a reasonable time, provided he is willing to sell on credit. As to the second point, demand un-doubtedly is defined to be how much certain persons are ready to take at a certain price. But we must remember that an enormous part of economic operations are conducted on a credit basis and we cannot overlook this as it exercises such a potent influence in increasing or lowering the demand or supply at any time. For if a man believes the credit of his purchasers is good, he will be willing to sell a greater quantity of goods on credit and at a lower price than if he is doubtful as to their credit, and so we might illustrate further. This second point then is incidental to the first, but it is so important in the view we take of the matter that we mention it at once in connection with what we regard the leading difficulty, namely, the producer's ignorance of the con-sumer's future demand for his goods. For he must anticipate the future. It is possible in so few industries to carry on production by filling orders already filed, that we may almost neglect them. And where there are such, the difficulties which we find elsewhere between producer and consumer do not exist, since they work on a solid basis with regard to the future, and are not compelled to base their output upon a supposed state of the market. In other words, they know 266 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. what the market will be and this is the element which is ordinar-ily lacking and which is the cause, as we believe, of the mis-understandings. Now it becomes important to try to answer the question "Why are these producers in ignorance of the future demand for their goods ?" Necessarily an important factor, in all economic life, is the large mass of natural products which are so dependent on the forces of nature, and as it is impossible to control the workings of these to any appreciable extent, the period between the planting for the future and the realization of it, between "seedtime and harvest," must always be one of doubt. It is apparently impossible to control the amount of production in this sphere, and, so far as this operates as an agent in causing misunderstandings between the producer and consumer, we do not attempt to suggest a remedy. As long as it is impossible for a man to know that he can meet a certain demand, even though he is sure that demand will exist, and that impossibility depends on the fact that the agents which cause the uncertainty are beyond human control, the cure seems also to be without the bounds of human power. From this class of cases where there is an impossibility for the producer to tell what supply he can put upon the market, we pass, by almost imperceptible gradations, to cases where the producer needs only know the demand and he can meet it with an ample supply. No doubt there are natural products which lie on the line between these extremes, as, for example, the output of mines which can be regulated to a fair extent, and there are products, not strictly natural, which are very uncertain as to the possible supply, but as a rule the further removed the product is from the soil, the more completely is the extent of its production within the control of man. It is to this class of products that we wish to direct particular attention. Assuming then that the demand could be met if it could be known, we come again to the question "Why cannot the demand be known ?" The producer can find from his table ofstatistics how many producers there are in the same business with him, how large an amount of their products has been sold during the year previous to that one, and the year previous and soon back, and then, by dividing his capital into the total capital invested in the business, he can find how much of that output should belong --. Sira :-:.'; . THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 267 to him. A simple problem, no doubt, but with no correctness in its application, and why not ? Simply because no one of his fellow producers, nor himself either, will be satisfied with the amount as he would thus work it out, but partly through natural aggressive-ness, partly though a desire to protect himself against aggressive-ness on the part of his competitors, he will seek to produce and to sell a little more than his share. He will devise new means by which he can bring his goods a little more in favor with the pub-lic than his rivals. He will reduce his prices, allowing himself a narrower margin of profits, hoping to make himself even by larger sales. No doubt in this way he will sell more goods than his slower going neighbor and will get some of the trade which would otherwise have gone to him. His neighbor's trade falls off and he finds that he provided for more trade than he is getting and is burdened with an unsalable stock. This is so much idle capi-tal and makes him so much less able to carry on a successful business. This single illustration, on a small scale, though it is, shows the inherent tendency of competition to make uncertain what share of a given demand will fall to a producer's lot. The same amount of goods may be sold, as he had anticipated, but he has not sold his share, for some one has succeeded in selling it ahead of him. We believe, therefore, that competition is the main reason. why the producer cannot foretell what the demand for his goods will be, and as it is this inability to foretell which leads to the mis-understandings between producer and consumer, the natural conclusion is that we should remove competition. We wish to make mention again that we do not argue that this is necessarily a beneficial or advisable means generally. ■ All we are concerned with is the question whether it will tend to remove the misunderstandings we have been speaking of. Of course it is not far to seek a means of accomplishing this. The means have been thrust upon us rather generously during the past few years. The tendency toward industrial combination, seeming to be the logical outgrowth of competition, appears, like Zeus, to threaten the reign of its progenitor. No doubt, it ap-pears startling to those economists who have been accustomed to regard competition with a kind of solemn awe, as containing a remedy for "all the heartaches and the thousand natural shocks 268 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. that flesh is heir to ;" but perhaps its partial disappearance may be attended by some results not altogether detrimental. The trust can estimate the demand which it will be called upon to meet. The total demand for a given article during any given period, does not vary through so large a range as to render this estimate one of great uncertainty. No doubt seasons of unusual depression or excitement may render calculations imperfect, but, all in all, the total output which the consumer stands ready to dispose of, is a matter of far higher certainty than the numerous possibilities existing when the producers are multiplied. By the immense amount of capital invested, the trust is better able to adapt itself to an unusual season of excitement or depres-sion. For example, the American Sugar Refining Company a few years ago built a new refinery furnished with the newest techni-cal improvements, to serve only as a safeguard in the case of a suddenly increased demand, or of stoppage in other factories. President Hadley in an article on Trusts, says, " A consoli-dated company has advantages in its power of adapting the amount of production to the needs of consumption. Where several con-cerns with large plants are competing and no one knows exactly what the others are doing, we are apt to have an alternation between years of over-production and years of scarcity, an alter-nation no less unfortunate for the public than for the parties im-mediatety concerned. A wisely managed combination can do much to avoid this. By making its production more even, it can give a constant supply of goods to the consumers and a constant opportunity of work to the laborers; and the resulting steadiness of prices is so great an advantage to all concerned that the public can well afford to pay a very considerable profit to those whose organizing power has rendered such useful service. Morever, the consolidation of all competing concerns avoids many unnecessary expenses of distribution. Under the old sys-tem, these expenses are very great. The multiplication of selling agencies involves much waste. Competitive advertisement is often an unnecessary and unprofitable use of money. Delivery of goods from independent producers, whether by wagon or by rail-road, often costs more than the better organized shipmeuts of a single large concern. All of these evils can be avoided by con-solidation." The same writer compares the trusts with an army, and the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 269 comparison is apt for more purposes than one. The effectiveness with which a thoroughly organized and wealthy trust can meet an unexpected crisis, as compared with a large number of disorgan-ized and quarrelsome companies or individuals,is well paralleled by the difference between the manner in which a thoroughly equipped and organized army will overcome a sudden and severe attack, where a host of stragglers would have been cut to pieces. The very organization constitutes an element of tremendous strength. It must be concluded, we think, then, that trusts, would, or rather do furnish a means by which the future demand for the goods of the producer may be rendered more certain and hence they tend to remove the misunderstandings between the producer and the consumer. And now, how would such a remedy apply when we consider the matter of selling on credit. The man who sells, necessarily is not satisfied merely because he can tell how many goods his cus-tomer will buy. He wants to know how many he can and will pay for. Here in addition to the fact that their superior mastery of all the details of their business renders them more capable of judging of the credit of their purchasers, we seem to find another and very important fact. When competition exists, the producer is all the time seeking to hold out more inducement than his com-petitor. One of the common forms these inducements take is a sale on credit, and then competition arises as to extending the time of credit. Now, when the backbone of competition is broken, the trust no longer needs to use such means to secure purchasers. It stands in a position to dictate, to a great degree, its own terms, and can provide much more fully against dangerous credit than can be done where competition has full play. It is worth while, too, to mention the indirect effects flowing from those above mentioned. As the future is more closely anti-cipated, and as the sales made are more fully realized on than formerly, the financial embarrassments of various producers, under the old regime become a gradually disappearing quantity in the disturbing influences on trade. Of course the increased danger from the possibility of the trust must be omitted, but we believe it is overbalanced by the failures due to competition. When we entered upon the analysis of the causes which ren-dered demand uncertain, we supposed for the time being that the 'JO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. demand, if known, could be met. We now return to that point to inquire briefly how the trust would effect that side of the ques-tion, though we have already incidentally touched upon it. Necessarily, one thing which renders uncertain the ability of the producer to meet a given demand is the possibility of dissatis-faction among his employees, leading to a strike. The same argument applies here as applies to selling on credit. The employee is, to a certain extent, able to make more at the kind of work he is engaged in than at any other, for the simple reason that he knows more about it. Now when there are a number of producers in the same business he knows, if he leaves one, he can probably find work with another, while, where there is but one employer, he loses this advantage. But writers on Trusts and Industrial Combinations in the United States agree that the information given by the working-men, themselves, seems to prove that generally a reduction of hours for labor, seldom a reduction of wages and occasionally, an increase, have taken place, especially where the workingmen were well organized themselves. "It is pretty clear that the laborers in centralized undertakings have not been worse off than in decentralized ones." So that it appears that there is less likeli-hood of a strike under such organization than under the decen-tralized form, so that less opposition to the free course of produc-tion would be met with here. And again the indirect results would be beneficial. For, as the demand becomes more certain, and there is less waste from imperfect attempts to meet it, more and more the production of the trust becomes near to a uniform standard and thus tends to give the workmen steady employment at regular wages, which is a strong barrier against a strike on their part. From the direct and indirect results, therefore, of the consoli-dated form of production, we are led to believe that it presents a means of establishing a far better understanding between the pro-ducer and consumer. That in some minor details the result might be otherwise we do not deny, but looking at it in its broad out-lines and confining our attention carefully to theparticularsubject we have under discussion, we conclude that trusts furnish a method for removing much of the friction between the producer and the consumer. 'oo. ItttfSM&B&iSaSB THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 271 SCENE IN THE FOREST, ORLANDO SOLILOQUIZING. IS it so that in this guise she sought me? My heart is sick within me. I'll take me back to a wilder region in the forest and there the remainder of my days I'll spend in mourn-ing for my lost love. Aye, virtue is modesty and modesty is a virtue and in that is she lacking. Seek her ? Speak with her ? But strike me dead if I may speak one word with her, I'll write it, fold it, give it to her and fly. 'Twill be a testimony of my love that was, that is no more. She merits now nothing but my scorn. If I had wit, I'd make her blush for very shame, if shame there be in her. But my last breath is drawn. Oh how I loved her to distraction ! I ought to go, but how to move? What is this feeling within me that holds me back ? Is it because the road is long and I am tired. No, 'tis an accursed lingering of that love that once so filled me that I knew naught else. Will it never be in my power to shake it off? 'Twassent from Heaven and not from earth; 'twas given by God and not by man. And yet I'll rid me of it. Can one so unworthy hold my affections thus ? I have a dim vague unrest, can it be removed ? I hear a rustle in the autumn leaves. Ay, here she comes, do I love her yet ? I know not how strong my passion is. I faint from fear. I see her so plain, yet must seem to see her not. She speaks— Enter Ros. and Alia. Ros. (Dressed as a woman.) I am much distressed and faint for succor, must I fall with my true love standing near me and aiding me not ? Alia. Perhaps he sees us not. Shall I go touch him on the arm ? Ros. Yes, ask him if he loves me still. Tell him if when I need it his love fails me it is not love. ' Alia. (Goes up and touches him.) Rosalind has come to seek her lover. Do you not. see her ? She is in need of your aid ? What ails you ? Your eyes look wild and you seem to know me not. Orl. If any of pity exists in your heart for me leave me alone. Alas, I know not what I say; I want you to leave me and yet I fain would have you stay. Ros. (Coming up.) Pray pardon me for calling you my lover, you received it with such melancholy dignity, methinks 272 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. you do not half appreciate the honor placed upon you. Can I relieve you of the burden of the title? But why do you look at me thus ? Have I done aught against you ? Orl. I show no bravery by standing before you thus. I would that I could die before your very eyes to let you know what havoc you have wrought. But I leave you now this very minute to go far into the forest, perchance to take of my abode with a shepherd and thus spend my remaining days. I leave yet I stay. I cannot stir an inch, (aside.) Sweet Rosalind, has turned my head, Howl love her! Despite her faults, despite her lack of modesty.' Why came you to me thus? Tell me wished you again with your wiles to torment my morbid feelings. Ah, Rosalind, I still shall call you mine. Ros. Orlando, why did you think so ill of me ? Could you not see in my glowing eyes the story of my love. I would rather have had you woo me but bashful man makes maidens bold and love will find a way. We were parted but I could not abide far from thee. Wherever fate led I followed swayed by love alone. And as the days grow brighter and our hearts grow lighter we shall sing for joy, yes, joy without alloy. EDUCATION MORE THAN A MEANS OP GAINING A LIVELIHOOD. THAT education is a means of gaining a livelihood is a fact that needs no proof. Almost every day we are brought into contact with those who are gaining a comfortable liveli-hood by means of their education. In our day there are many others who are striving to get possession of the same means for no other purpose than that of making a living. It is to be regretted, however, that too many look at education as if it were a mere instrument for easily securing the things which satisfy their physical wants. Through this motive men have lost sight of the real and lasting value of education. I would not say that it is wrong to consider education as a means of gaining a livelihood, but I think that it is a very grievous error to consider education as having no other use or value. Indeed, education without any other purpose than that of a means of gaining a livelihood would be of little value to beings created as we are. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 273 Herbert Spencer in his work on Education says, "In education the question of questions is how to decide among the conflicting claims of subjects and determine the relative values of knowledge. Every one in contending for the worth of any particular order of information, does so by showing its bearing upon some part of life. All effort, either directly or by implication, must appeal to the ultimate test of what use is it?" In other words, the writer affirms that the essential question for us to ponder is "How to live." Not how to live in the mere material sense only, but in the widest sense. The general problem which comprehends every special prob-lem is the right ruling of conduct in all directions, under all circumstances. In what way to treat the body; in what way to treat the mind; in what way to manage our affairs; in what way to bring up a family; in what way to behave as a citizen; in what way to utilize all those sources of happiness which nature supplies—how to use all our faculties to the greatest advantage of ourselves and others—how to live completely! And this being the great thing needful for us to learn, it is, by conse-quence the great aim of education. The leading kinds of activities which constitutes human life are: (1) Those activities which directly minister to self preserva-tion; (2) Those activities which, by securing the necessaries of life, indirectly administer to self preservation; (3) Those activities which are involved in the maintenance of proper social and political relations; (4) Those miscellaneous activities which make up the leisure part of life, devoted to the gratification of tastes and feelings. Is it not education which prepares the individual for direct and indirect self-preservation, for parent-hood, for citizenship, and for the miscellaneous refinements of life? Of course ideal education is complete preparation in all these divisions. Some one has said that education is to the soul what sculpture is to the marble. As the sculpture brings out of the marble the god-like form, the symmetrical proportion, the life-like attitude of the finished and polished statue, so education brings out of man as an animal man, a rational being, making him a complete creature after his kind. To his frame it gives vigor, activity and beauty; to his senses correctness and acuteness; to his intellect, power and truthfulness; to his heart, virtue. r
n/a ; Timeline of key events: March 2011: Anti-government protests broke out in Deraa governorate calling for political reforms, end of emergency laws and more freedoms. After government crackdown on protestors, demonstrations were nationwide demanding the ouster of Bashar Al-Assad and his government. July 2011: Dr. Nabil Elaraby, Secretary General of the League of Arab States (LAS), paid his first visit to Syria, after his assumption of duties, and demanded the regime to end violence, and release detainees. August 2011: LAS Ministerial Council requested its Secretary General to present President Assad with a 13-point Arab initiative (attached) to resolve the crisis. It included cessation of violence, release of political detainees, genuine political reforms, pluralistic presidential elections, national political dialogue with all opposition factions, and the formation of a transitional national unity government, which all needed to be implemented within a fixed time frame and a team to monitor the above. - The Free Syrian Army (FSA) was formed of army defectors, led by Col. Riad al-Asaad, and backed by Arab and western powers militarily. September 2011: In light of the 13-Point Arab Initiative, LAS Secretary General's and an Arab Ministerial group visited Damascus to meet President Assad, they were assured that a series of conciliatory measures were to be taken by the Syrian government that focused on national dialogue. October 2011: An Arab Ministerial Committee on Syria was set up, including Algeria, Egypt, Oman, Sudan and LAS Secretary General, mandated to liaise with Syrian government to halt violence and commence dialogue under the auspices of the Arab League with the Syrian opposition on the implementation of political reforms that would meet the aspirations of the people. - On October 26, the Ministerial Committee held discussions in Damascus with President Assad. - The establishment of the Syrian National Council (SNC) in Istanbul, the first opposition coalition of different groups, but failed to gain international recognition because of deep divisions. November 2011: Syrian government agreed to implement a new Arab Action Plan (attached) endorsed by LAS Ministerial Council to end all acts of violence, release detainees, withdraw Syrian military and armed forces from cities, and ensure freedom of movement for journalists and observers throughout the country. -LAS Ministerial Council suspended the membership of Syria (November 16), and imposed economic sanctions (November 27) and some member states withdrew their ambassadors from Damascus, as it failed to comply with the Action Plan. December 2011: Negotiations with Damascus were resumed and an agreement is finally reached on the implementation of the Action Plan. LAS Observer Mission was deployed in Syria to monitor the implementation of the plan (December 24). - The Mission later submitted a report (attached) covering the period from 24 December 2011 to 18 January 2012 in accordance with the mandate conferred by the protocol concluded between the Syrian government and LAS. The report was divisive among the members of the Arab League, as it blamed both the regime and the opposition for the violence. January 2012: LAS Ministerial Council adopted resolution 7444 (attached) which called on the Syrian President to immediately hand over power to his deputy in order to begin the process of a political transition, which would include negotiations with the opposition, the formation of a national unity government, and the holding of elections. The resolution also, requested the Chair of the Arab Ministerial Committee and the Secretary General to brief the United Nations Security Council on the developments and get it to endorse the plan. - On January 22, Saudi Arabia withdrew its monitors, followed by the other GCC members on January 24. - On January 28, the Secretary-General of LAS announced the suspension of the activities of the observer mission, given the serious deterioration of the security situation. - On January 31, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr Al-Thani, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar, Chair of the Arab Ministerial Committee and Dr. Nabil Elaraby, Secretary General of the League of Arab States briefed the Security Council (attached) on Arab efforts and called on the council to adopt a draft resolution submitted by Morocco, supporting Arab League resolution 7444 (which called on the Syrian President to hand over power to his deputy) February 2012: - On February 4, Russia and China vetoed a draft Security Council resolution (attached), tabled by Morocco (the Arab member of the Security Council) and others. - On February 12, the Arab League adopted its resolution 7446 (attached), practically "transferring the file" to the United Nations Security Council. - On February 16, the issue was taken to the General Assembly, which adopted its Resolution 66/253, calling-among other things- for the appointment of a Special Envoy. - On February 23, former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan was appointed as the Joint Special Envoy (JSE) of the United Nations and the League of Arab States on the Syrian crisis, to facilitate a peaceful Syrian-led and inclusive political solution. - On February 24, and upon the initiative of President Sarkozy of France, the first meeting of the Group of Friends of the Syrian People was held in Tunis, with the participation of more than 60 countries and representatives from the United Nations, the League of Arab States, the European Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Arab Maghreb Union and the Cooperation Council for the Arab Gulf States to discuss the worsening situation in Syria. The group noted the Arab League's request to the United Nations Security Council to issue a resolution to form a joint Arab-UN peacekeeping force following a cessation of violence by the regime, and called on LAS to convene a meeting of all disparate opposition groups to agree on a clear statement of shared principles for a transition in Syria. The meeting recognized the SNC as a legitimate representative of Syrians seeking peaceful democratic change. Text of the Conclusions of the Meeting. March 2012: The SNC formed a military council to organize and unify all armed resistance. - The JSE, Kofi Anan, submitted a six-point peace plan to the UN Security Council (which the council adopted in April in its resolution 2042), that called for commitment to a Syrian-led political process, achieve an effective United Nations supervised cessation of armed violence in all its forms by all parties, ensure provision of humanitarian assistance, intensify the release of arbitrarily detained persons, ensure freedom of movement for journalists and respect the freedom of demonstrating peacefully. It was later approved by the Syrian government, and the opposition remained skeptical. April 2012: United Nations Supervision Mission in Syria (UNSMIS) was established by United Nations Security Council resolution 2043 (attached) initially for a 90-day period, to monitor a cessation of armed violence in all its forms by all parties and to monitor and support the full implementation of the Joint Special Envoy's six-point plan on ending the conflict in Syria. June 2012: The Action Group for Syria, with the participation of the Secretary Generals of the United Nations and the League of Arab States, the Foreign Ministers of China, France, Russia, United Kingdom, United States, Turkey, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar and the European Union High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, chaired by the JSE, met in Geneva and adopted the Geneva Final Communique (attached) which called for the establishment of a transitional governing body, with full executive powers, as part of the agreed principles and guidelines for a Syrian-led political transition. July 2012: The Syrian Opposition meeting was held under the auspices of LAS in Cairo, and reached an agreement on a national compact and a detailed transition plan. The two documents complemented the guidelines and principles laid out by the Action Group in Geneva. August 2012: UNSMIS mandate came to an end owing to an intensification of armed violence and use of heavy weapons. - Prime Minister Riad Hijab defected, and US President Obama's first direct threat of force against Syria, if Assad's regime deploys or uses chemical or biological weapons, calling such action a "red line" for the US. - Joint Special Envoy, Kofi Annan announced his resignation because of the Security Council failure to reach binding resolutions; Lakhdar Brahimi succeeded Annan as the Joint Special Representative of the United Nations and the League of Arab states for Syria (JSR). September 2012: Egypt hosted the high level preparatory meeting of the regional Quartet on Syria on September 10, which included Turkey and Saudi Arabia key backers of the Syrian Revolution, and Iran the major supporter of al-Assad regime, in an initiative to bring together regional powers to voice their positions on how to end the Syrian conflict. - On September 17, the Quartet's ministerial meeting took place in Cairo; Saudi Arabia opted out while Iran proposed a peace plan which called on all parties to cease violence and stop all financial and military support to the opposition, and suggested the deployment of observers from the quartet's nations to Syria. The participants failed to reach an agreement. October 2012: a four-day ceasefire attempt was announced towards late October, in respect to Eid al-Adha Holiday, which was breached on the first day in Homs, Aleppo and Damascus. November 2012: National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces (SOC) was formed in Qatar, responding to repeated calls from their Western and Arab supporters to create a cohesive and representative leadership, it excluded Islamist militias. December 2012: US, Britain, France, Turkey and Gulf states formally recognized SOC as "legitimate representative" of the Syrian people. January 2013: the Emir of Kuwait hosted the first pledging conference on Syria, international donors pledged more than $1.5bn to help civilians affected by the conflict in Syria. March 2013: LAS Ministerial Council adopted resolution 7595 (attached) to recognize SOC as the "sole legitimate representative" of the Syrian people and called on the SOC to establish an executive body to take up Syria's seat. April 2013: Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, leader of the Islamic State, released a recorded audio message announcing Jabhat al-Nusra as an extension of al-Qaeda in Iraq and Syria. The leader of al-Nusra, Abu Mohammad al-Joulani, refused the merger. Divisions among the jihadists emerged. - Hezbollah's involvement deepened when it led the ground assault on Al-Qusayr, a Sunni town in Homs province by the Lebanese border. August 2013: The Assad regime was accused of using chemical weapons in Eastern Ghouta to kill hundreds of civilians. The government denied using chemical weapons. President Obama sought congressional authorization for the use of force. September 2013: UN Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2118 (attached) requiring the Syrian regime to dismantle its chemical weapons arsenal by mid-2014, and avoid military strikes. December 2013: US and Britain suspended "non-lethal" support for rebels in northern Syria after reports Islamist rebels seized some bases of Western-backed Free Syrian Army. January 2014: the Geneva II Conference on Syria was held in Montreux on January 22, and attended by 37 states, 4 organizations and both Syrian parties. Iran was invited by SG Ban Ki- Moon on January 19, the Opposition declared its refusal to attend if Iran was not excluded, the US viewed Iran's invitation "as conditioned on Iran's explicit and public support for the full implementation of the Geneva Communique"; Iran refused any preconditions to the talks, and refused to endorse the Geneva Communique specially the transitional governing body. February 2014: two rounds of negotiations to discuss: 1- ending violence and 2-combating terrorism, 3-transitional governing body, national institutions, and 4- national reconciliation and national debate. The Syrian government refused to discuss a transitional government and insisted on discussing combating terrorism. The talks came to a halt. May 2014: JSR Brahimi announced his resignation because of the lack of progress and failure to agree on an agenda. - Iran proposed a political settlement of four points; a comprehensive cease-fire at national level, forming a national unity government consisting of the regime and the internal Syrian opposition, by transferring presidential powers to the government whereby the government will enjoy wide-ranging powers in years to come, and preparation for presidential and parliamentary elections. - Syrian rebels withdrew from the Old City of Homs, under an Iranian brokered deal and facilitated by the UN, after three years of Syrian government bombardment and siege. June 2014: President Assad held presidential elections, he was re-elected for another seven-year term allegedly winning 88.7% of the votes. July 2014: UN Secretary-General announced the appointment of Staffan de Mistura as his Special Envoy for Syria (SE)- NOT as a joint envoy with LAS. August 2014: US-led coalition began its airstrikes against the Islamic State in Iraq and expanded its strikes to Syria the following month, focusing on the city of Raqqa. September 2014: SE held his first round of consultations with concerned capitals, since taking up his office, it included his a visit to Damascus where he met with President Assad, senior officials and the tolerated internal Syrian opposition. October 2014: SE focused on establishing a series of local ceasefires, "freeze zones", starting with Aleppo, which aimed at the de-escalation of violence and allowance of the return of normalcy to it. February 2015: SE briefed the Security Council members on the 17th, announcing Syria's willingness to halt all aerial bombardment over Aleppo for a period of six weeks. It was not clear when would the freeze go into effect, reporting that a date would be announced from Damascus. June 2015: Egypt hosted the second Syrian Opposition meeting in Cairo, which excluded the National Coalition and announced a new road map to resolve the crisis which did not abolish Assad's government. July 2015: SE announced that his office would facilitate intra-Syrian working groups to generate a "Syrian-owned framework document" on the implementation of the Geneva Communiqué. Main themes of the groups were Safety and Protection for All, Political and Constitutional Issues, Military and Security Issues, and Public Institutions, Reconstruction and Development. September 2015: Russia conducted its first airstrikes against IS in Syria. The US and the Syrian Opposition claim it is targeting rebel-held areas instead. October 2015: First meeting of International Syria Support Group (ISSG) took place in Vienna, it included China, Egypt, the EU, France, Germany, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Jordan, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, the United Nations, and the United States. They agreed on a nine-point plan, but still had substantial divisions on the future of Assad. It was the first time Iran and Saudi Arabia were brought to the same table. November 2015: Second meeting of the ISSG was held in Vienna adding LAS to its members. They set a time frame to prepare for a parallel ceasefire and political process by January 2016 that would lead to credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance within six months, followed by the drafting of a constitution and elections within 18 months. Jordan was tasked to develop a list of groups and individuals identified as terrorists, and Saudi Arabia to hold a meeting to unify the Syrian opposition and prep for the talks with the government. December 2015: - Syrian political and armed opposition factions met in Riyadh, to agree on a common position to negotiate with Syrian government, and resulted in the formation of the High Negotiating Committee (HNC). The main Kurdish group was excluded, while Islamist hardliners such as Jaysh Al-Islam and Ahrar Al-Sham were present. - The Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) joined the follow-up meeting of the ISSG in New York, Saudi Arabia and Jordan briefed the group on their tasks. There was no agreement on the list of identified terrorists, especially with Russia's insistence on adding Ahrar Al-Sham to the list, which is considered pivotal to the unified Opposition bloc. - UN Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2254 (attached) which reaffirmed the road map set out by the ISSG and urged the Support Group to apply pressure on the Syrian parties to put an immediate end to the indiscriminate use of weapons against civilians, and allow unimpeded access to humanitarian aid convoys. January 2016: the SE sent out invitations to the Syrian participants, in accordance with the parameters outlined in Security Council resolution 2254, to start on the 25th with proximity talks and had expected to last for six months. The HNC requested assurances of goodwill from the government as precondition to beginning of talks, such as release of prisoners or lifting of sieges. February 2016: Talks were delayed and lasted two days before they were suspended for three weeks. - The ISSG met on the margins of the Munich Security Conference and decided that humanitarian access will commence same week of meeting to besieged areas, and an ISSG task force would elaborate within one week modalities for a nationwide cessation of hostilities. - The US and Russia announced the adoption of the terms for a cessation of hostilities in Syria, and proposed that the cessation of hostilities commence at 00:00 (Damascus time) on February 27, 2016. The cessation of hostilities does not apply to "Daesh", "Jabhat al-Nusra", or other terrorist organizations designated by the UN Security Council. - The Security Council endorsed the announcement in its resolution 2268 (attached). March 2016: SE announced March 9 set as target date of resumption of talks in Geneva. On March 14, SE resumed the intra-Syrian proximity talks in Geneva, which mainly discussed procedural matters to reach a shared list of principles and relied on Security Council resolution 2254 as its agenda. - SE briefed the Security Council on the cessation of hostilities which lowered overall levels of violence and more than 238,000 people had been reached with humanitarian aid. - On the same day, President Putin announced the withdrawal of most Russian forces from Syria, after it had largely fulfilled their objectives in Syria, and SE stated that it would have a positive impact on the negotiations. - On March 17, the PYD announced the establishment of a federal system in Kobane, Afrin and Cizire cantons in northern Syria, and its Constituent Assembly of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria-Rojava (DFNS) announced its final declaration. Both the Syrian government and other opposition affiliates denounced the plan, as well as the United States. - On March 24, the SE ended the first round by submitting a paper on the commonalities between the Syrian sides regarding the future of Syria and would help structure the next round that would address political transition. - Syrian government forces retook Palmyra from the Islamic State, with Russian air assistance. April 2016: The SE paid visits to Amman, Beirut, Damascus and Tehran ahead of the new round of talks. - The third round of proximity talks were set to start on April 13, which coincided with the parliamentary elections in the government-controlled areas in Syria. The SE met with the High Negotiations Committee delegation (Syrian Opposition) in Geneva and was expected to meet with the Syrian Government delegation within the following days. - During the 13-27 April round of negotiations, the SE developed a Mediator's Summary that identified eighteen points necessary to move forward on political transition arrangements. - on April 28, airstrikes in Aleppo on al-Quds hospital supported by both Doctors Without Borders and the International Committee of the Red Cross, which killed dozens of civilians and medical personnel. May 2016: The Security Council adopted unanimously resolution 2286 (attached) which called for the protection of civilians and medical facilities during armed conflict. - On May 4, the US-Russia brokered a 48-hour ceasefire in which helped reduce the violence, and was later extended for another 72 hours. - On May 9, France held a ministerial Friends of Syria meeting in "Paris Format", attended by the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, the European Union, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and Jordan, and issued a statement that called on the resumption of negotiations, unimpeded access of humanitarian assistance and the implementation of international law obligations to the protection of civilians. - Later on the same day, the United States and Russia issued a joint statement on Syria to reconfirm their commitment to intensify their efforts to implement a nationwide ceasefire and promote humanitarian assistance in accordance to security council resolution 2254. - On May 17, the fourth meeting of the ISSG took place in Vienna and reaffirmed its determination to strengthen the cessation of hostilities, to ensure full and sustained humanitarian access in Syria, and to ensure progress toward a peaceful political transition. Australia, Canada, Japan, the Netherlands and Spain joined the group. June 2016: The SE announced that the time is not yet right for a resumption of the intra-Syrian talks because of the escalation of violence in Aleppo, Idlib, Latakia and other rural areas around Damascus, but the intention is to begin an official third round as soon as possible. - Riad Hijab, the Coordinator of the Opposition High Negotiations Committee, proposed a nationwide truce throughout the month of Ramadan. - On June 16, Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria announced that 16 of the 18 besieged areas have been reached since the humanitarian taskforce started in late February. - On June 21, the SE briefed the United Nations General Assembly on the situation in Syria regarding the cessation of hostilities and humanitarian assistance access, as for the resumption of talks, it is yet to be decided and the OSE currently holds technical meetings with the parties on core issues. July 2016: - On July 6, the Syrian army declared a three-day nationwide "regime of calm" in respect to Eid al-Fitr holidays nonetheless pro-regime forces continued to engage in clashes and airstrikes across the country, particularly near the flashpoints of Damascus and Aleppo City. - On July 14, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss a proposal for bilateral military cooperation in the Syria; The proposal calls for the establishment of a 'Joint Implementation Group' (attached) based in Amman, Jordan to "support deliberate targeting" of Syrian Al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra and "maximize independent but synchronized efforts" against ISIS in Syria, according to a draft memorandum leaked by the Washington Post. - On July 25, Stephen O'brien, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, briefed the security council (attached) on the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Aleppo due to the escalation of violence over the Castello Road, the last access route in and out of eastern Aleppo, and the continuous attacks on medical facilities. O'brien called on the security council not to allow turning Aleppo into another besieged area where 250,000 to 275,000 people reside, and called to establish a weekly, 48-hour humanitarian pause to enable humanitarian aid deliveries across borders. - On July 28, the Russian Minister of Defense Sergei Shoigu announced, right after the Syrian government announced it has cut off the Castello Road and encircled the city of Aleppo, setting up three humanitarian corridors in Aleppo City to allow in food and medical aid, and help people flee the besieged city; the fourth corridor would be established in northern Aleppo near the Castello Road to allow the withdrawal of armed insurgents, and appealed to the Syrian government to provide guarantees to the amnesty provided to rebels to lay down their weapons. - On the same day, Abu Mohammed al-Julani, Jabhat al-Nusra's Leader announced split from al- Qaeda and mentioned that its new name would be Jabhet Fateh al-Sham, in order to get the group off the terrorist list and "to remove the excuse used by the international community – spearheaded by America and Russia – to bombard and displace Muslims in the Levant: that they are targeting al-Nusra Front, which is associated with al-Qaida". - On July 29, the SE commented on the Russian initiative in a press stakeout, that it should take into consideration a few improvements such as putting the 48-hour humanitarian pause into place on a sustainable basis irrespective of the humanitarian corridors; and suggested "to actually leave the delivery of aid through corridors to the UN and its partners"; and stressed that civilians should leave voluntarily, and given the option of leaving to areas of their own choice. August 2016: - On August 1, a Russian helicopter was downed near Saraqeb, in rebel-held Idlib province, on its way back to Russia's main air base in Hmyeim in the western province of Latakia, killing the five Russian military personnel on board. The downing of the helicopter marked the single deadliest event for Russia since its air campaign began in Syria on September 29, 2015. No group claimed the shooting down of the helicopter. - Since then, Russian warplanes conducted retaliatory airstrikes against several small opposition-held areas in the vicinity of Saraqeb. Syrian rebels accuse Russia of using incendiary munitions while conducting airstrikes against Idlib City on August 7, suggesting that Russia intended to achieve punitive and deterrent effects against opposition forces in the province. - In the early weeks of August, rebel forces launched a major assault, known as the "battle for Aleppo", on government-held southwestern towns of Aleppo City, to break the siege, and control supply lines in the south connected to eastern Aleppo. They claimed breaking the siege and capturing Ramouseh Artillery Academy, parts of the cement plant and Khan Touman-Ramouseh road. Intense fighting between warring parties continues to claim control over previously lost vicinities. - On August 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin met with Turkish President Recep Tayip Erdogan in St. Petersburg, after the Turkish President officially apologized for the downing of a Russian military aircraft on June 27, 2016, and announced during a press conference that they discussed lifting of Russia's ban on imports of Turkish products, resumption of charter flights, the Turkish Stream project, Syrian settlement, and anti-terrorism efforts. - On August 10, Lieutenant-General Sergei Rudskoi, a senior Russian Defence Ministry official, announced a daily three-hour ceasefires in Aleppo, starting August 11, to allow humanitarian convoys enter the city safely, and would run from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. local time. - On August 16, the Russian Ministry of Defense announced that Russian aircrafts took off from Iranian airbase Hamedan to carry out airstrikes on ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra-held facilities in the provinces of Aleppo, Idlib and Deir ez-Zour. - On August 18, the SE adjourned the HTF meeting as humanitarian convoys could not reach any of the besieged towns during the month, and called for at least a 48 hour humanitarian pause in Aleppo to deliver UN humanitarian assistance, through the Castello Road, to all parts of Aleppo City. - Also, on August 18, the Syrian government forces, unprecedentedly, launched strikes against Kurdish forces in Hasakeh in Northern Syria, after pro-government National Defense Forces (NDF) were engaged in clashes with the military wing of the Kurdish Workers Party, known as Asayish. The Syrian government claimed that "Asayish had escalated their acts of provocation attacking state establishments, stealing oil and cotton, disrupting examinations, carrying out abductions, and causing a state of chaos and instability, in addition to targeting positions of the Syrian Arab Army which required a suitable response by the Army as it targeted the sources of artillery fire and the gatherings of armed elements responsible for these criminal actions." - On August 19th, while the Kurdish fighters pushed back government forces and their allies, the Pentagon threatened to shoot down Syrian government aircrafts as they pose a threat to the US Special Forces deployed in the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) area. - On August 21, it was announced that a truce agreement had been reached between YPG and NDF, through Russian mediation, to start on August 21, 2016 at 17:00, which involved evacuating the wounded and transporting them to hospitals in Qamishli, and restore the situation to how it was prior to the clashes and hold talks on August 22 to resolve the remaining unresolved issues. - On August 22, most likely the ceasefires agreement failed as fighting escalated. - On August 24, Turkey and the International Coalition Air Forces launched "Operation Euphrates Shield" offenses to support the Free Syrian Army aligned with U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces SDF against IS militants in Jarablus, in northern Syria. - On August 26, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, addressing a joint press conference after their meeting in Geneva, announced that they failed to reach a breakthrough deal on military cooperation and a nationwide cessation of hostilities in Syria, saying they still have issues to resolve before an agreement could be announced. - On August 27, Kurdish militias targeted Diyarbakir airport in southeast Turkey, near the borders with Syria. Turkey retaliated by warplanes and artillery on targets held by Kurdish-backed forces the following day, despite US pentagon's criticism of the fighting. September 2016: - On September 4, Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildrim announced that Turkish military forces and Ankara-backed Free Syrian Army (FSA) had successfully purged the border region, from Azaz to Jarablus, from "terrorist organizations." - On September 9, the US and Russia reached a deal which called for a nationwide ceasefire in Syria, and unimpeded humanitarian access to all besieged areas starting on September 12th. If sustained for seven continuous days, the U.S. and Russia would establish a Joint Implementation Center (JIC) in order to share intelligence and coordinate airstrikes against both ISIS and Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (formerly Jabhat al-Nusra). - On September 21, the cessation of hostilities deal was implemented with regular violations, while the Syrian government continued to block humanitarian access to opposition-held districts of Eastern Aleppo City despite the agreement. - On September 17, the US-led coalition accidentally launched an air strike on Syrian government forces in Deir ez-Zour. - On September 19, a UN humanitarian convoy was shelled near Urum al-Kubra near Aleppo, killing 20 humanitarian aid workers and drivers, and destroying 18 out of 31 trucks. The US blamed Russia and the Syrian government for the attack; the latter declared unilaterally the end of the ceasefire agreement. - On September 20, the UN temporarily suspended its humanitarian aid to Syria after the attack, while international powers failed to reach a consensus to restore the ceasefire during an acrimonious UN Security Council Meeting on September 21st as well as two separate meetings of the International Syria Support Group on September 20 and September 22. - On September 22, the Syrian government announced a new military offensive in the rebel-held eastern Aleppo, and further escalation in a bombing campaign by Russian and Syrian airstrikes that had already intensified the day before. - On September 25, the Security Council Meeting discussed the recent escalation of violence in Aleppo after the Syrian government announced its intention to retake all of Aleppo City, and the SE called on the Security Council to "to press for a cessation of violence, and for the protection of civilians, and the civilian infrastructure; secondly to press for weekly 48-hour pauses in the fighting to ensure that the United Nations and its partners can reach eastern Aleppo, without preconditions from either the Government or the Opposition; and thirdly to press for medical evacuations of urgent cases." - On September 27, the Syrian government launched a large scale ground offensive in eastern Aleppo, and state media announced that it recaptured the central district of Al-Farafirah northwest of the Aleppo Citadel. - On September 29, the YPG set conditions to participate in operations to seize IS-held Raqqa City: the US provides arms to the YPG, recognizes its autonomy of the Federation of Northern Syria, and ensures that the Syrian Kurds are officially invited to participate in peace talks. October 2016: - On October 1, continuous airstrikes in eastern Aleppo damaged a major hospital codenamed M10, which was partially closed because of the raids. - On October 2, Stephen O'brien, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, urged warring parties and their supporters to bring about a cessation of all hostilities, a medical evacuation system for eastern Aleppo, and regular unimpeded humanitarian access to eastern Aleppo, and he reiterated his plea to the Security Council for a 48-hours weekly humanitarian pause in fighting, at the very least. - In an official statement, the Syrian Army offered amnesty to fighters and their families to leave Aleppo under guarantee of safe passage to other rebel-held areas, after the Syrian regime forces recaptured strategic areas on the northern outskirts of the city. - On October 3, the EU announced an emergency humanitarian initiative for Aleppo, in cooperation with the United Nations and civil society organizations, in order to facilitate the urgent delivery of basic life-saving assistance to civilians in eastern Aleppo, and ensure medical evacuations with focus on women, children and the elderly. The EU has mobilized 25 million euros to support its humanitarian partners' response to cover medical, water and sanitation, and food assistance in Aleppo. The HNC issued a statement welcoming the European initiative to protect civilians in Aleppo. - The Security Council began negotiations over a draft resolution, circulated by France and Spain, which demanded all parties to the Syrian conflict "implement and ensure full implementation of cessation of hostilities, including an end to all aerial bombardments", and called on the US and Russia to "undertake joint efforts to stabilize the situation in Syria, with special measures for the Aleppo region", as well as the UN Secretary-General to propose options for a UN-supervised monitoring mechanism of the ceasefire and to "take further measures" in case of non-compliance of any party, without invoking chapter 7 of the UN Charter. The French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault headed to Moscow and Washington to push for a vote on the draft resolution. - The United States suspended talks with Russia on trying to end the violence in Syria and accused Moscow of not complying with its commitments under the ceasefire agreement and would withdraw all personnel that were dispatched to prepare for military cooperation with Russia. - On October 4, Prince Zeid Ra'ad, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, warned over the use of incendiary weapons in Syria, and demanded bold initiatives such as limiting the use of the veto by the permanent members of the Security Council to refer the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Russia rejected Zeid's call. - The Russian Defense Ministry declared its deployment of S-300 missile system to its Tartus naval base in Syria. - On October 6, the SE offered in a press conference to escort up to 1000 al-Nusra fighters to bring an end to the bombardment by Russian and Syrian forces to Idlib or anywhere else of their choice. While the Russian Defense Ministry announced it would shoot down US-led coalition jets if the US launches airstrikes against pro-government forces in Syria, after American officials had discussed using limited airstrikes to force government forces to halt its raids on Aleppo. - On October 7, Russia called for a Security Council emergency meeting to hear the SE's briefing (attached) on the situation in Aleppo, while the Russian Parliament ratified Moscow's deal with Syria on its "indefinite" deployment of forces. - On October 8, the Security Council held a meeting on Aleppo, and voted on the Russian-drafted resolution calling for the revival of the ceasefire deal, without mention of ending military fights in the city, and on the French-drafted resolution. The French draft received eleven votes in favor, China and Angola abstained, while Russia and Venezuela voted against. The Russian text only received four votes in favor of China, Egypt and Venezuela, Angola and Uruguay abstained, while the remaining nine council members voted against. - On October 9, France announced its intention to call the ICC for war crimes investigation in Syria, and shall contact the ICC Prosecutor on how to launch these investigations, putting into consideration that the only way is through the Security Council referral, which had been vetoed before by Russia in May 2014. - On October 13, the Deputy Special Envoy for Syria Ramzy Ezzeldin Ramzy confirmed the Syrian Government's approval of the October aid plan and for convoys to reach 25 of 29 besieged and hard-to-reach areas across Syria, but not to eastern Aleppo and three parts of the rural Damascus province. - On October 15, US Secretary of State John Kerry hosted a meeting on Syria in Lausanne, with the participation of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and seven foreign ministers from the region, from Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Qatar, Jordan and Egypt, with the presence of the SE. The meeting failed to reach a joint statement on how to end the bombardment of Aleppo or on the aid delivery to the besieged towns. - On October 16, the UK's Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson held a meeting with his US, French and German counterparts and "like-minded" Gulf Arab states on the Syrian conflict in London. The UK and the US announced their consideration of imposing more sanctions against Russia and the Syrian Government to halt their ongoing raids on Aleppo. - On October 17, the European Council condemned the Syrian regime and Russia for their deliberate and indiscriminate bombardment of civilians and infrastructure in Eastern Aleppo, and called for a monitored cessation of hostilities, lift of sieges, and a nationwide sustainable humanitarian access. - On October 18, the Russian Minister of Defense Sergei Shoigu announced the cease of Russian and Syrian airstrikes on Aleppo to hold an 8-hour humanitarian pause on October 20th, in order to allow civilians and medical evacuations through six humanitarian corridors, and expected militants would withdraw with their weapons through two corridors, one via the Castello Road and the other near the souq al-Hai area in the south of the city. It was later announced that the eight-hour pause will be extended to eleven hours for four days. The armed opposition groups (AOGs) rejected the proposal in a joint statement claiming that "the initiative came at the same time as forced displacement operations are being carried out by the Assad regime in the Damascus suburbs of al-Mouadamiya, Qudsiya and al-Hama, and before that in Daraya." - On October 20, in conclusion of the EU summit, the EU failed to reach an agreement on imposing sanctions on Russia for the escalation of violence in Aleppo, and stated that "the EU is considering all available options should the current atrocities continue." The unilateral ceasefire took effect, and the Syrian Army declared that it would last for three days while artillery exchanges erupted around a crossing point near the rebel-controlled Bustan al-Qasr district shortly after the pause began. The Secretary-General and the SE briefed the General Assembly in an informal session on the situation in Syria, in response to an initiative led by Canada, after the Security Council failed to take action to end the aerial bombardment on Aleppo and revive peace efforts. - On October 21, the United Nations Human Rights Council held a special session on the deteriorating situation of human rights in Aleppo, upon the request of Britain (letter attached) that was submitted on behalf of a core group of 11 Western and Arab states. The Council adopted a resolution by a 24 in favor vote, seven against and 16 abstentions. It urged "the immediate implementation of the cessation of hostilities, and demanded that the regime and its allies put an immediate end to all aerial bombardments of and military flights over Aleppo city. The Council demanded that all parties, in particular the Syrian authorities and its supporters, promptly allowed rapid, safe, unhindered and sustained humanitarian access, including across conflict lines and borders." The Council further "requested the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic to conduct a comprehensive, independent special inquiry into the events in Aleppo, and identify all those responsible for alleged violations and abuses of international human rights law. It further requested the Commission of Inquiry to support efforts to ensure that perpetrators of alleged abuses and violations be held accountable, and to provide a full report of the findings of its special inquiry to the Human Rights Council no later than its thirty-fourth session." - On October 22, the humanitarian pause expired without any evacuations made and without further renewal despite the UN request. No medical evacuations had been made as no security guarantees had not been granted as requested by the UN. - On October 23, Turkey intensified its strikes targeting IS militants and Kurdish YPG forces in the town of al-Bab, in an attempt to sweep them away from its borders. The Turkish-backed FSA gained control over three areas of Tuways, al-Gharz and Tlatinah south of Akhtarin in northern Aleppo two days later. - On October 25, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov stated Moscow's willingness to restore the ceasefire in Aleppo and that the Western-backed opposition forces should be separated from terrorist groups in order to be able to move forward; after the UN had blamed all parties for the failure of evacuating injured people in Eastern Aleppo during the three-day ceasefires and called for "a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire so that life-saving humanitarian activities, including medical evacuations, can resume," meanwhile the Syrian Ambassador to Moscow ruled out any opportunity to restore the ceasefires. - On October 26, a school in the village of Haas, in rebel-held Idlib, was hit by a raid of airstrikes, causing the death of twenty-two children and six teachers. The UN Secretary-General called for an immediate investigation on this attack, as it could amount as war crimes if deliberate. Russia denied its responsibility and claimed that the damage was not consistent with an airstrike. - On October 27, Virginia Gamba, the head of the UN-OPCW Joint Investigative Mechanism, presented the mechanism's findings to the Security Council. The report indicated that of the nine cases the JIM investigated, the Syrian regime used chlorine gas against civilians in three cases and the IS used mustard gas in one case. In the remaining five cases, the JIM investigated allegations that the government dropped chlorine bombs in rebel-held areas. While the JIM could not make a conclusive determination in three of these five cases, it was able to establish that government airstrikes had occurred and the presence of a toxic substance, but it was unable to fully determine the link between the two, or the actors responsible. Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin questioned the JIM's findings, and expressed reservations over the US-draft resolution to extend the mandate of the mechanism for another year, which would end on 31 October 2016. - The EU added ten top Syrian officials to its sanctions list who are held responsible for "violent repression against the civilian population in Syria." - On October 28, Syrian rebels relaunched Aleppo counter-attack aiming to break the siege imposed on Eastern Aleppo. The factions included the FSA and Jaish al-Fath targetting government-held Western Aleppo. - Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem met with his Russian and Iranian counterparts in Moscow to discuss counterterrorism, the cessation of hostilities and improvement of humanitarian operations, and the resumption of the intra-Syrian talks. The three ministers held a joint press conference following their meeting. - On October 30, SE condemned Syrian rebels for the indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas in Western Aleppo, raising the number of casualties in the last 48 hours. - On October 31, the Security Council extended the mandate of the UN-OPCW JIM until November 18, 2016. November 2016: - On November 1, in a teleconference with the leaders of the Russian Armed Forces, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu mentioned that Russia had halted air strikes on eastern Aleppo for 16 days, following western criticism over a Russian-Syrian government assault that killed civilians and destroyed infrastructure. - On November 2, DM Shoigu announced that it would enforce a 10-hour humanitarian pause in Aleppo on November 4, to allow civilians and fighters to exit the city through eight safe corridors. - On November 4, despite the announced unilateral ceasefire in Aleppo, there were no sign of civilians or fighters leaving the city, and opposition fighters vowed to continue fighting to break the siege. - On November 6, the SDF declared the launch of Operation "Wrath of the Euphrates" in the IS capital of Raqqa, which aimed at surrounding and isolating the city as an initial phase, in coordination with the US-led coalition airstrikes. The SDF had rejected any Turkish role to liberate the city. - On November 8, the Russian Defense Minister Shoigu announced that the first attack from the Admiral Kuznetsov, the aircraft carrier, and heavily armed escort ships were to bomb rebel positions in Aleppo. - On November 10, Jan Egeland, Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, declared in a press stakeout following the weekly HTF meeting that Eastern Aleppo had run out of food rations, and that the UN had proposed an initiative of four elements which included delivery of food and medical supplies, medical evacuations and access for health workers. - On November 11, the OPCW Executive Council condemned all parties for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, after voting on a US-tabled text in a closed session. The text was supported by 28 members, including Germany, France, the United States and Britain; it was opposed by Russia, China, Sudan and Iran, and there were nine abstentions. - On November 15, Russia launched its "major operation" targeting the IS and Jabhat al-Nusra's positions in Idlib and Homs provinces. Heavy airstrikes and barrel bombs pounded Eastern Aleppo after the pause declared by Russia and the Syrian Government on October 18. It is considered the first mission operated from the aircraft carrier Admiral Kuznetsov. - The Third Committee of the UN General Assembly adopted a draft resolution tabled by Saudi Arabia on the human rights situation in Syria, by a vote of 116 in favor, to 15 against with 49 abstentions. It called upon the Syrian regime and the IS to cease using chemical weapons, and stop their attacks on civilians. - On November 17, the UN Security Council adopted the US-draft resolution to extend the mandate of the UN-OPCW Joint Investigative Mechanism to 18 November 2017. - On November 20, Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem held talks with the SE in Damascus, on the latest escalation of violence, the targeting of medical facilities and infrastructure, and the humanitarian initiative in Eastern Aleppo. The UN proposal of the withdrawal of al-Nusra fighters while maintaining the opposition's local administration of Eastern Aleppo; the proposal was rejected by the Syrian Government and called it a violation of "national sovereignty". - On November 23, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs Jean Ayrault announced that France would hold a meeting on Syria early December 2016. - On November 24, Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria briefed the press on the HTF meeting and the assistance deliveries of the month of November, not being able to reach besieged areas because of the absence of government approvals for convoys to enter and the escalation of violence. Egeland stated that the UN had received written approvals of the AOGs in eastern Aleppo and Russian support of the UN four-point plan, and still waiting for the government's approval. - On November 27, the rebels in Khan al-Shih town, in the outskirts of Damascus, handed in their weapons, as part of a local agreement with the Syrian government to withdraw to rebel-held Idlib province, so as government siege would be lifted. It was the only town not under government control on a major supply route from Damascus to Quneitra, in southern Syria. - On November 29, Egypt, New Zealand and Spain put in blue their draft resolution calling to put an end to all attacks on Aleppo, and allow unimpeded humanitarian access for the period of 7-days with consideration of further extension. The draft was later vetoed on 5 December by Russia and China, Venezuela voted against, and Angola abstained. It is Russia's sixth veto on a Syria draft resolution, and China's fifth veto. - After the Acting High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Kim Won-soo briefed Council members during Syria's chemical weapons consultations; the P3 announced they would circulate a draft resolution to impose sanctions on Syria for its use of chemical weapons against its own population. - On November 30, upon the request of France and the UK to hold an emergency meeting on Aleppo, SE Staffan de Mistura, USG Emergency Relief Coordinator Stephen O'brien and UNICEF Regional Director Geert Cappelaere briefed the Security Council on the situation in Aleppo, who agreed on the growing number of civilians fleeing eastern Aleppo and the dire need for safe humanitarian access. December 2016: - On December 1, ten AOGs announced the formation of 'Jaysh Halab' in Eastern Aleppo, in an attempt to unite their efforts to lift the siege and restore the districts where the pro-government militias took over in northeast and east Aleppo. It was led by Abu Abdul Rahman Nour, a senior commander in 'Jabhat al-Sham'. While Jan Egeland, Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, and the SE briefed the press on the humanitarian situation in Aleppo after the HTF meeting; they mentioned that over 400,000 IDPs are in west Aleppo, and UN convoys reached reached all towns under the Four-Towns Agreement, including Madaya, al-Foua and Kafraya, and Zabadani, and that the December Plan was yet to be approved by the Syrian government. - On December 3, the Syrian armed forces and its supporting militias advanced into east Aleppo, taking over 60 percent of the city that was once under rebel control since mid-2012. More than 80,000 civilians fled the area since the beginning of the regime's offense on November 15. - On December 7, AOGs called for a five-day ceasefire in Aleppo, and medical and civilian evacuations without mentioning the withdrawal of their fighters as demanded by Moscow and Damascus. Meanwhile, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Germany to discuss the evacuation of opposition-held districts of Eastern Aleppo, and no agreement was reached. While leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the UK and the United States released a joint statement on the situation in Aleppo calling for an immediate ceasefire and the resumption of political negotiations. - On December 8, the SE briefed the Security Council in closed consultations after the Russian announcement that it paused its operations in eastern Aleppo to allow the evacuation of civilians. Jan Egeland had said, after the weekly HTF meeting, that the co-chairs are "poles apart" on a united humanitarian diplomacy. IS launched a major offensive on Palmyra, seizing a number of gas fields in the north and few mountains in the south. - On December 9, the General Assembly adopted the Canadian-drafted resolution A/RES/71/130, which calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the implementation of resolutions 2268 and 2254. The resolution passed by a vote of 122 to 13, with 36 abstentions. Russia, Iran and China opposed the resolution. - On December 10, Paris hosted a meeting of "like-minded" counterparts on Syria; it brought together US Secretary of State John Kerry, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson and Turkish Foreign Affairs Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, along with Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. They discussed the humanitarian situation, and called for a ceasefire and a post Aleppo plan, as Syrian government forces neared victory over rebels there. - On December 11, ISIS recaptured the city of Palmyra in Eastern Homs Province forces despite heavy air support provided by Russia. - On December 13, the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon briefed the Security Council on the situation in Aleppo, the growing number of IDPs and allegations of torture and executions. Meanwhile, AOGs agreed to evacuate their remaining positions in eastern Aleppo after the Syrian government recaptured the city and following an agreement between Russia and Turkey. The evacuation was initially scheduled to take place on 14 December, but was delayed after Iran called for simultaneous evacuations from the besieged Shi'a-majority towns of Fu'ah and Kafraya in Idlib Province. - On December 15, the LAS held an emergency meeting at the level of representatives, based on Qatar's request, and adopted resolution 8105 condemning the attacks on civilians in Eastern Aleppo. - On December 19, the Security Council unanimously adopted the French-drafted resolution 2328 which demanded that the UN and other relevant agencies to carry out adequate and neutral monitoring of evacuations from eastern Aleppo, ensure the deployment of staff members for this purpose, and emphasized that the evacuations of civilians must be voluntary and to final destinations of their choice. Also, the LAS Ministerial Council welcomed resolution 8106 reiterating the necessity to establish a full cease-fire in Aleppo in accordance with the Security Council resolution 2328, and condemned terrorism in all its forms and crimes committed against civilians by ISIS, Fateh al- Sham Front, and that actions of both the Syrian regime and other militant groups may amount to war crimes. - Following the adoption of resolution 2328, the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria announced "the intention of the United Nations to convene the intra-Syrian negotiations mandated by Security Council resolution 2254 in Geneva on 8 February 2017." - On December 20th, the foreign and defense ministers of Russia, Turkey and Iran held parallel trilateral meetings in Moscow, despite the assassination of the Russian Ambassador to Turkey Andrey Karlov on December 19, and adopted the "Moscow Declaration" by which they agreed to act as guarantor powers for a peace accord between the Syrian government and the opposition. - On December 21, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution establishing a mechanism to assist in the investigation of serious crimes committed in Syria since 2011. The resolution received 105 votes for, with 52 abstentions, and 15 votes against (Algeria, Belarus, Bolivia, Burundi, China, Cuba, DPRK, Iran, Kyrgyzstan, Nicaragua, Russia, South Sudan, Syria, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe). The UN Secretary-General submitted the report of the UN Headquarters Board of Inquiry that was established to investigate the humanitarian convoy incident in Urum al-Kubra on 19 September 2016., which stated that there is no enough evidence to conclude that the convoy was deliberately attacked. - On December 22, the Syrian army announced its full control over Aleppo, after the evacuations of the remaining rebel fighters. Evacuations had faced many delays because of Iran's demands to evacuate 1500 individuals from the opposition-besieged towns of Zabadani and Madaya. On the following day, the Russian military deployed a battalion to clear the city from improvised explosive devices. - On December 23, USG Stephen O'brien briefed the Security Council, upon the request of France, "on the modalities of the evacuation of civilians and delivery of humanitarian aid in East Aleppo." Meanwhile, Syrian government forces bombed the water pumping station during its raid on opposition-held Wadi Barada, disrupting water supply to Damascus. - On December 26, Kazakhstan accepted the Russian proposal to host peace negotiations between the Syrian government and opposition forces to find a solution to the Syrian crisis, in January 2017. - On December 27, the Russian and Turkish foreign ministers agreed to implement a nationwide ceasefire in Syria, separate moderate opposition groups from UN designated terrorist groups, and prepare for the Astana talks. - On December 28-30, the DFNS met in the city of Rmeilan to approve the draft constitution, known as the social contract, which was adopted on January 29, 2014 to form its administrative system and prepare for elections. Kurdish leaders voted to drop the word "Rojava" from the official name to include other ethnic and religious components in northern Syria. - On December 29, Russia and Turkey submitted the countrywide ceasefire plan to the warring parties, which had taken effect at midnight on 30 December 2016 Damascus time. - On December 31, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 2336 in support of the Russian- Turkish agreement and the meeting to be held in Astana on 23 January 2017. January 2017: - On January 2, the Russian and Turkish air raids targeted IS militants in northern Syrian city of al-Bab; while 10 rebel factions threatened they would suspend talks regarding Astana until the ceasefire is fully implemented because of "major and frequent violations" in the rebel-held areas of Wadi Barada and Eastern Ghouta near Damascus. - On January 5, the SE welcomed the nationwide ceasefire, and the Security Council resolutions on Aleppo and Astana talks, in a press briefing after the weekly HTF meeting. Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, voiced disappointment over the government's denied aid access to 5 out 21 locations including places in Rural Damascus, Homs and Hama. - On January 6, the Russian military started to cut down on its presence in Syria, Military Chief Valery Gerasimov mentioned that the aircraft carrier Admiral Kuznetsov would be the first to withdraw from the Mediterranean. - On January 8, Syrian government airstrikes resumed on Wadi Barada after failing to reach an agreement with opposition groups to repair the damaged water springs. Later on January 14th, the retired army officer Ahmad al-Ghadban who negotiated the deal to restore the water was killed amid heavy clashes between rebels and pro-regime forces. Both sides accused each other. - On January 12, the US imposed sanctions on 18 senior Syrian officials who were connected to the development and use of chemical weapons including chlorine gas against civilians. It marked the first time the US sanctioned Syrian military officials. While Russia and Turkey signed an agreement to coordinate their airstrikes against terrorists in Syria. - On January 13, the Syrian state television accused Israel of targeting Mezzeh Airbase outside of Damascus. - On January 14, IS launched a major offensive against pro-regime forces (Hezboallah) in Deir al-Zor Province, cutting the communication between the military base and the city. - On January 16, the High Representative/Vice-President Federica Mogherini will host an international conference on the future of Syria in Brussels, which "aims to identify with regional partners common ground on the post-conflict arrangements and examine the scope for reconsciliation and reconstruction of Syria." - On January 19, an agreement was reached in Wadi Barada, allowing regime maintenance teams to enter the area to fix the water pipes and grant rebels amnesty or safe passage to opposition-held Idlib. - On January 20, IS militants destroyed Palmyra's Tetrapylon with only four of sixteen columns still standing, and the facade of its Roman Theatre. The UNESCO condemned the act as a new war crime. - Russia and Syria concluded a bilateral agreement on expanding and modernizing of the Russian Naval Facility in Tartus. The agreement extends the current lease for the next forty-nine years with automatic extensions and permits the simultaneous deployment of up to eleven warships to the port. - On January 23-24, indirect talks between the Syrian government and opposition were held in Astana; the delegations refused to sign the joint declaration issued by Russia, Turkey and Iran, on setting up a "trilateral mechanism" to monitor and enforce the ceasefire. The new US administration was invited, despite Iran's objection, and was represented by its ambassador to Kazakhstan. The UN SE was present, and hoped Astana talks would support the intra-Syrian negotiations to be held in Geneva in February. - On January 24, the Russian delegation shared its draft of the Syrian Constitution with the Syrian delegations, and advocated the creation of a Constitutional Committee consisting of members of both delegations. - On January 23-24, Finland and UN agencies hosted the Helsinki Conference on Supporting Syrians and the Region, which launched the 2017-2018 Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan (3RP). - On January 25, the US President Donald Trump called for establishing safe zones for refugees in Syria, after suspending visas for Syrians and other middle eastern states. President Trump later held telephone conversations with Saudi King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz and United Arab Emirates Armed Forces Deputy Supreme Commander Mohammed bin Zayed on January 29 to seek their support for his unidentified initiative. - On January 28-30, 1100 opposition fighters and 750 civilians evacuated Wadi Barada to Idlib Province, after reaching a reconciliation deal with pro-regime forces. The Syrian Forces reached Ain Fijeh spring to restore water to Damascus. - On January 30, the US delivered armored vehicles, medium and heavy weapons to SDF, in an attempt to isolate IS in al-Raqqa City. - On January 31, the SE briefed the Security Council in a closed session on the outcomes of the Astana talks and the upcoming intra-Syrian talks in Geneva, which was pushed to February 20. He mentioned if the Syrian opposition could not form an inclusive delegation by 8 February, he would select its representatives himself. The Council members welcomed the International Meeting on Syria in Astana, in a press statement. February 2017: - On February 6, high-level experts from Russia, Iran, Turkey, Jordan and the UN held their first technical meeting in Astana to discuss the implementation of the ceasefire mechanism, and cooperation on humanitarian issues; they agreed on the Concept Paper on the Joint Group. The Joint Group held its first meeting and managed to identify all areas controlled by IS and Jabhat Fatah al-Sham; the participants received two draft documents prepared by the Russians to be discussed in future Joint Group meetings, which are the Protocol to the Agreement on the mechanism to record violations of the cessation of hostilities in Syria announced on December 30, 2016 and the Procedure for imposing sanctions on violators, as well as the Regulation on Reconciled Areas. - On February 7, Amnesty International released its report (attached) on mass executions of as many as 13,000 detainees at Saydnaya Military Prison. Syrian authorities rejected the accusations. - On February 9, Russian airstrikes mistakenly kill three Turkish soldiers and injured eleven others near al-Bab city held by Turkish Armed Forces as part of Operation Euphrates Shield. Both sides agreed to strengthen their coordination. - On February 10-11, the HNC met in Riyadh and formed a delegation of 21 members, headed by Nasr al-Hariri; it included one representative each from the Cairo and Moscow groups. The HNC stated (Arabic statement attached) that the goal of the negotiations was a political transition under U.N. auspices in which Assad had no role in the future of the country. - On February 12, Turkish President Recep Erdogan stressed that the Operation Euphrates Shield aims to establish a five-thousand square kilometer 'safe zone' that includes Al-Bab, Manbij, and al-Raqqa City in Northern Syria. The safe zone would require the implementation of a no-fly zone, mentioning that he had discussed the issue with both the U.S. and Russia. - On February 13, the SE sent out invitations to the Syrian delegations for the intra-Syrian negotiations set to begin on February 23. - On February 15-16, the second round of talks took place in Astana a day later than scheduled; the opposition delegation was represented by only 9 armed groups from 14 groups which attended the first meeting; no direct meetings between the Syrian delegations were held and it ended without a final statement. The three guarantor states agreed to the Concept Paper on the Joint Group of the trilateral mechanism to observe the ceasefire, share information regarding the investigation of violations and promote confidence-building measures such as the release of detainees and abductees. - On February 17, a meeting between the "like-minded" states on Syria was held on the margins of the Bonn G20 Summit, and discussed Syria peace talks in Geneva. - On February 18, Turkey offered the US two proposals for an offensive against IS in al-Raqqa City that excludes the YPG. The preferred proposal calls for the insertion of opposition groups backed by Turkey into Tel Abyad in Northern al-Raqqa Province in order to advance against al- Raqqa City through a twelve-mile-wide corridor through terrain currently held by the SDF. The second proposal calls for opposition groups in Operation Euphrates Shield to advance more than one hundred miles from Northern Aleppo Province to Western al-Raqqa Province. - On February 21, the US CIA froze assistance to the FSA and its affiliated factions fighting in Northwestern Syria, after they came under an attack from Hay'at Tahrir al-sham HTS (successor of Jabhat Fateh al-Sham) in January. The aid included salaries, training, ammunition and in some cases guided anti-tank missiles. - On February 23, a fourth round of the intra-Syrian talks commenced in Geneva with no expectations of a breakthrough; the SE reiterated that that resolution 2254 sets the framework of the negotiations, which calls for the establishment of credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance, and sets a timeline for drafting a new constitution and holding free and fair elections within 18 months. A day before in the ISSG Ceasefire Task Force meeting (CTF), Russia had called on the Syrian Government to halt aerial bombings during the discussions. - The Opposition groups backed by the Operation Euphrates Shield fully seized al-Bab in Northern Aleppo Province, after three months of clashes. - On February 24, the SE shared a paper on procedural issues, in bilateral meetings with the Syrian parties. The HNC held the Cairo and Moscow platforms responsible for the delay of direct talks, as they participated separately. - While Iraq conducted its first cross-border airstrikes against IS in Deir ez-Zour Province on the Syrian-Iraqi Border. The F-16 airstrikes were coordinated with the Syrian Government through a joint intelligence-sharing unit in Baghdad that includes Iraq, Syria, Russia, and Iran. Also, The U.S. provided intelligence in support of the operation. - On February 25, HTS claimed responsibility of a suicide attack on the State Security and Military Intelligence Offices in Homs City, killing at least forty pro-regime officers including Military Intelligence Branch Chief Brig. Gen. Hassan Dabul, so as to undermine the ongoing peace talks. The attacks prompted heavy airstrikes on al-Waer District, the Opposition's last strong-hold in the city. The HNC condemned the terrorist attack as per the Government's ultimatum. - On February 28, the UN Security Council voted on the French-British draft resolution which sought to ban the sale or supply of helicopters to the Syrian Government, and to blacklist 10 government and related entities involved in the production of chemical weapons. Nine countries voted in favor; Bolivia voted against the text, while Ethiopia, Egypt and Kazakhstan abstained. Russia casted its sixth veto backed by China. Britain and France had circulated the text in mid- December 2016, in response to the OPCW report findings proving government use of chlorine gas in three cases of the nine investigated cases. It was put on hold to asses US policy on Syria, the US later became a co-penholder after its unilateral sanctions on 18 Syrian senior officials on January 12. March 2017: - On March 1, the Independent Commission of Inquiry on Syria issued its report on the violations committed by warring parties in the last battle of eastern Aleppo, and considered the targeting of vital civilian infrastructure, withholding the distribution of humanitarian aid, and the use of civilians as human shields and forced evacuation agreements amount to war crimes. - On March 2, the Syrian forces backed by Russian airstrikes and Shi'a militias recaptured the city of Palmyra for the second time after heavy clashes. - On March 3, the fourth round of talks concluded with a political agenda for the upcoming round, which comprises of three baskets addressing the establishment of credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance, drafting a new constitution, and holding free and fair elections within 18 months. A fourth basket was added upon the request of the Syrian Government to address "strategies of counter terrorism, security, governance and also medium-term confidence building measures." - On March 6, Russia announced a ceasefire in Eastern Ghouta until March 20, despite the continuation of airstrikes and mutual shelling. - On March 7, the US-allied SDF agreed to handover six villages near Manbij, on the frontline with Turkey-backed rebels to Syrian government control, under a Russian-brokered deal, in an attempt to stop further Turkish incursion. - On March 8, the SE de Mistura briefed the Security Council on the course of the talks, which aims to address the aforementioned baskets in parallel, and concluded that "nothing is agreed until everything is agreed unless the sides decide otherwise." The Syrian groups are invited to resume talks on March 23. - Meanwhile, Russian, US, Turkish high-level military officials met in Antalya to discuss additional coordination measures and "operational de-confliction of military operations" in northern Syria. - On March 13, a Russian-brokered agreement was reached to evacuate rebel fighters from Homs city, which would be carried out within six to eight weeks, between 10,000-15,000 people were expected to leave Homs in weekly batches. The neighborhood was besieged by regime forces since 2013. - On March 14, the EU unveiled its plan in Syria "in contributing to a lasting political solution under the existing UN-agreed framework and in helping to build resilience and stability in the country, as well as supporting post-agreement reconstruction once a credible political transition is underway." - On March 14-15, the third round of talks was held in Astana, even though the AOGs had called for the postponement of the meeting to assess the commitment to the declared ceasefire in Eastern Ghouta. Invitations were sent to the United Nations, the United States and Jordan. On March 14, preliminary consultations were held while a plenary meeting was due on March 15. The results of the intra-Syrian consultations were expected to be discussed. Talks failed to reach any significant agreement, and the three guarantor states issued a joint statement, and scheduled the next high-level meeting in Astana on May 3-4, 2017 and agreed to hold preliminary expert consultations on April 18-19, 2017 in Tehran. - On March 15, two suicide bombs targeted Damascus on the sixth war anniversary; one of them hit the main judicial building, and both killed 74 people and wounding a hundred other. It was later claimed by Fateh al-Sham Front. - On March 18, rebels began to evacuate al-Waer neighborhood in Homs City, to the opposition-held northern town of Jarablus on the borders with Turkey. - On March 20, the EU imposed sanctions against four Syrian high-ranked military officials related to the use of chemical weapons. The ban includes assets freeze and travel ban, and it is considered the first time the EU blacklists military officials. - On March 21, the US-led coalition dropped the SDF fighters on the southern side of the Euphrates to to cut the Aleppo - al-Raqqa Highway. the SDF launched an operation to seize the Tabqa Dam west of al-Raqqa City on March 22 with extensive support from the US. - On March 22, a US-led coalition strike on a center for displaced families in al-Mansoura town held by ISIL in northern Raqqa, killed 33 people. Earlier this month, the coalition declared that its raids in Syria and Iraq unintentionally killed at least 220 civilians. - On March 23-31, the fifth round of talks in Geneva was held despite of the escalation of fighting in Damascus and Hama; the SE shared non-papers with all Syrian sides with some political principles reached during the five rounds, and received their comments and amendments. - On March 24, Russia proposed a draft resolution on the use of chemical weapons in Syria and Iraq, that was reviewed in April 2016 and the UN Security Council did not support it. It was co-authored by China and Russia. Meanwhile, the Human Rights Council adopted a resolution condemning the indiscriminate attacks against civilians, forced displacement of populations, and called to hold all those responsible to account. - On March 27, the second phase of evacuations from al-Waer neighborhood took place, moving 466 citizens and 129 fighters. Meanwhile, the UN SE briefed the LAS Ministerial Council on the recent developments of the Geneva intra-Syrian talks and the Astana process. - On March 28, Russia condemned the US-led coalition airstrikes on the Tabqa Dam, and accused it of trying to "completely destroy critical infrastructure in Syria and complicate post-war reconstruction as much as possible." It further claimed that the coalition destroyed four bridges over the Euphrates river. - On March 29, the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres addressed the annual Arab Summit, which was held in the Dead Sea, Jordan. He appealed to the Arab leaders to set aside differences and end the Syrian war. - An agreement was brokered by Iran and Qatar to swap Shi'ite citizens from the two pro-government towns of al-Foua and Kafraya, in the northwestern province of Idlib besieged by rebel fighters, with Sunni fighters and their families from the opposition-held towns of Zabadani and Madaya besieged by pro-government forces. The agreement was due to start on April 4 and would last 60 days; it included a ceasefire in the areas south of Damascus, aid deliveries, and the release of 1,500 prisoners held by the government. - On March 31, U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson disclosed during his visit to Ankara that "longer-term status of President Assad will be decided by the Syrian people" and defeating ISIL is its priority, while U.S. Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley said the priority was no longer "getting Assad out"; it was later reiterated by the White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer's briefing. April 2017: - On April 3, the European Foreign Affairs Council chaired by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini took place in Luxembourg, and adopted the EU Strategy on Syria. It held the Syrian regime responsible for the violations against human rights, and reaffirmed that "there can be no lasting peace in Syria under the current regime." - On April 4-5, the EU and its co-sponsors hosted the Brussels Conference on Supporting the future of Syria and the region. The co-chairs declaration took note of UN appeals requesting $8 billion in 2017 to cover the required needs inside Syria and its neighboring countries, and announced pledges raised worth about $11 billion for humanitarian aid programs. - On April 4, an alleged chemical attack on Khan Shaykhun in the province of Idlib was carried out during a Syrian government air raid on the city, which claimed the lives of at least 72 civilians. Russia denied its responsibility and claimed that Syrian airstrikes targeted a rebel chemical weapons warehouse which leaked poisonous gas. While the implementation of the evacuation deal of 30,000 people from the four towns of Kafraya, al-Foua, Madaya and Zabadani was delayed because of reservations of their residents. All 16,000 residents of al-Foua and Kafraya are expected to leave under the deal. - On April 5, the UN Security Council was briefed on the attack by the Acting High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Kim Won-soo on the reported use of chemical weapons in Khan Shaykhun. The US, UK and France had informally circulated a draft resolution which demands that the Syrian government must provide the JIM and the FFM with flight plans and logs of April 4, the names of all helicopter squadron commanders and provide access to air bases where investigators believe chemical attacks may have been launched. Russia criticized the text, and produced its own draft; it did not condemn neither the attack nor the Syrian government, but rather expressed deep concern over the alleged "incident with chemical weapons" and called for a full-scale investigation. Later on April 6, the ten elected members (E10) of the Security Council met at ambassador level to express their frustration for not being included in the negotiating process and discussed an alternative text which would substitute language in the P3 draft on the Syrian government's obligation to provide information on its activities with agreed language from resolution 2118. Neither resolution were tabled for a vote. - On April 6, the US waged retaliatory airstrikes against al-Shayrat airbase outside of Homs, where the chemical attack was launched. 59 Tomahawk cruise missiles had hit the airfield in Syria. The missiles were aimed at Syrian fighter jets and other infrastructure. - On April 7, Bolivia called for a Security Council briefing after the US airstrikes, and Russia announced its suspension of "the Memorandum of Understanding on Prevention of Flight Safety Incidents in the course of operations in Syria signed with the US." - On April 11, the White House released a declassified report drawn up by the National Security Council which confirmed that the Assad regime used sarin gas on its own people, and accused Russia for shielding for its allies. - On April 12, the Security Council held a meeting to vote on the P3 revised draft resolution (4th draft), which incorporated the language from resolution 2118 proposed in the E10 draft; after the SE had provided the council with his monthly briefing on the assessment of the intra-Syrian talks held in Geneva. Ten members voted in favor of the text, China, Ethiopia and Kazakhstan abstained, while Bolivia joined Russia in voting against it. It is Russia's eighth veto against a Syria-related resolution. - On April 14, the evacuation of residents from the Shi'ite towns of al-Foua and Kafraya (besieged by opposition groups) began and their convoys headed towards the government-held Aleppo; meanwhile rebel fighters and their families left the town of Madaya (besieged by government forces) and headed towards Idlib. While the evacuation from Zabadani was delayed and expected to begin later the day. The four towns agreement began with the exchange of thirty prisoners and nine bodies on April 12. The evacuations resumed after a suicide attack that targeted a government loyalties convoy killing some hundred people including women, children and rebel fighters on April 15. - On April 19-20, over 2000 opposition fighters and civilians were evacuated from the besieged towns of Zabadani and Madaya in exchange for the evacuation of nearly 8000 pro-regime fighters and civilians from the besieged towns of al-Foua and Kafraya in Idlib Province. - On April 24, the US sanctioned 271 Syrians employed by the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Center, related to the development of chemical weapons. The sanction froze the individuals' assets and prohibited US companies to conduct business with them. May 2017: - On May 3-4, military experts from the three guarantors held technical consultations ahead of the two-day fourth round of the Astana process, with the participation of the Director of the UN Mine Action Service Agnes Marcaillou. The SE de Mistura and Nawaf Uasfi Tel, Political Adviser to Jordan's Foreign Minister attended as observers, and the US was represented at a higher-level (for the first time) by US Assistant Secretary of State for Middle East Affairs Stuart Jones. - Despite the Syrian Opposition delegation suspended their participation in opposition to the ongoing bombardments across Syria, the three guarantors signed the Memorandum on the creation of de-escalation areas in Syria, setting up four "de-escalation zones" in Idlib, parts of Homs, Eastern Ghouta, and parts of Deraa and al-Quneitra provinces in southern Syria. The Syrian government welcomed the Russian initiative while the Opposition rejected Iran's involvement as a guarantor. - On May 5, Russia sought UN endorsement to the agreement reached in Astana, and circulated a draft resolution calling on member states to contribute to the implementation of the Memorandum on the creation of de-escalation zones in Syria. The resolution failed to pass for a vote on May 8, as western member states had reservations on the draft. - On May 6, Riad Seif was elected as the sixth president of the SOC, beating Khaled Khoja with 58 votes from the 102 member coalition. He would replace the current head Anas al-Abdeh, who was elected in March 2016. Also, Abdulrahman Mustafa and Salwa Ktaw were elected as vice presidents. - On May 8, the evacuation process of the government-besieged Damascus suburb of Barzeh began, around 1,022 people, including 568 rebels, headed towards Idlib and northern town of Jarablus near the Turkish borders; the second convoy of 700 rebels moved on May 12. While Walid al-Muallem, the Syrian Foreign Minister, rejected any international forces under UN supervision to monitor the de-escalation zones deal. Meanwhile, the White House approved providing arms to Kurdish fighters as support to their operation to retake al-Raqqa City, despite Turkey's strong opposition. - On May 16, the FFM's report confirmed the use of sulfur mustard in the attack on Aleppo on Sept. 16, 2016, and was made public. The report was raised to the UN Security Council on May 5. The FFM, also, confirmed in its report, regarding its investigation of the April 4 attack on Khan Shaykhun, the use of sarin-gas or a sarin-like substance. The FFM is only mandated for indicating whether chemical weapons were used, while the JIM is mandated to determine responsibility for the attacks. - While the US Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctioned ten additional entities for providing support to the Syrian regime. - On May 16-19, the UN SE held the sixth round of the Intra-Syrian talks in Geneva, which ended without covering the four baskets of the agenda, only focusing on the constitutional issues. The SE shared a proposal with the parties to establish "a Technical Consultative Mechanism on Constitutional and Legal Issues;" the proposal would identify "options for the process of constitutional drafting, and for the conduct of a national conference/national dialogue, and identify for review specific options for ensuring a sound constitutional and legal basis for any framework agreed in Geneva embodying a package and including providing for credible, all-inclusive, non-sectarian governance," and that is through UN-facilitated expert-level meetings with both Syrian sides. - On May 18, while the EU Parliament adopted a resolution pertaining the EU Strategy on Syria, which the European Council for Foreign Affairs had passed on 3 April 2017; the US-led coalition's airstrikes destroyed a pro-Syrian regime convoy of the Iraqi Shi'ite militia of Kata'ib Imam Ali, that advanced along the Damascus-Baghdad Highway towards al-Tanf base (where the US, UK and Jordan train fighters of Jaysh Mughawir al-Thawra against IS in Eastern Syria). - On May 20-21, the evacuation of nearly 3000 people, some 700 fighters and their families, was completed from al-Waer district, the last opposition-held district in the province of Homs. According to Talal Barazi, Governor of Homs, more than 14,000 people had left al-Waer in several phases since the "reconciliation deal" began to be implemented in March. Among them were some 3,700 rebels, allowed to leave with their light weapons. Russia later deployed 50 to 150 Military Police into the district. - On May 22, the SE briefed the Security Council on the latest developments, and on the last round of the Intra-Syrian talks. He commended the Astana process for the reduction of violence in the agreed de-escalation areas, and urged its guarantors to finalize their agreement addressing the subjects of detainees, abductees and humanitarian demining. The SE asserted that the rounds' focus on legal and constitutional issues does not rule out "the principle of parallelism" in addressing the agenda, and that a new consultative process at a technical level was introduced to discuss relevant constitutional and legal matters. - On May 25, NATO leaders agreed in Brussels to become full members of the Global Coalition against ISIS; the organization would not engage in combat operations, but would provide air refueling to the Coalition's aircrafts, capacity building through the deployment of special forces to train local partners, and would establish an intelligence information cell to ensure information-sharing on foreign fighters. - On May 29, the final convoy of fighters and their families moved from the opposition-held besieged district of Barzeh in Damascus to Idlib Province; estimately more than 4000 fighters and civilians were evacuated from Barzeh and Eastern Ghouta under the Russian-brokered deal. - On May 30, the US delivered its first shipment of arms to the Kurdish-led SDF, which had advanced against IS in the eastern outskirts of al-Raqqa, seizing eight villages and taking control over the Ba'ath Dam. - On May 31, Russia's Grigorovich-Class Frigate Admiral Essen and Kilo-Class Submarine Krasnodar launched four cruise missiles targeting IS near Palmyra; it targetted arms depots of fighters relocating from al-Raqqa to Eastern Homs. Russia had notified the US, Turkey, and Israel of the strikes-On June 2, EU High Representative Federica Mogherini met with newly-elected President of the Syrian Opposition Council (SOC), Riad Seif, and Syrian Interim Government (SIG) Prime Minister, Jawad Abou Hatab, to discuss the political process and EU support for Syrian resilience. Both parties reiterated their commitment to the UN-led Geneva process. June 2017: -On June 4, pro-government forces gained control of Maskanah city, the last remaining ISIS stronghold in Aleppo governorate. The advances brought pro-government forces within 10 km of Raqqa's provincial border. -US-backed SDF captured a hydroelectric facility (Baath Dam) from ISIS militants, securing the final of three major dams along the Euphrates river. -On June 5, pro-government forces captured the areas of al-Alb, Bir Dahlon and Sharot Dahlon in Eastern Homs governorate, reportedly capturing over 6,000 sq km of ISIS-held territory. -On June 6, US-backed SDF announced the launch of the fifth phase of the campaign to capture Raqqa, ISIS' self-declared capital, with forces advancing from the north, east and west and the US-led Coalition supporting the offensive with air and artillery strikes. - The US-led Coalition conducted airstrikes against pro-government forces advancing near al- Tanf, a de-confliction zone in southeastern Syria. This marks the second strike in the area in less than a month, amid escalating tensions between the US and Iran-backed forces over control of Syria's southeastern frontier. - On June 8, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov met with the UNSE de Mistura in Moscow to discuss "the consolidation of the cessation of hostilities, the fight against terrorism, the continuation of the political settlement on the basis of UN Security Council Resolution 2254," according to the Russian Presidential Envoy for the Middle East and North Africa and Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov. The consultations were held prior to the fifth round of the Astana Process, which was set to take place in June, but was later postponed till the month of July. -On June 9, during a press briefing in Geneva at the conclusion of a meeting of the humanitarian task force set up by the International Syria Support Group (ISSG), the SE declared that the time was not right to resume the UN-led intra-Syrian talks. -On June 13, the WFP delivered food to more than 80,000 displaced people in seven hard-to-reach areas in Raqqa and Deir Ezzor governorates in northern Syria, where regular deliveries of humanitarian assistance had been suspended for over three years. -On June 14, Chairman of the CoI, Paulo Pinheiro, expressed concern for the "staggering loss of civilian life" caused by US-led Coalition airstrikes as part of the Raqqa campaign, stating that airstrikes had led to the displacement of 160,000 civilians. He also stressed that the Astana agreement had led to a reduction in violence in just one of the four zones outlined in the memorandum. -On June 15, during a briefing to Council members, UN High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Izumi Nakamitsu, noted that "some progress" had been made in the implementation of resolution 2118 (2013) on the elimination of chemical weapons in Syria. However, she highlighted the continued lack of safe access to two above-ground stationary facilities scheduled for destruction under OPCW supervision. -Pro-government forces targeted the opposition-held neighborhoods of Jobar and Eastern Ghouta in the first major attack since the announcement of four "de-escalation zones" at the Astana talks in May. Syrian Armed Forces seized the Arak gas field in the region of Badiya, which had been captured by IS since 2015; the SAF declared that it recaptured 20 percent of the Badiya region. -On June 16, the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria declared that it had facilitated a meeting of technical experts from three opposition groups: the High Negotiating Committee, the Cairo Platform and the Moscow Platform as part of a technical consultation process announced at the end of the sixth round of intra-Syrian talks. The meetings focused on the timeline and process for drafting a new constitution. -On June 17, the SE announced that the seventh round of intra-Syrian talks would begin in Geneva on July 10, with further rounds tentatively planned for August and September. -The Syrian government declared a 48-hour ceasefire in the southern city of Daraa. The agreement, reportedly brokered by Russia, the US and Jordan, comes after an escalation in violence between pro-government forces and AOGs in Daraa. -On June 18, US-led coalition forces shot down a piloted Syrian government aircraft in southern Raqqa province. According to the Coalition statement, the aircraft was downed after it displayed hostile intent and advanced on coalition forces. The Russian Ministry of Defense (MOD) released a statement following the incident claiming that the US shot down the Syrian jet while it was conducting an offensive against ISIS, and accusing the US of failing to use the "de-confliction channel". The MOD statement announced that Russia was cutting off participation in the de-confliction channel pending an investigation and that all kinds of airborne vehicles operating in combat mission zones west of the Euphrates River would be tracked by Russia as air targets. -Iran launched several ballistic missiles targeting ISIS positions in eastern Syria, reportedly carried out in retaliation for a terrorist attack in Tehran two weeks prior. This was Iran's first missile attack abroad in 15 years and its first in the Syrian conflict, representing an escalation of its role. -On June 19, the Syria Institute and PAX published the Sixth Quarterly Siege Watch Report, covering events from February to April 2017. -On June 20, an American fighter jet downed an "Iranian-made" armed drone in southern Syria after it "displayed hostile intent" when it approached coalition forces stationed at a base located in a de-escalation zone. It marked the second time in a month that the US had shot down an armed drone near Tanf camp. -On June 21, after opening a new front to the south of Raqqa, US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) came within several kilometers of fully encircling the city after having already surrounded Raqqa to the north, east and west. - Turkey deployed reinforcements to the towns of Azaz and Marea in northern Syria, held by turkey-backed Syrian opposition forces, in preparation of anticipated battles with its rival Kurdish forces. - French President Emmanuel Macron, contradicting previous French policy, that France sees "no legitimate successor" to Assad and no longer considers his departure as a precondition to resolve the ongoing conflict. On July 5, the president met with Riad Hijab, Head of the HNC, to reiterate France's support to the Syrian Opposition. -On June 22, Turkish and Russian troops were deployed to Syria's northern Idlib province as part of a de-escalation agreement brokered by Russia, Turkey and Iran in May. - WFP announced that the first aid convoy had reached 15000 civilians in the city of Qamishli by land route, since it had been inaccessible in 2015, and humanitarian aid was sent through air drops instead. -On June 24, the Syrian government released 672 detainees in a move it said was aimed at bolstering the reconciliation process. -On June 27, the SE briefed the Council on the situation in Syria, expressing his readiness to facilitate direct talks between the Syrian government and opposition either at a formal or technical level. -On June 28, OPCW-JIM published its sixth report updating the SC on the status of its review of two cases identified by the FFM concerning incidents reported in Umm Hawsh in Aleppo Governorate in September 2016 and Khan Shaykhun in Idlib Governorate on April 4, 2017. -On June 29, OCHA head Stephen O'brien briefed the Council on the humanitarian situation in Syria, noting that despite a reduction in violence in some areas of the country, humanitarian convoys remained unable to reach civilians in besieged and hard-to-reach places due to bureaucratic restrictions. O'brien also detailed the Secretary-General's monthly report on the situation in Syria, released June 23, that highlighted the Astana memorandum signed by Iran, Russia and Turkey in May and the escalation of anti-ISIS operations in Syria. -The OPCW released a report on progress in the elimination of the Syrian chemical weapons program, verifying the destruction of 25 of the 27 chemical weapons production facilities previously declared by the Syrian government. However, the OPCW continues to express consideration that the initial declaration was incomplete. July 2017: -On July 1, Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) launched a strike against pro-government positions near al-Baath in Quneitra governorate in response to two stray artillery shells fired from Syria that landed in the Golan Heights. This is the fifth Israeli strike on pro-government positions near the area of al-Baath within a week. -On July 3, the UNSC appointed Catherine Marchi-Uhel to head the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism, the UN legal team tasked with collecting and preserving evidence of the most serious crimes committed in Syria since 2011 to be used by national courts or an international tribunal. The Mechanism was established by the General Assembly on December 21, 2016 despite fierce resistance from Russia, which had previously used its veto status to block criminal investigations into the conflict. -The Syrian Army announced the suspension of all combat operations in the southern governorates of Daraa, Suweida and Quneitra for four days ahead of upcoming peace talks in Astana, Kazakhstan. It is the second unilateral ceasefire by the Syrian Army; it had announced a ceasefire in Daraa along the border with Israel on June 17. -On July 4-5, the fifth round of Astana talks co-sponsored by Russia, Iran and Turkey, convened in the Kazakh capital. The talks failed to finalize details on the boundaries and monitoring mechanisms of the four safe zones agreed to during the fourth round of Astana talks in May. In a joint statement, the guarantors welcomed the establishment of an expert-level joint working group tasked with finalizing the operational and technical parameters of the de-escalation zones, and scheduled the next Joint Working Group meeting in Tehran, on August 1-2. -On July 6, Edmond Mulet, head of the three-member leadership panel of the OPCW-JIM briefed Security Council members on the June 28 report of its investigations into the culpability for chemical attacks in Syria and urged the international community to allow the Mechanism to conduct its work in an independent and impartial manner. -On July 7, the United States, Russia and Jordan reached a ceasefire and "de-escalation" agreement for southwestern Syria to take effect July 9. The specificities of an enforcement mechanism and the precise boundaries of the ceasefire zone. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov stated that the ceasefire would cover the areas of Daraa, al-Suweida and Quneitra governorates without providing exact boundaries. The ceasefire agreement in southwestern Syria is separate from the Astana memorandum, and was reached during the meeting between US President Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Hamburg. The SG welcomed the ceasefire announcement, calling it a significant step towards reducing violence and humanitarian access in Syria; while Israel voiced its objections on the deal. -On July 10, the seventh round of UN-led intra-Syrian talks convened in Geneva. The UN-sponsored talks were scheduled to focus on four points: drafting a new constitution, combating terrorism, governance and elections. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov expressed hope that the talks would help solidify de-escalation zones created through the Astana process. The SE stated that de-escalation zones can be beneficial but must only be interim measure to avoid the partition of Syria. The Geneva talks ended July 14 with no apparent progress. Representatives of the HNC accused the Syrian government of refusing to enter into serious negotiations. The SE noted that there had been "no breakthrough, no breakdown" during the talks and expressed hope that recent international momentum would push the parties face-to-face for substantive discussions. -On July 11, SOHR reported that it had "confirmed information" that ISIS leader Abu Bakr al- Baghdadi had been killed in the eastern province of Deir Ezzor. US-led Coalition Spokesperson Colonel Ryan Dillon could not confirm the report, nor could various media sources or Iraqi or Kurdish officials. -On July 12, following the opening of a land route connecting Aleppo to Hasakah governorate, WFP announced that it had successfully delivered food aid to two locations in the Raqqa governorate for the first time in three years. -On July 13, Brett McGurk, US Special Envoy for the Global Coalition fighting ISIS, revealed that Russia had expressed willingness to deploy military police to monitor compliance and prevent violations of the recently implemented ceasefire in southwestern Syria. -On July 14, Russia's parliament approved an agreement between Russian and Syrian officials that provides for the long-term deployment of Russian aircraft and personnel to Syria. Defense Minister Nikolay Pankov said the deal will help legalize Russia's military activities in Syria "within an international framework". -France proposed the creation of a contact group comprised of permanent members of the UN Security Council and regional actors to support UN efforts to formulate a political road map after the conflict ends. -On July 17, the EU added 16 scientists and military officials to the list of those targeted by sanctions against the Syrian regime due to their suspected involvement in a chemical attack against civilians in April. - The Syrian army, backed by Iranian-militias managed to seize oil fields of Wahab, al Fahd, Dbaysan, al-Qseer, Abu al Qatat and Abu Qatash and several other villages in the southwest of Raqqa province, while Russian strikes targeted the town of Sukhna, the gateway to Deir ez-zour. - The Turkish state-run Andalou Agency exposed ten US military locations in northern Syria, giving exact numbers of US and French special forces stationed there. The US-led Coalition against ISIS condemned Turkey for "leaking sensitive military information shared between two allies." -On July 19, it was made public that President Donald Trump ended a covert CIA program that provided arms and training to Syrian rebel groups. The program was a central feature of the Obama Administration's policy in Syria. -On July 20, 150 fighters from the Turkey-backed Euphrates Shield operation had crossed from Turkey through Bab alhawa to support Ahrar al-Sham in its fight against Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), dominated by the Fateh al-Sham faction formerly known as Jabhat al-Nusra, in Idlib. -On July 21, the SG submitted to the Security Council the forty first report on the humanitarian situation in Syria for the period from 1 to 30 June 2017, highlighting the approximately 20,000 people displaced across northeast Syria in June due to the Raqqa offensive. According to the report, the Syrian government removed medical supplies sufficient for more than 84,000 treatments. -Hezbollah and the Syrian Army launched a joint offensive against militant groups in the town of Arsal and the western Qalamoun mountain range along the Lebanon-Syrian border, an area purported to hold over 3,000 militants, including al-Qaeda-linked insurgents and members of ISIS. -On July 24, 14 heads of mission in Geneva signed a letter addressed to Security Council President, Chinese Ambassador Liu Jieyi, raising "serious concerns" about the implementation of seven Security Council resolutions on humanitarian access and urging Liu to raise the issue at the upcoming Council meeting. The signatories include the United States, Saudi Arabia, Britain, France Turkey, Qatar, Japan, Australia, the European Union, Germany, Spain, the Netherlands, Canada and Italy. -General Sergei Rudskoi, chief of the Russian General Staff, announced the deployment of Russian military police to monitor compliance after a ceasefire, mediated by the Egyptian government, was declared in the Eastern Ghouta area of Damascus on July 22. Despite the reported ceasefire, part of the four proposed "de-escalation zones" outlined in the Astana memorandum, Syrian government forces continued to attack several towns in Eastern Ghouta. -On July 26, fighting on the Syrian-Lebanese border near the town of Arsal halted after a ceasefire agreement was reached between Hezbollah and HTS. The cessation of hostilities ended a six-day campaign to drive al-Qaeda-linked militants from the border region, which is also home to tens of thousands of refugees. The agreement included the evacuation of some 1000 HTS fighters, along with more than 6000 Syrians (in nearby refugee camps) from the Lebanese border town of Arsal to rebel-controlled Idlib province, as well as exchange of prisoners between Hezboallah, HTS and the Lebanese Armed Forces, which later took place on August 1. -On July 27, Ursula Mueller, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator in the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, briefed Council members on the humanitarian situation in Syria, noting that despite reduced violence, there had not been a noticeable increase in areas reached for aid delivery. -The Syrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates addressed two letters to the UNSG and the Security Council calling for immediate action in the militant-besieged towns of Kefraya and al-Foua. -The US-led coalition fighting ISIS told its local Syrian allies that they must exclusively fight ISIS, a directive that prompted Shohada al-Quartyan to depart a joint coalition base in Southern Syria to carry out independent operations against Syrian regime forces. -On July 28, the OPCW released its monthly report, noting that the security situation now allows safe access to confirm the condition of the final two above-ground facilities with planning underway to verify their destruction. -On July 30, for the first time in five years, UN aid was delivered to almost 7,2000 people in besieged al-Nashabiye located in Eastern Ghouta, a rebel-held area on the outskirts of Damascus. August 2017: -On August 2, the evacuation of at least 7,000 people, including al-Qaeda-linked fighters and refugees, from Lebanese border enclave of Arsal for rebel-controlled Idlib province commenced. The transfer agreement, the largest formal repatriation of refugees to Syria since 2011, was carried out without the involvement of aid groups generating concern about the welfare of the refugees. -On August 3, the Russian Ministry of Defense announced a ceasefire in northern Homs and southern Hama, in what is being billed as the third of four planned ceasefires agreed to under the Astana memorandum. Russia deployed police military to several checkpoints in northern Homs, later on August 4. Opposition groups called for a guarantor role for Turkey. According to SOHR, the ceasefire, which covered territory populated by more than 147,000 people, held for the first 10 hours before experiencing repeated violations by pro-government and rebel forces. -The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria of the Human Rights Council (CoI) called on the international community to recognize the crime of genocide being committed against the Yazidis in Iraq. -On August 8, experts from the guarantor states met in Tehran to discuss ways to strengthen the de-escalation zones and determine the agenda for the upcoming sixth round of Astana talks. -On August 8-11, twenty-four FSA-affiliated groups formed new group "Liwa Tahrir Deir ez- Zour" to liberate the province of Deir ez-Zour from IS; the new faction welcomed any cooperation with local and international parties, ruling out the SDF. -On August 9, OCHA expressed concern about the safety and protection of an estimated 10,000- 25,000 people trapped inside Raqqa without access to safe drinking water for 48 days. Due to the fighting on the ground, the UN has currently no access to Raqqa city. - Russian Permanent Representative to the UN Vasily Nebenzya briefed the Security Council on the progress of establishing de-escalated zones in Syria, behind closed doors, and called on the UN to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance in those areas. -On August 10, SDF US-backed forces encircled ISIS militants in central Raqqa, effectively cutting off ISIS' last remaining route to the Euphrates. -On August 12, the Syrian government captured al-Sukhna, the final ISIS stronghold in Homs governorate, as part of its multi-pronged campaign to take eastern Syria. The recent gains position the pro-government coalition 50 km (30 miles) away from Deir ez-Zour province, the last major ISIS foothold in Syria. -On August 14, approximately 300 FSA-affiliated Saraya Ahl al-Sham fighters and 3,000 refugees began evacuating the Lebanese border town of Arsal as part of a repatriation agreement brokered in early August between Lebanese and Syrian officials. Lebanon's Maj. Gen. Abbas Ibrahim, who is overseeing the transfer, said that civilians will head to the government held area of Assal al-Ward. The rebel fighters and their families are destined for the rebel-held town of al- Ruhaiba in the Eastern Qalamoun region where, according to Hezbollah's Al-Manar TV, they have been granted amnesty by the Syrian government. Their departure leaves the Islamic State as the last militant force straddling the border near Arsal. -Nearly 50,000 people remain stranded on the Jordanian border, in an area known as the berm, and are facing an increasing scarcity of food, healthcare and other basic services. The UN stressed that it will continue to support Jordanian authorities in the protection of affected Syrians. -On August 17, the UNSC adopted a presidential statement, read by Council President for August and Ambassador of Nigeria, Joy Ogwu, in support of a political transition process in Syria in accordance with the principles of the Geneva Communique. The adoption of the text signals, for the first time in two years, the consensus of the Council and its five permanent members on the need to establish a transitional government. -On August 17-20, Damascus hosted the 59th International Trade Fair, for the first time since 2011, and involved hundreds of delegations and private companies from at least forty-three states including Russia, Iran, China, and Egypt. -On August 20, President Assad announced in a speech before Syrian diplomats that Syria would not work with any Western nations until they ended their support for opposition and insurgent groups. -On August 21, UN experts launched an investigation into purported weapons deals between Syria and North Korea after two shipments to a Syrian government agency responsible for its chemical weapons program, the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Center (SSRC), were intercepted. -Saudi-based High Negotiations Committee (HNC) met with delegations from the moderate Cairo and Moscow camps in Riyadh in an effort to establish a unified front for upcoming peace talks. Despite pressure from international allies calling for a more pragmatic approach, the HNC refused to accept a transition scenario in which Assad retained power. -On August 22, the next round of Astana talks was pushed back from late August to mid- September to allow the guarantor states to hold a technical meeting to set the meeting agenda. -On 23 August, a joint monitoring center was established in Amman for the southwestern de-escalation zone, which is located in the provinces of Daraa and Quneitra. The center is tasked with ensuring ceasefire compliance, ensuring humanitarian access and other forms of civilian assistance. -On August 24, the UN called for a humanitarian pause in US-led Coalition airstrikes on Raqqa to permit civilians to leave the city. This comes after the release of an Amnesty International report calling for greater protection efforts for the estimated 20,000 remaining civilians in Raqqa. -On August 25, the Russian army announced that it had dismantled the two remaining Syrian chemical weapons facilities targeted for destruction by OPCW. The OPCW has not confirmed the Russian report. -On August 28, hundreds of ISIS fighters and their families were evacuated from the Lebanese- Syrian border to militant-held eastern Syria following simultaneous Lebanese army and Hezbollah campaigns against ISIS positions. The transfer marks the first time ISIS agreed to a forced evacuation from territory it held in Syria. - The Secretary-General presented his monthly report on the situation in Syria, highlighting the recent efforts to reduce violence through de-escalation agreements and expressing hope that the Astana guarantors will reach an agreement on the finalization of operational and technical modalities for all de-escalation areas. -On August 30, Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura briefed the Security Council on the political path forward which includes a new round of Astana and Geneva talks. The SE highlighted the important role Syrian opposition allies stand to play in fostering cohesion and unity among the AOGs. - In his final address to the Council after two years as Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Stephen O'Brien appealed to members of the Council to take action to end the civil war in the name of common humanity, calling for a referral to the International Criminal Court. -On August 31, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, stressed that the protection and assistance of citizens must take priority before defeating the Islamic State, citing reports of heavy civilian casualties in Raqqa as evidence of the threat the remaining 20,000 civilians face. -US airstrikes stalled a convoy of 300 ISIS fighters and their families in a government-controlled part of the Syrian desert in an effort to prevent their advancement into ISIS-held territory near the Iraqi border. The convoy was traveling from the Syrian-Lebanese border to Syria's eastern province as part of an evacuation deal brokered between ISIS, Hezbollah and the Syrian Army. -Pro-government forces captured strategic al-Bishri mountain overlooking ISIS-controlled Deir Ezzor province, bringing government coalition forces within close range of ISIS positions. September 2017: On September 1, French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian rejected a role for Assad in a political transition in Syria. -The Syrian Islamic Council called for Syria's AOGs to end their fragmentation and unite as one armed body under the Ministry of Defense in the Syrian Interim Government. Ahrar al-Sham, Failaq al-Sham, Liwa Ansar al-Sunnah and Jabha al-Shamiya supported the initiative. -SDF spokesperson, Jihan Ahmad, announced that the SDF had gained control over an estimated 65 percent of Raqqa city after capturing the Old City, the Great Mosque and al-Dariya neighborhood. SOHR reported that the SDF were still fighting to gain control over pockets of the Old City but added that the US-backed opposition forces held more than 90 percent of the surrounding area. -On September 2, Russian Aerospace Forces reported they had destroyed a convoy of 12 ISIS trucks carrying ammunition and weapons in Deir Ezzor province. -It was made public that the British Ministry of Defense had quietly halted its FSA training program and called back its training forces from Syria in late June 2017. -On September 3, pro-government coalition forces gained control of the remaining ISIS stronghold in Hama Governorate after capturing the town of Uqayribat and its surrounding areas. -On September 4, Syrian Interim Government Prime Minister Jawad Abu Hatab was appointed interim Defense Minister as part of a unification initiative launched by the Syrian Islamic Council in early September. Free Syrian Army factions formed a committee to select a Chief of Staff in consultation with the Prime Minister. -On September 5, the Secretary-General submitted the OPCW's forty seventh monthly report on the progress to eliminate chemical weapons in Syria to the Security Council. The report highlighted the preparations underway to confirm the status of the two remaining stationary above-ground facilities now that the security situation allows safe access and the upcoming high- level consultations with Syrian Deputy Foreign Minister, Dr. Faisal Mekdad, to clarify outstanding issues regarding the Syrian government's initial declaration. -Pro-government coalition forces reached the western perimeter of Deir Ezzor city, breaking a three-year ISIS siege of the government-held areas that had impacted 93,500 people. In support of the offensive, a Russian warship located in the Mediterranean Sea launched cruise missiles at ISIS positions near Deir Ezzor. -On September 6, SE Mistura said he expects a national ceasefire to follow shortly after ISIS has been pushed from its strongholds in Raqqa and Deir Ezzor. Although he stressed that the government "cannot announce victory", he called on opposition forces to accept defeat and focus on winning the peace through negotiations in October. -The UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria released a report on the major human rights and humanitarian law violations committed between March and July 2017. The Commission accused the Syrian government of using sarin gas in the April 4 Khan Sheikhoun attack and found US forces culpable of not taking "all feasible precautions" to protect civilians in the March 16 attack on al-Jinah Mosque. -According to Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, experts from Russia, Iran and Turkey made progress towards an agreement "on the parameters, configuration and methods of ensuring security in the de-escalation zone in the Idlib province" in Syria. -On September 7, Israel conducted airstrikes on the Scientific Studies and Research Center, a facility believed to house a chemical weapons manufacturing center, and a military base storing surface-to-surface missiles near government-stronghold Masyaf in Hama province. The Syrian Foreign Ministry called on the Security Council to denounce the airstrikes. -US-led coalition forces fighting ISIS announced that airstrikes had killed two ISIS leaders near Mayadin in the Deir Ezzor province on September 4, 2017. -The Head of the High Negotiations Committee, Riyad Hijab, rejected the SE Mistura's call for the opposition to accept defeat, declaring the UN mediation process a failure and calling on Syrians to demonstrate in support of the continuation of the revolution. On September 8, a convoy of 42 trucks carrying humanitarian aid for 80,000 people reached Deir Ezzor for the first time by land in three years. -US-led coalition surveillance aircraft departed its position monitoring an 11-bus convoy of ISIS fighters and their families after attempting to prevent its advance into ISIS-held territory in Deir Ezzor since August 29. The surveillance aircraft departed the airspace at the request of Russian military officials who were conducting an operation with pro-government forces close to the convoy's position. -The Syrian National Coalition (NCSRF) condemned calls from "regional and external parties" for Western-backed opposition groups Ahmed Al-Abdu and Ussoud Al-Sharqiya to cease fighting government forces in southeastern Syria and withdraw to Jordan. Both groups refused the request. -On September 9, pro-government forces broke a years-long siege of Deir Ezzor airbase and captured the Damascus-Deir Ezzor highway from ISIS. -SDF launched Operation Jazeera Storm to liberate Deir Ezzor province from ISIS. -On September 10, SDF reached the industrial zone to the east of Deir Ezzor city putting the US-backed coalition within 15 km (10 miles) of pro-government forces positioned to the west of the Euphrates river. -On September 11, the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Ayman Safadi, and Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, declared the ceasefire brokered by Jordan, Russia and the United States in the southern Syrian provinces of Daraa, Quneitra and Suweida on July 9 a success and reiterated their commitment to the establishment a de-escalation zone in the area as a step towards achieving a comprehensive cessation of hostilities and a political solution to the crisis. On September 12, pro-government coalition forces continued their push into ISIS-held territory in Deir Ezzor city. Russia and Syria warplanes conduct heavy bombardment in support, killing an estimated 69 people over the course of 72 hours. -Hezbollah leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, declared the war in Syria over, referring to the remaining fighting as "scattered battles". -ISIS defectors have massed in Syria's Idlib province with many planning to cross into Turkey before continuing to other parts of the Middle East, North Africa and Europe. -Iran and Syria sign a memorandum of understanding on cooperation in Syria's electricity sector. The arrangement, part of a series of bilateral deals formalizing Iran's role in Syria's reconstruction process, provides for the establishment of a new power generation station in Latakia and the rehabilitation of gas units and power generating plants in Damascus, Aleppo, Deir Ezzo and Homs. -On September 13, the remaining buses of the convoy of ISIS fighters and their families stranded for over two weeks in the Syrian desert reportedly reached Mayadin, in militant-held Deir Ezzor province, following the withdrawal of US surveillance aircraft on September 8 in respect of de-confliction arrangements with Russia. -The Russian Defense Ministry claimed that pro-government coalition forces controlled 85 percent of Syrian territory. SOHR disputed the claim, saying government forces held 48 percent of Syria. -Experts from Russia, Iran and Turkey met ahead of the sixth round of talks in Astana, Kazakhstan to "lay the groundwork" for negotiations on the establishment of de-escalation zone in Idlib province. -On September 14, Col. Ryan Dillon, spokesperson for the US-led coalition fighting ISIS, said SDF forces will not enter Deir Ezzor city, and will instead focus operations on areas south of the city along the Euphrates river. He also said US-backed SDF was in control of 63 percent of Raqqa city. -On September 15, Ahmad Abu Khawla, commander of the SDF-affiliated Deir Ezzor Military Council, declared that it will not allow government forces to cross to the eastern banks of the Euphrates river. -Representatives from Russia, Iran and Turkey reached an agreement on the delineation and monitoring mechanism for the implementation of a de-escalation zone in Idlib province and agreed to position observers in "safe zones". Russia circulated a draft resolution among the permanent members of the Council to welcome the outcome of the Astana talks. -On September 16, the SDF and US Coalition officials accused pro-government forces of attacking one of their positions in the industrial zone east of Deir Ezzor city, injuring 6 SDF fighters. According to US Coalition sources, Russia conducted the airstrike after the United States had denied its request to target the area. Russian Defense Ministry spokesperson Maj. Gen. Igor Konashenkov rejected the allegations, saying warplanes carried out "pinpoint strikes only on Islamic State targets that have been observed and confirmed through several channels." -High-level consultations commenced between the Syrian government and the OPCW aimed at clarifying all outstanding issues regarding Syria's initial declaration of its chemical weapons facilities. -On September 17, a convoy of 80 Turkish military vehicles deployed to Turkey's southern border, close to the Bab Al-Hawa and Rihaniyah crossings with Syria's Idlib Governorate, ahead of the implementation of a de-escalation zone agreement brokered at the recent Astana talks. -On September 18, pro-government coalition forces crossed to the eastern bank of the Euphrates river to within five kilometers of SDF positions. In the first sign of direct contact between the SDF and the pro-government forces, US-led coalition spokesperson Col. Ryan Dillon said "open lines" of communication were being maintained to prevent clashes between the two forces as they converge on ISIS positions. -After capturing the Deir Ezzor Military Airporst from ISIS fighters, pro-government forces began operating combat and supply missions from the airport. -The World Food Programme (WFP) reached formerly besieged parts of Deir Ezzor city by land for the first time since May 2014. WFP has discontinued its high-altitude airdrop operations in favor of road deliveries which will allow for more affordable, sustainable humanitarian access. -In a meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, Members of the "Friends of Syria" Group agreed they will not support reconstruction in Syria until there is a political transition "away from Assad." -During its 36th session, the Human Rights Council held an interactive dialogue with the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria to discuss the continued targeting of civilians and the use of chemical weapons in the conflict, appealing to all parties to redouble their efforts to protect civilians and preserve civilian infrastructure. -On September 19, AOGs led by Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS), the Turkistan Islamic Party and Free Syrian Army affiliates launched an offensive against pro-government forces in northern Hama province in an effort to dismantle the de-escalation zone agreement on Idlib province brokered at the recent Astana talks. The offensive sparked intense Russian and Syrian bombardment of opposition-held territory in Hama and Idlib Governorates. Syrian government forces claimed the airstrikes targeted "terrorist supply lines" but SOHR alleged the strikes hit hospitals and towns, killing civilians. -The Syrian government asserted it will not accept Turkish forces on Syrian soil, effectively contradicting
Issue 14.4 of the Review for Religious, 1955. ; Review Religi.ous JULY 1~,5, 1955 To Religious Men . Pope Plus XII Mother St. Bernard . Sister M. Cassilda Grace of Example . John Maffhews Sister Formation ¯ ¯ " Joseph F. Gallen Our Jubilarian Questions and Answers Notes for Contributors Book Reviews VOLUME XIV NUMBER 4 RI::VII:W FOR R LIGIOUS VOLUME XIV JULY, 1955 NUMBER 4 CONTENTS FATHER ELLIS' GOLDEN JUBILEE .1.6.9. TO RELIGIOUS MEN--Pope Plus XII .1.7.0. MOTHER" ST. BERNARD, HELPER OF THE HOLY SOULS-- Sister Mary Cassilda .181 NOTES FOR CONTRII~UTORS .1.9.4. OUR CONTRIBUTORS . 196 THE GRACE OF EXAMPLE--John Matthews, S.J .1.9.7 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- 16. Period to be Covered by Quinquennial Report .2"00 17. Rank of Religious after Re-entrance .2.0. 1 18. Illness and Computation of Years of Novitiate .201 19. Indulgences and Eastern Rite .¯. . 202 20. Typed Ballots for Voting . 203 21. Combining Benediction or Holy Hour with Meditation . 204 RELIGIOUS CLERICAL FORMATION AND SISTER FORMATION-- Joseph F. Gallen, S.J .2.0.5 BOOK REVIEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS-- Editor: Bernard A. Hausmann, S.J. West Baden College West Baden Springs, Indiana .2.16 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, July, 1955. Vol. XIV, No. 4. Published bi-monthly: January, March. May, July, September. and November at the College Press, 606 Harrison Street, Topeka, Kansas, by St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approbation. Entered as second class matter January 15, 1942, at the Post O~ce, Topeka, Kansas, under the act of March.3, 1879. Editorial Board: Augustine G. Ellard, S.J., Adam C. Ellis, S.,L, Gerald Kelly, S.J., Francis N. Korth, S.J. Literary Editor: Edwin F. Falteisek, S.J. Copyright, 1955, by Adam C. Ellis, S.J. Permission is hereby granted for quota-tions of reasonable length, provided due credit be given this review and the author. Subscription price: 3 dollars a year: 50 cents a copy Printed in U. S. A. Before wr;tincj +o us, please consult notlce on ;nslde back cover. ~ATHER ADAM C. ELLIS, the senior editor of thi} REVIEW, will celebrate his Golden dubilee as a Jesuit on August 31, 1955, at St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas. Father Ellis was born in Buffalo, New York, where he attended St. Michael's Parochial School and Canisius High School. On August 31, 1905, he entered the Society of Jesus at St. Stanislaus Novitiate, Cleveland, Ohio. In August, 1908, he was transferred to St. Stanislaus Seminary, Florissant, Missouri, for his second year of juniorate. His years of teaching as a scholastic were spent at Mar- , quette Academy, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and at Rockhurst Acad4my, Kansas City, Missouri. He made his philosophical studies at St. Louis University and began his course of theology af the same place. After the second year of theology, he was sent to Spain. There, at Off'a, near Burgos, he was ordained to the priesthood on March 10, 1921. He returned to the United States in the summer of 1921 and spent the following school year teaching at St. Ignatius College, Cleveland, and in the juniorate at Florissant. Then followed his ter-tiansh, ip at St. Stanislaus, Cleveland, September, 1922, to June, 1923. After his tertianship Father Ellis was assigned to special studies in civil and canon law at" St. Louis University. The course in canon law was later completed at. the Gregorian University, Rome, where he received the doctorate in 1926. He has just completed thirty years of teaching canon law: one year at Mundelein, Illinois; three years at the Pontifical Gregorian University, Rome; and the remaining time at St. Louis University and St. Mary's. As a canonist, Father Ellis has used his time, energy, and talent largely in favor of religious. He is a Consultor to the Sacred Con-gregation of Religious, editor of the English edition of Father Creusen's Religious Men and Women in the Code, and co-author with Father T. L. Bouscaren, S.J., of Canon Lau;: A Text and Commentary. Co-founder of this REVIEW, he has not only contrib-uted numerous articles'but has also ans~vered most of the questions. Father Ellis is spending the summer at Canisius College,'°Buffalo; but he will return to St. Mary's to celebrate his Jubilee with a class-mate, Father Michael J. Gruenthaner, S.J. His fellow editors wish him God's choicest blessings; and we are sure our readers join us in this. 169 To Religious Men Pope Pius XII [EDITORS' NOTE: This address was given to the Delegates of the General Con-gress of Religious Orders, Congregations, 8ocieties, and Secular Institutes, in Rome, December 8, 1950. We publish it now because we have had many requests about it and because we think it should be available to the REVIEW. The English trans- "lation was made by Father S. F. McNamee, S.J., and other members of the Mary-land Province of the Society of Jesus.] TO the Delegates of the General Congress of Religious Orders, Congregations, Societies, and Secular Institutes, Rome, 8 De-cember, 1950. 1. The Holy Year, through no merit of Ours, but through the favor of God's mercy, has proved more bountiful in blessings than the fbresight of men had anticipated. In the eventful cycle of its notable achievements, it has manifested the strong faith and richly abundant life of the Church of Christ, our Mother. Your Congress rightly takes its place among the more sigriificantly important events, and Over them your fraternal gathering reflects its own characteristic lustre. To you now We wish to address Our words of affectionate greeting. 2. The annals of church history record no meeting similar to this. Here, for the first time, religious organizations, whose mem-bers have selected as the goal of their lives the attainment of con-summate evangelical perfection, have assembled in large numbers over a period of several days to discuss and weigh the problems of their common interest. 3. It was Our judgment that the circumstances of the times made it altogether necessary to do so. For the changed conditions of the world which the Church must encounter, certain points of doc-trine touching upon the status and condition of moral perfection, not to mention the pressing needs of the apostolic work which you have so widely and so generously undertaken, all these have called you to devote yourselves to" this systematic study and discussion. 4. Your work is at its close. It was energized by careful dis-cussions; it has been prolific in proposals; and it will be no less fruit-ful, We hope, in perfecting the virtues which .will realize your pro-jects. With the resolute cooperation of your wills, the grace of God will enkindle those virtues, the grace, that is, which your prayers and religious acts of self-denial, more especially, because of their burning devotion, those of your sisters in Christ, have already in-voked upon this present undertaking. 5. You have requested the fatherly blessing of the Vicar of 170 July, 1955 TO RELIGIOUS MEN Christ as a pledge of divine guidance and assistance so that your Congress might be fittingly completed and terminated. But before imparting that blessing to you, We think it proper to present to you orally certain thoughts on the religious life which call for an explanation and which, once explained, may serve hereafter as a norm to direct your thoughts and actions. I 6. First of all, it will be useful for Us to indicate briefly the place held in the Church by the religious orders, and congregations. You are, of course, aware that our Redeemer founded a Church en-dowed with an hirarchical organization. For between the apostlds and their successors, with whom must also be grouped their assistants in the ministry, and the ordinary faithful He drew a definite line of demarcation; and by the union of these two elements the structure of the kingdom of God on earth stands firm. Consequently, the distinction between the clergy and the laity is fixed by divine law (cf. can. 107). Interposed between these two grades is the religious state which deriving its origin from the Church has its existence and strength from its intimate connection with the end of the Church herself, which is to lead men ,to the attainment of holiness. Though every Christian should scale these sacred heights under the guidance of the Church, nevertheless the religious moves towards them along a path that is peculiarly his own and by means that are of a more exalted nature. 7. Moreover, the religious state is not restricted to either of the two groups which exist in the Church by divine right, since both clerics and lay persons alike can become religious; and, on the other hand, the clerical dignity lies open to religious and those who are not religious. One would therefore be mistaken in appraising the value of the foundations which Christ laid in building His Church if he should judge that the peculiar form of the secular clerical life as such was established and sanctioned by our divine Redeemer, and that the peculiar form of the regular clerical life, though it is to be considered good and worthy of approbation in itself~ is still secon-dary and auxiliary in nature, since it is not derived from Christ. Wherefore, if we keep before our eyes the order established by Christ, neither of the two special forms of clerical life holds a prerogative of divine right, since that law singles out neither form, nor gives to either precedence over the other. What then the difference is between these two forms, what their mutual relations are, what spcial task 171 POPE PIUS XlI Review for Religious in working out the salvation ~f mankind has been assigned to each, all these details Christ left to be decided according to the needs and conditions of succeeding ages; or, rather, to express Our mind more exactly, He left them to the definitive decisions of the Church herself. 8. Undoubtedly it is according to the divine law that every priest, be he secular or regular, should fulfill his ministry in such a way as to be a subordinate assistant to his bishop. This has always been the customary practice in the Church, and the prescriptions in the Code of Canon Law whic.h deal with the members of religious societies as pastors and local ordinaries make this clear (can. 626-31 ; 454, ~]. 5). And it often happens in missionary territories that all the ci~rgy, even including the bishop, belong to the regular militia of the Church. Let no one think this is an extraordinary or ab-normal state of affairs to be regarded as only a temporary arrange-ment, and that the administration should be handed over to the secular clergy as soon as possible. 9. Again, the exemption of religious orders is not contrary to the principles of the constitu_tion given to the Church by God, nor does it in any way contradict the law that a priest owes obedi-ence to his bishop. Fo~, according to canon law, exempt religious are subject to the authority of the local bishop so far as the admin-istration of the episcopal office and the well-regulated care of souls require. But, even putting aside this consideration, in the discus-sions of the past few decades concerning the question of exemp-tion, perhaps too little attention has been paid to the fact that exempt religious even by the prescriptions of canon law are al'ways and everywhere subject to the authority of the Roman Pontiff as their supreme moderator, and tbat they owe obedien,ce to him pre-cisely in virtue of their religious vow of obedience (can. 499, ~1 1). Indeed the Supreme Pontiff possesses ordinary and immediate juris-diction over each and every diocese and over the individual faithful just as he does over the universal Church. It is therefore clear that the primary law of God whereby the clergy and the laity are sub-ject to the rule of the Bishop is more than sufficiently observed as regards exempt religious, as it is no less clear that both branches of the clergy by reason of their parallel services conform to the will and precept of Christ. II 10. There is another question connected with what has so far been said which We wish to explain and clarify. It concerns the way in which the cleric and the religious should strive for their due 172 Jul~j, 1955 To RELIGIOUS MEN moral perfection. 1 1. It is a distortion of the truth to say that the clerical state as such and as divinely established demands either by its very nature or by some postulate of that nature that the evangelical counsels be observed by its members, and that for this very reason it must be called a state of achieving evangelical perfection. A cleric therefore is not bound by the divine law to observe the evangelical counsels of poverty, chastity, and obedience; above all he is not bound in the same way or fdr the same reason as the one for whom such ob-ligation arises from vows publicly pronounced upon entering the religious life. This does not however prevent the cleric from assum-ing these bonds privately and of his own accord. So, too, the fact that the priests of the Latin rite are bound to observe holy celibacy does not remove or lessen the distinction between the clerical and the religious states. Moreover, a member.of the regular clergy professes the state and condition of evangelical perfection not inasmuch as he is a cleric, but inasmuch as he is a religious. 12. And though we have declared in Our Apostolic Consti-tution Prooida Mater Ecclesia that the form of life followed by the secular institutes is to be considered as a state of evangelical per-fection and recognized as such by the common law of the Church, since their members are in some way bohnd to the observance of the evangelical counsels, still this in no way contradicts wh~it have just affirmed. Assuredly ther~ is no reason preventing clerics from joining together in secular institutes so that by their choice of this manner of life. they may strive for the attainment of religious perfection; but in that case they are in a state of acquiring perfection not inasmuch as they are clerics, but inasmuch as they are members of a secular institute. After all, such an institute adopts, in the way of life it proposes to follow, the evangelical.c6unsels which are proper to the religious state and are ther~ realized-in their highest perfection; but the institute so achieves that end that it is nSt' de-l~ endent on the traditional pattern of the religious state but stands by itself in an external form of life which bears no necessary relation to the perfection just mentioned. III 13. We think it timely now to touch upon some of the rea-sons which the religious state hol~s out to men'as motives for em-bracing it. 14. There are.some.who,assert that the religious state by i~s POPE P~us XII Review for Religious nature and purpose, even though m~riting approval, is nothing but a safe refuge offered to the fearful and timid who have not the strength, to stand u.p to the dangers of life's storms, and, lacking the knowledge, 0r perhaps the will, to face difficulties, are led by their indolence, to bid farewell to the world and fly to the haven of cloistered peace. XVherefore we must inspire self-confidence and reliance on God's grace in those who see.k such idle tranquility, so ¯ that they may overcome these traits of character and attain the courage to face the struggles of common life. Is this indeed true? 15. It is not Our purpose here to evaluate the various motives inducing individuals to betake themselves to the religious life. XY~Te do wish however to indicate the principal and indeed the valid rea-son that should induce one to enter the protected enclosure of the cloister. And it is certainly different from that distorted opinion. stated above, which,-if taken as a whole, is both untrue and unjust. For not otherwise than the resolution to ente~ the priesthood, the resolve to embrace the. religious state, together with a firm constancy in executing it, demands greatness of. soul and an ardent zeal for self-consecration. The history of the Church in its record of the glorious.ochievements of the saints in heaven and of the religiQus institutes on earth, in its account of ~uccessful" missionary enter-prises, in its sketchi.ng of. the Church's ascetical teaching, no less than experience itself, indicates more clearly than the light of day that men and women of indomitable and whole-souled courag~ have flourished in the religious state as well as in the world. Again, do those religious men aiad women who so strenuously exert them-selves to spread the kingdom of the gospel,., who tend the sick, train the young, and toil in the classrooms, shun the society of their fellow men and shut them out from their love? Are not very many of them, no less than the secular priesthood .and their lay helpers, fighting in the very front rinks of the battl,e.for the Church's cause? 16. Here XVe cannot refrain from directing Our attention to another matter which completely denies the false assertion mentioned previously. If the number of candidates wishing to enter the enclosed garden of the religious life is diminishirig, especia!ly among young women, the reason very frequently is that they find it too difficult to divest themselves of their own judgment .and surrender their freedom of action, as the very nature of the vow of obedience de-mands. Indeed some praise as the real peak of moral perfection, not the surrender of liberty for the love of Christ, but the curbingof such surrender. The"norm therefore to be prdfekred in the formation 174 dulv, 1955 TO RELIGIOUS MEN of a just and holy person would seem to be this: restrict liberty only where necessary; otherwise, give liberty free rein as far as possible. 17. We transmit the question whether this new foundation on which some are trying to erect the edifice of sanctity will be as ef-fective and as solid in supporting and augmenting the apostolic work of the Church as was the one which through fifteen hundred years has been provided by that ancient rule of obedience undertaken for the love of Christ. What is now of supreme importance is to ex-' amine this proposal thoroughly, to disclose what lies concealed be-neath the surface. This opinion, if carefully considered, not only fails to appreciate the nature of the evangelical counsel, but it some-how twists it to a meaning in accord with its theory. No one is obliged to choose for himself the counsel of perfect- obedience, which essentially is a rule of life whereby one surrenders the control of his own will; no one, We repeat, be it an individual or a group. They can if they wish conform their conduct to this new rule. But words must be understood and accepted according to their obvious mean-ing; and, if this norm is compared with the vow of obedience, it surely does not possess the same "supreme value; nor is it an adequate expression of the wonderful example recorded in Holy Scripture: "He humbledHimself becoming obedient unto death" (Phil. 1:8). 18. He therefore is deceived himself and deceives others who, forgetting the propensities of the soul and the inspiration of divine grace, offers as a guide to one .seeking advice about entering the re-ligious state only that new norm. Hence, if it is clear that the voice of God is calling someone to the heights of evangelical perfection, without any hesitation he should be invited for the attainment of this lofty purpose to offer freely the sacrifice of his liberty as the" vow of obedience demands, that vow, We proclaim, which the Church through so many centuries has weighed, has put to the test, has properly delineated, and has approved. Let no one against his will be compelled to this self-consecration; but, if he does will it, let no one counsel him against it; above all, let no one hold him back. IV 19. But enough on this point. At the moment, We wish to speak on external works and the interior life. Hardly any question of grave importance for the life of regulars, or for the religious life. in general, has been treated at greater length. Nevertheless We wish to present Our own judgment on this matter. ¯. 20.- It was not mere.chance that brought about in our day the 175 POPE PIUS XII Reuiew ~'or Religious rise and elaboration of the philosophy known as existentialism. The men of our time, when confronted by events which bring up diffi-cult metaphysical and religious problems to be solved, gladly, with-out a thought of higher principles, persuade themselves that it is enough to act. as the exigeficies of the moment demand. But the man who professes our holy faitb refuses to follow such principles and to makeeach passing moment of time his whole concern, hurling him-self head-long into the stream of life. He knows that the "things that appear not" (Heb. ll:l) are to be considered of supre.me worth, are pre-eminently true, and so enduring in the future as to last forever. Yet--be it said with sorrow--though warnings and exhortations have not been lacking, even some ecclesiastics,' not ex-cepting religious, have been deeply infected by this contagion; and, while not denying a reality that transcends the senses and the whole natural order, they esteem it of little.importance. 21. Has this grave and dangerous crisis been overcome? Thanks be to God, We may hope that it has. Certain things which We have Ourselves witnessed, and which events bare made known to Us, offer this assurance. 22. The most active zeal can be closely allied with the quest for the riches of 'the interior life. Two stars that shine in the firma-ment of the religious life, St. Francis Xavier and St. Teresa of Jesus, are brilliant proofs of this. 23. An ~eager external activity and the cultivation of the in-terior life demand more than a bond of fellowship; as far at least as evaluation and willed effort are concerned, they demand that they should march along together step by step. With the growth of de-votion to exterior works therefore, let there shine forth a corres-ponding increase in faith,.in the life of prayer, in zealous consecra-tion of self and talents to God, in spotless purity of conscidnce, in obedience, in patient endurance of hardship, and in active charity tirelessly expending for God and one's neighbor. 24. This is true not only of the individual religious, who really is such in heart as well as in habit, but it is also the reason why communities as a whole are~solidly founded in the sight of God and men, and are deserving of the most generous praise. The Church in-sistently demands of you that your external works correspond to your interior life, and that these two maintain a constant balance. Do you not, both clerical and lay religious, profess that you have~ embraced the state of evangelical.perfection? If so, bring.forth the 176 Jul~l, 1955 TO RELIGIOUS MEN frhits proper to your state, so that the Mystical Body Of Christ, which is the Church, may draw ever-increasing vitality from your strength and fervor. This is the very reason why religious orders totally dedicated to the contemplative life are in their own way necessary to the Church, since they are for her a perpetual ornament anda copious source of heavenly graces. 25. You know, of course, that it has often been remarked that charity to the neighbor is gradually losing its religious char-acter and is becoming secularized. But an honorable and kind treat-ment of others that has no foundation in faith, and springs from some other source, is not charity; nor may it be called Catholic. Charity possesses a. dignity, an inspiration, and a strength that is lacking in mere philanthropy however endowed with wealth and other resources. Thus, if We compare our Catholic sisters who nurse the sick with some others who perform this same task out of mere humanitarianism or for pay, We discover in them something en-tirely different and of higher value. They may at times be inferior to others in technical advantages, and We take this occasion to urge them not only to keep abreast of others in this matter but even to surpass them. But where our religious women, deeply imbued with the vital spirit of their institutes and daily prepared for the love of Christ to lay down their lives for the sick, perform their labors, a different atmosphere prevails, in which virtue works wonders which technical aids and medical skill, alone are powerless to ac-complish. 26. Therefore let those religious orders and congregations that devote themselves to the active life keep ever before their eyes and inwardly cherish all that stamps their souls with the lineaments of holiness and nourishes the fire of the Holy Spirit in the depth of their pure souls. V 27. Dearly Beloved, We wish also to refer briefly to the ef-forts of religious institutes to adapt themselves to our changed times, and to join the new and the. old in harmonious union. 28. When young people hear the statements: "We must keep up to date" and "Our efforts must be commensurate with the times," they are fired with an extraordinary ardor of soul;' and, if they are serving unde'r the standard of the religious militia, they keenly de-sire to direct the efforts of their future religious undertakings accord-ing to this principle. And,.to a certain extent, thisis proper. For it often has happened that th~ founding fathers of religious insti- 177 POPE PIUS XII R~oiew for Religious ,tutes conceived new projects in ordei to meet the challenge which newly emerging needs were urgently presenting to the Church and her works; and in this way they harmonized their enterprises with their age. Hence, if you wish to walk in the footsteps of your pre-decessors, act as they acted. Examine thoroughly the beliefs, con-victions, and conduct of your own contemporaries; and, if you discover in them elements that are good and proper, make these worthwhile features your own; otherwise you will never be able to enlighten, assist, sustain, and guide the men of your own time. 29. However, the Church possesses a patrimony preserved in- .tact from her earliest origin, which is unchanged in the course of 'ages, and which is in 'perfect accord with the needs and the aspira-tions of the human race. The Catholic faith is the most important part of this patrimony, and in the encyclical letter Humani Generis 'We recently defended it from new errors. Preserve most diligently this faith undefiled by any blemish: hold firmly to the conviction that it contains within itself exceedingly powerful forces that can mold any age. 30. A part of this patrimony is the good pursued in the state of perfection; and this you must seek with the utmost zeal, so that °by the use of its methods and resources you may become holy your-selves, and either directly or indirectly make your neighbors also :holy. In this manner they, sharing ever more richly in divine grace, may live a holy Iife and die a holy death. Another factor in this patrimony is the lofty and sublime truth that self-denial for the love of Christ must be considered the only path to perfection. This truth the changing times can never change. 31. There are, however, circumstances, and not a few, when you can and ought to accommodate yourselves to the temper and the needs of men and the age. Indeed to a great extent this has actu-ally been done, and now the task is being completely and perfectly accomplished by our combined counsel~ and plans. As may be seen from the variety of your undertakings both as individuhls and as institutes, you have already initiated many adjustments in schools, in the training of youth, in the alIeviation of human misery, and in the cultivation and promotion of learning. Hence it must be ad-mitted, and Our affirmation admits of no denial, that a vast amount of energy is even now being expended to meet the altered conditions of our era with new and effective resources. 32. Nevertheless, in striving to adapt yourselves to the ex-igencies of the present, it is, in Our judgment, of paramount con- 178 Julg, 1955 TO RELIGIOUS MEN cern that you shrewdly investigate what spiritual forces lie latent in your contemporaries, by what secret,desires they are motivated, and what the true picture .is of their souls. We do not of course mean the picture that manifests their detestable and censurable qual-ities and expresses the tumult of passion and the corruption of vice. But in men as men, and most of all as Christians, though entangled in error and sin, there is not a little good and even a desire for greater good. You must encourage these good impulses and foster these aspirations, being always careful however not to-accept from the world what keeps it wretched and evil, but rather to infuse into the world what is good and holy in yourselves, and in harmony with these salutary longings. Being solicitous therefore for that feeble good in the hearts of others, furbish and develop it, molding from its grains of gold precious vessels and gathering its rivulets into mighty streams. 33. Some think, and perhaps rightly, that three marks are characteristic of our age: amplitude in thought and discussion, uni-fication of plan, and organization and speed in execution. Are riot these three notes also distinctive marks of the Gospel? Are they not characteristic of those who profess the Catholic faith and live ac-cording to its principles? opened to our minds than "All things are yours and Cor. 3:25) ? What closer simplicity and the unity What greater amplitude of vision can be that offered in the words of the Apostle: you are Christ's and Christ is God's" (I unity in understanding and love than the declared to you in the Sacred Scripture: "God, all in all" (I Cor. 15:26) and "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart and with thy whole soul and wil~h thy whole mind and with thy whole strength . . . Thou shalt love 'thy neighbor as thyself" (Mk. 12:28-34)? 34. To enable us to be swift and spirited, and unhampered by the recollection of perishable things, we are admonished: "No man putting his hand to the plow and looking back is fit for the Kingdom of God" (Lk. 9:62). And if you wish to behold models of virtue in whom these thr~e laudable qualities shine forth, recall tO your minds the Apostle Paul and all those who have been en-gaged in wondrous exploits worthy of an immortal remembrance. 35. Moreover, the ideals which light your way to contempla-tion and action, as well as the goal of the Church's other children, both priests and laity, are the achievement of Christian perfection and the salvation of the human race. For your part, you have at hand the most effective aids, namely, the evangelical counsels through 179 ¯ POPE PlUS XII,. Reoiew for Religious the'profession of your vows of 'religion, and through these by un-remitting warfare you can overcome the concupiscence of the flesh,. ¯ the concupiscence of the ~yes, and the pride of life (cf.I 3o. 2:16), -~ind thus become ever holier and efficient servants of God for the .salvation of mankind. Direct your thoughts and your actions to [reach these lofty heights, "so that being rooted and grounded in 'love" (Epb. 3:17), steadfast in the power of faith and rich in hu- ¯ mility, you may lose no opportunity to lead men, your brothers, ¯ to their Creator and. Redeemer, as stray sheep returning to their Shepherd. 36. Faithful and true to your duty of good example, see to it that your conduct harmonizes with the name you bear, and that ¯ your whole manne~ 9f' life conforms to your profession. According 'to the words of the Apostle of the Gentiles: "Careful to preserve the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace" (Eph. 4:3), let peace reign within you and among you, among members of the same institute and among members of the same community, and with those of other institutes, between you and all who labor with you and with whom you labor to win men for Christ. Put far from you discords and disagreements which weaken and cripple undertakings begun with the highest hopes. The Church, as a field for apostolic en-deavor, is spread out all over the world; and an opportunity for toil and ~weat is open to all. 37. If the faith of religious is strengthened by the example of a life whose pattern is unyielding observance of the vows, if the priest regards nothing as hard or irksome in his quest for the salva-tion of souls, then the expression of the Apostle when referring to the word of God will also be true of them today, "living . . . and efficient and keener than any two-edged sword" (Heb. 4:13). We recently warned the faithful that in these calamitous days, when the misfortune and grievous want of many is in sharp contrast to the immoderate luxury of others, they should be willing to live tem-perately and to be generous to their neighbors oppressed by poverty. Come then, excel all others by your example in this insistent work of Christian perfection, justice, and charity; and thus lead them to imitate Christ. 38. Finally, with a great hope that the efficacious grace of our Lord Jesus Christ may bring forth from your Congress benefits of enduring value, and as a pledge of our abiding love, We affection-ately bestow upon all here present and upon religious communities everywhere in the world the Apostolic Benediction. 180 4 t Mot:her ern d, I--lelper o[ :he bloly Souls Sister Ma~y Cassilda TAKE the Blessed Sacrament, Mother! Keep Jesus with you!" / Startling words from a priesl~ to a humble religiou's woman! Yet, on the night of fire and consi~rnation following the San Francisco earthquake of 1906, the most unexpected ~became reality; and Mother St. Bernard could not doubt tba'~ this most redoubtable commission was for her. For to bet was held out the veiled ciborium Father Casey had just removed f~om the tabernacle. To her care was being confided in the terrors of that ni~ght the most precious of treasures, to be conveyed to'a place of safety. Our Lord clearl~z willed to accompany and 'protect the bewildered superior and her little community in their wearying flight. They were in sehrch of shelter from the adv~incing fl.ames, laden with what they could save from their abandol~ed convent. Mothe~ St. Bernard helps us to visualize the scene¯ "In the pres-ence of Jesus thus abased, entrusting Himself to me, tears filled my eyes," she writes; "I carried Him close to my heart, with a few of the commumty as escort, while the others saw to the transportation of our belongings. Walking alon'g the crowded streets, we prayed. I adored Christ hidden in my arms. When for a moment I lost sight of the others, my heart cried out in fear .t.o .my[ Lord, and there they were with us once ,more!" He assured them a safe ar-rival at the Church of St. John. Our Lord was theft replaced in the taberngcle and the HelpFrs spent the rest of the night in the base-ment of the church. This cross marking their, recent foundation was destined in the designs of God's providence to be the starting point of great development, for the San Francisco house. The Helpers devoted themselves amongst the homeless and destitute in the camps immediately organized; and, when, in the influenza epidemic of 1918, they showed themselves not only ready, but eager to nurse the plague-stricken, their place was forever fixed in the warm hedrts o]~ the West, from their archbishop down. But who was this religious selected by God fo.r so signal an honor, and how.had His providence T~onducted her thither from the quiet ancestral domain of her parents in sunny France? She was Marie Antoinette de Cherg~ and was born not. far from 181 SISTER MARY CASSILDA Review for Religioias Poitiers, France,. in 1850. There had been time since 1356 for the roar of battle tb die away; but the spirit of chivalrous France lived on in the line of Cherg~s, priding themselves on their loyalty to their traditions and their faith. Her father, Charles de Cherg~ eminent lawyer, archeologist, and writer of his time, was deeply Catholic and an admirable father. A prayer he composed for his sons has come down. to us written in fine French verse. "In Thy goodness, Lord; keep them ever faithful to their family motto; 'Straight on in the path of honor.' " The mother of Marie Antoinette was a pious, deeply affectionate woman, remarkable for distinguished gifts and devotedness in her home. The future Mother St. Bernard's character, ardent in the pursuit of holiness and dauntless in her zeal for the glory of God, can be easily discerned in her noble parents. She was a lovable, gentle child, fond of the games of her age, but already drawn by grace to the "greater things" of the saints. At the age of five, the farewell visit of a Jesuit leaving for the missions in China, and his blessing bestowed on her, left in her soul a grace which, she believed, de-veloped later into her immense desire to be a missionary herself. He had baptized her, child though she was, with the astonishing title of "Mother Abbess"; and it was spontaneously adopted. But her graces ran deeper than this. She found herself gradually drawn toward an absorbing love of God. As her own words tell us, "A mysterious recollection would steal over all my faculties, without my understanding what it was. I thought that everyone experi-enced the same, especially on First Communion day. I would with-draw to pray. I would have wished to be always alone to enjoy our Lord's presence. He seemed near to me in a way quite.different from anything faith or the imagination can produce; it was as if with my eyes closed I was sure someone was near me. Gradually I could think only. of Him." Marie Antoinette had need of a great interior strength, for natur-ally- and perhaps because of her interior favors--she was painf.ully timid, and frequently troubled with scrupulosity. N~ar her there was no one to help her. "I begged Our Lady," she wrote, "to send me someone to guide me in God's Name." Our Lady answered her child by-first enabling her to find in the family library the Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius. By these a clear and solid Christian phil-osophy of life laid in her soul a foundation and support for further graces. Then, in the person of an old. friend of the family, 'Father Rabeau, S.J., she found the "someone" she had asked, for as guide. 182 MOTHER ST. BERNARD. He directed her also in her works of charity, visiting tl~e poor and catechising the children of the neighborhood. Finally, seeing that her attractions were leading her toward the religious life, as lived by the Helpers of the Holy Souls, he put her in contact with the mother general. Marie Antoinette found in these religious the ful-fillment of all her desires of perfection and apostolate--even of the missi6ns in China. They lived the dee[i, interior life 0f Ignatian spirituality that she had learned to appreciate; they were zealous for souls, all souls, even those in purgatory, whom they assisted by their works of charity toward the living. Among them a warm family spirit sustained and cheered their apostolate. But it was only at the age of thirty that she was able to over-come a too-loving opposition and break away from her dearly loved family. She entered the novitiate in the old Premo.nstraten~ian Abbey of Blanchelande, where the souvenirs of the former holy monks spurred on the young to fervor. The Society of the Helpers of the Holy Souls had been founded only in 1856 by Eug~nie Smet, of Lille, France. She was born in 1825 of a fine family. The li~¢ely faith and enterprising spirit of the brave Normans was her inheritance. From early childhood she' had been drawn towards the suffering souls in purgatory; and un-accotintably so, for no death had marred the joy of her happy home surroundings. Her education at the Sacred Heart of Lille left its im-print on her; she determined to consecrate her life to God. Purga-tory was calling her, and the thought of it was stimulating her to constant sacrifice and devotedness. As a young girl, in her works of charity, she would leave gifts at the door of the poor or the sick with the written appeal, "Say a prayer for the Souls in Purgatory." Along with her solicitude for these Holy Souls, there was grow'ing in Eug~nie a childlike and ardent devotion to Divine Providence. "He gives me everything," she ended by saying, "I will give Him these souls He wants, and cannot have: I will be God's Providence!~'- This noble ideal awoke in her all her abilities for practical social work. Soon she was forming an Association of Prayer--others be-sides herself must be God's providence--and, thanks to good or-ganizing, she had thousands working for purgatory in many dio-ceses of France. For these Holy Souls she was even ready to tear herself away from her loved home and go to Paris, as she had been invited, to found an order for ~heir deliverance. The saintly Cur~ Of Ars, her counsellor at this difficult time, qualified~ her project as "a thought of love from the Heart of Jesus." When be'hearSt later SISTER MARY CASSILDA Review [or Religious that the rules of St. Ignatius had been granted to her struggling group; he exclslimed, "The poor littles ones, they are saved'!" "ires, throfigh the dire poverty of their beginnings, the disappointments, and anxious searchings inherent in such an enterprise, God was' re-vealing to Eug~nie (now Mother 'Mary 'of Providence) His plan for her work of aiding purgatory. Prayer there would be--and of the deepest !--with " expiation in the form of charity toward the living as the most effective means of helping the dead! The Helpers would give themselves to spiritual and corporal works of mercy, ac-cording to the needs of the country in which they would live, under the direction of the Church. A call to visit apoor woman sick in the neighborhood indicated their most precious means of expiation: care of the sick poor. Other works followed from this: instruction of converts, catechism in parishes, preparing belated bap.tisms, First Communions, confirmations, arranging for the validation of mar-riages, etc. Guilds were soon formed to meet at the Helpers' convent; and, as they became known, cases of all kinds were sent them by priests. The Helpers were launched to succor not on!y the Holy Souls, but all needy, helpless or hopeless ones, by personalized social service. Their works were to be gratuitous. Into the fervor of the early years of the order, Marie Antoinette de. Cherg~ plunged with her ardent desire for sacrifice, fruit of her special graces. There they xvere--all the sacrifices she wished for, and more besides! She had to learn during her novitiate to leave behind her, at the word of obedience, all fears or hesitations, as well as her frequent interior disturbances, and go straight forward, still, honoring the family motto. Her mistress Of novices discovered -%-e. ventually, shall we say ?--qualities of a great apostle glowing under her timid exterior. The occasion appeared in an .unexpected call on Sister St. Bernard to replace another novice for. a catechism lesson to the parish children. The novice companion, who assisted at the course, could not get home soon enough to relate to the mother mistress what she "had seen and heard"; a fire of. zeal had burst forth in Sister St. Bernard's clear exposition of doctrine, enflaming both children--and novice. At the following lesson to the same group, it was the mistress of novices--present to verify the marvel --who was herself enflamed. Soon after her: vows Mother St. Bernard was named superior of the Helpers' Convent at Montm~artre, Paris, built beside the site of the'chapel where-St. Ignatius and his compani6ns had pronou.nced their first vows. In this populous and ignorant quarter of the city, 1'84 MOTHER ST. BERNARD Mother St. Bernard's zeal found full scope for its activity: a transL formation in the neighborhoc~d was achieved. But the mother general trembled at the price being paid. In'a letter to Mother St. Bernard at this time, she wrote, "Dear d~ughter, it is the lack of care of your health and the ardor with which you undertake more than you can" do, that makes you ill. Yoi~ are to obey implicitly the mother in-firmarian; otherwise you will have roe dying of anxiety." Several years of very successful apostolate here and at Liege put the finish-ing touches to Mother St. Bernard's preparation for a more distan~ field of action. She was called, to head a group of Helpers for the first American foundation early in 1892. New. York bad been chosen. In her journal Mother St.Bernard wrote: "On learning the Divine Will I felt both joy and sorrow in my soul. This first step towards the missions rejoiced me, but I was broken by the thought of the sacrifices awaiting me. Lord Jesus, I give you all that I hold dearest!" On the pier at New York on a bright May morning, the new-comers were welcomed by two friends, chosen, it seems; by divine providence to further this latest enterprise of the Helpers. Miss Addle Le Brun and Miss Anne Cronise represented a group of Cath-olic ladies who were eager to have the Helpers extend their work to the United States. They had behind them Father John Pren-dergast, S.J., and Father Robert Pardow, S.J., who, on' visits to Europe, had learned to appreciate the practical character of this new congregation and had urged widely'among their friends that an in-vitation be sent to the mother general to found a house in New York. This appeal had been made, and fell in happily with the Helpers' rule which sends them to any part of the world where there is hope of God's greater service by procuring more efficaciously the relief and deliverance of the souls in purgatory. Archbishop Corrigan's blessing and hearty cooperation had been assured. And so.at last Miss Le Brun, as the chronicle tells us, "is receiving us as long-desired and much-loved sisters; even weeping "for. joy.", She conducted them to the small house prepared for them on Seventh Avenue near Twenty-third Street where other friends welcomed them no less warmly. A letter to the mother house remarks on the delicate it-tentions of their kind reception. ".'. even a lamp was burning bex fore a picture of Our Lady of Providence, Queen of Purgatory; there were flowers, arid holy water! and all. was provided, for the first meals of our little Community. I could never express to yoi~ fittingly the affectionate interest which dear Miss Le Brun and her 185 SISTER MARY CASSILDA Review [or Reli~iou~ family have shown us. Gratitude fills all hearts." ¯ For newcomers, surprises were to be expected. "Think: of it!" one wrote back to France, "the first to call on us after our arrival was a colored gentleman, a tbarming individual! He showed .us how to make the kitchen fire.". Through their refectory window catalogues, advertisements, etc., were flung at almost every meal. On their way across the East River, the ferryman would take no fare. Material help in varied fo~ms came at their prayer through the "visible Providence" of benefactors--it might be "bread," or "coal," or "a desk for Mother Superior's room." At Iast they ended by cry-ing out in return, "Good St. Joseph, you spoil your children!" On June 13, the first Mass was said by Father Wucher, provin-cial of the Fathers of Mercy. Devoted friends had surpassed them-selves in their zeal for the Lord's glory that the tiny chapel might be adequately fitted out in time. During Mass, it was with tears of emotion and gratitude that all present welcomed our Lord. The Helpers were ready now to do their humble part of constructive work in the service of the Church in the archdiocese of New York, discounting such handicaps as the unaccustomed heat, the language (a problem to some), and the :'caresses of holy poverty." To this day they feel how much they owe to the encouragement of the clergy and°the generous help of their friends. From these sources they drew, in great part, the confidence with which they began and the success they later achieved. Only two days did they wait for their first sick call. It was an old Alsatian woman confided to them by their chaplain. She was ~o receive Holy Communion on the Feast of the Sacred Heart, and they were asked to prepare her room. The home was in rehlity an bld shack set up in a small, damp yard. The sick woman was stretched on a low bed--in the midst of discomfort and disorder-- and welcomed as angels from heaven tl-ie "Sisters" who offered to "lend a hand" foi house cleaning and to be "sacristans" for the welcome of the adored Visitor of the morrow. Some sheets, here-tofore unknown in the home, brought a little material comfort; while a new bedspread, some clean towels, and a simple altar adorned with candles and flowers added a note of cheerfulness and hope. "You will come back again, Sisters, won't you?" asked .the sick wo-man; after the ceremony. A hearty "As long as you need us" was her reassurance. Cases of even greater poverty and need ~were soon discovered. .:. A.~Helper writing to he'r mother general makes light of the difti~ 186 dul~!, 1955 ., MOTHER ST. BERNARD culties ¯encountered. "What a pity .we can't make more often ex-. cursions such as we did lately on our rounds! Our visit to Mrs. X ended, we were preparing to climb down the stairs to go next door, but Mrs. X directs us, 'dust go by the roof, Sisters!' And so we did,: and continued down the block by the same route! I wonder how we shall fare this week--the roofs are deep in snow." Father Schleuter, S.d:, chaplain of Blackwe11's Island, sent the Helpers a call for help in his work there. In the Hospital and Home for Colored Incurables, they began their visits of cheering and in-structing, which they continue to this day. Other hospitals have since been added. Their first case among the colored was the subject of another letter of triumph to Paris. Love for the least of Christ's little ones ¯ drew the Helpers to these--so destitute of all in those days. And they realized they were loved by the "new Sisters." Hearts opened at their approach, and soon we read of the baptism of nine little Negro children under five years, along with a good woman whom human respect did not deter from "joining up." They all had been collected in the same street, one which resembled nothing so much as a camp of outcasts. In one home three children slept on fi heap of rags as a bed; no furniture at all was to be seen; the father, doubt-less as bead of the family, ' had the honor of a seat on the window sill. We may easily surmise what an amount of ingenuity and ac-tivity was needed to produce the ten neophytes washed and pro-perly dressed for baptism. These souls and others discovered in the Helpers' visiting needed further attention and spiritual development. Guilds at th~ convent were formed for different groups, and the prompt and" numerous attendance at meetings showed they were appreciated. The "colored ladies" of Friday evenings could hardly be persuaded to go home when the time came. "You tell us such beautiful things, Sister, that we would want to stay all night. No one ever before talked to us like that." Indeed, the impression of. the Helpers was something akin to astonishment as they found they Cguld speak everywhere of religion without fear of indiscretion. Souls seemed to expect the mention of the name of God and an invitation to draw nearer to Him; indeed, they seemed even to long for it. A glimpse of activities on their first Christmas day in New York might give an idea of what progress was being made: (1) several First Communions at the midnight Masses (friends who had,bein. invited to assist had hastdned to fill the chapel);.~(2)-~a.receptidn of. 1,87~ SISTER MARY .CASSIED~. sodalists of ourLady'scheduled' for'~t later hour in.'the morning; ~lnd (3)one fo'r tiny tots (boys and girls)" in the.afternoon--the last ended with a "party" for' all concerned. The bell for Offiice at last put" an end to the prolonged rejoicings, and also to the ceaseless smil-ing and entertaining of the hostesses. Instruction of converts was hnother' item of Helper apostolate. The first soul to be thus tended was a young girl who called and presented to.Mother St. Bernard.a note of introduction from Father Van Rensselaer, S.,J., of St. Francis Xavier's. Another case was that pointed out to us by a ~lesuit with the information; "Protestant woman ill: her "little granddaughter to be brought up Catholic:" A little later the priest asked news of his patient. "She is learning her catechism w'itb much fervor, Father," was the reply. "The child, you mean? . No, the grandmother." "You are .joking, Sister! That can't be! There is nothing to be done with that wo-man . she is a bigoted Protestant." "I can assure you, Father, she is well on the way to" conversion; and it wasn't diffi:ult, either." The 'Helpers' constructive efforts were tending not only to re-lieve misery but to promote development socially and spiritually. First of all, their guilds for young girls and women carried in their programs cultural help fitted to the abilities of their members; sew-ing, languages, singing Under able direction were attractions much appreciated:those displaying talent for music were assisted and en-couraged. A primitive lay apostolate was started among the most fervent members; they were to "bring others," "notify of cases," etc. Italian groups also (of both men and women) received par-ticular attention; soon their Lenten missions were bringing, the re- "treat master immense consolation by the great number of returns to God. As the chapel was filled to capacity, the Helper in charge would give as direction to bet more fervent members, "Don't come tonight; leave your place for that one who needs it more." The formation of the Lady Associates also was a work towards which Mother St.' Bernard's far-sighted zeal turned most .prayer-fully. Favored by God as she was, she seemed to have only to evolve a project in order to draw God's blessing down upon it. Her power was her trust in the "fluidity" of her apostolic 'vocation--its perfect adaptability to.the mentality and needs of America--and in this trust she went straig,ht 6n. The group.of Lady Associates, in the idea of the foundress, Mother Mary of Providence, was called to share closely'in .the Helpers' prayers and. apostolic labors, sharing thus in-their merits for purgatory. From these ~lite were to com~ 1':88~ July, 19~ MOTHER ST. BERNARD the indispensable contributions.towards the Helpers' upkeep an.d works, cooperation in organizing parties or outings, for other groups, companions for the sisters in their visits to .the sick, the poor, or the hospitals. Indeed, it was.no small consolation, for Mother St. Bernard to see certain ones arm themselves with sick-case kit and contribute humble personal service. They bad monthly conferences by the best-known speakers amon. g the clergy, and a three-day re-treat in Lent. By November, 1894, twenty-seven ladies bad already made their .promises of prayer and work for the Holy Souls and bad received their silver crucifix. Mother St. Bernard on this occa-sion stressed their "joy on being received as ou~; Associates, their happiness in the bond of closer union it established with the Helpers." For these souls Mother St. Bernard stood-out as an inspiration and a subject of veneration. One of the first group, who is still living and still a devoted Associate, loves to recall the thrilling im-pression of reverence they experienced when they.stood in her pres-ence. They could not but feel that in the depths of those gentle, smiling eyes was a Presence, whose radiance awed and won them. A ~roof of their esteem for her is found in a life-sized marble statue o(the Sacred Heart erected in memory of her in the convent garden at Eighty-sixth. Street. The uplifted eyes and arms of Christ ex-emplify well her spirit: "That they may know. Thee, the one true God, and Jesus Christ Whom Thou hast sent!" Mother St. Bernard, then, was the life of these varied projects: The generous response of New York Catholics to her zeal w~is the more and more numerous attendance at convent meetings. By 1894 the house could no Idnger contain them. The house itself, moreover, was becoming unsafe: c~uarters must be found elsewhere. This amidst general protestations; "our poor clients were for having the Arch-bishop oblige us to stay!" A' site on East Eighty-sixth Street, be-tween Park and Lexington Avenues, was "deemed suitable, since it placed the Helpers just between their dear poor and the friends not less dear on whom they relied for charitable help. Funds for the moving'were needed; the ladies, volunteered to sponsor a bazaar on the new premises. Let us hear an eye-witness tell of their fervor. "The Octave of the Holy Souls (November 2nd to 9th) :has closed as brilliantly as it began. The Archbishop had had his 'inevitable' absence ex-plained on the invitation cards. The chapel in its feast-day decora-tions gave sensible devotion, and our ladies.' kept it a bower of flowers for the full eight days. A bouquet for our Lord of still more ~189 SISTER MARY CASSILDA agreeable, perfume was the throng that crowded the chapel and drank in the words of Rev. Father Campbell, S.J., former provin-cial of the Jesuits. Father lent himself graciously to all the desires of our ladies for interviews, confessions, etc . " Father Campbell showed his appreciation of the organization by calling it "a great work destined to do much good, one in which good spirit and at-tachment to. their group is far above the ordinary." Nor was purgatory lost to view outside the convent by the Helpers. The Association of 'Prayer founded by Mother Mary of Providence was gathering in treasures for the deliverance of the Holy Souls. The Associates at present are numbered by thousands in each of the Helpers' convents (six now in the United States); they ap-preciate what is being done for their own dear deceased and are glad to obtain for them even more suffrages by participating actively in the "relief" work. For eleven years Mother St. Bernard had been praying, working, suffering, to give God to the souls whom providence directed to her in New York for purgatory's sake. She had loved God as St. John computes charity, for indeed she had "loved her neighbor." She had loved, too, her community; otherwise, how explain the un-failing response of its members to her unceasing calls on them "to relieve the misery of Purgatory by tending the needs of earth"? The fire of zeal that consumed her she knew how to communicate strongly and sweetly to her daughters; they ran gladly in the path she traced for them. But tbey were now to pay the price of further spiritual con-quests by sacrifice. Proposals for a foundation from various quarters :had been set aside by major superiors in favor of St. Louis. Arch-bishop Kane desired the Helpers for his flock, and Mother St. Ber-nard was charged to car'ry help. thither. Consternation reigned 'among her many friends; but Mother'St. Bernard, with ;i group of six Helpers, left in May, 1903, for her new field of activity. They 'found the little house that had been, rented for them on Delmar ¯ Avenue had been stripped by robbers the night.before their arrival. Of whatever furniture or provisions had been collected" for them, 'nothing .remained--and no 'wonder! Not fi door nor a window could, be closed securely; a state:of dilapidation.prevailed. But the exterior had the charm of St. Louis spaciousness' and verdure; the Helpers breathed gratefully an atmosphere of most cordial welcome; ~they,were delighted. Two beds were considered en6ugh .to start with; others'would come. Acarton would arrive correctly address~d.-~".'!.But 9'0 ~lulv, ¯ 1955 MOtHER. ST. BERNARD who sent us that?" would query the Helpers. "You bought it this mbtning," declared the grocery boy delivering it. "Not we, certainly!" "Well, someone just'as "certainly has v'aid for it." The ddnor was never discovered.; The large-l~eartedness of St. Louis Catholics assured the Helpers hearty support, frdm clergy and laity. Bishop Glennon, replacing Archbishop Kane taken sudde.nly ill, was delighted,~ when he heard no distinction of religion, race, or color was mad~ in their works. "You nurse the sick--colored?" he inquired. "Of course!" was the eager reply. The best families, with their deep spirit of faith, were glad show their appreciation of a work for their beloved deceased; g!fts of all kinds flowed in to lighten the rather severe poverty of the first weeks. It must have been great since the ~tory gores, that .the sister cook appeared one day in her superior's room to report a difficulty: she had just one dollar to get the commun!t~' thrbugb day. Mother St. Bernard, in her inimitable way. replie.d, we did not (ome here to eat; we came to save souts!" The incident ended happily, however, for the sister cook; she was called back to have an addition made to her capital. Sympathy was widely awakened. The "new Sisters' " arrival had got into the newspapers. Even bef6re the door bell had been repaired, friendly calls began. "You have come from so far, poor things !--have you been. expelled from France?" '.'The French hav~ such good taste., do you give instructions in millinery? or French?': or just, "Welcome to St. Louis . . . we will help you get started!" Work began at once; calls for nursing the sick around them--or even far from them--were answered. By June the Helpers already had sixty young girls forming a sodality. By October, thirteen ladies had gathered for serious apostolic work, and eight of their daughters and their friends in a group, apart. When the Octave of the Dead was solemnly celebrated with daily sermon and Benediction, one hundred of their friends fillefi chapel, ha.llways, veranda, etc. And their ardor .was no whir damp-ened if the preacher¯failed them unexpectedly; af~er'a wai~ o'f an h~ur and. a half,.they would have Benediction only, .anti depa;t-- l~ving the.work more than. ever! ~ " " ¯ . By. Januar.y .pf.'the next yea}r! sixty-two, colbred" w?.men we)~ attending a "weekly meeting. ¯ In thr~e years: time :(~is.soon as t.hei¯Helpers had settled in. their Review for Religions present home, 4012' Washington Boulevar.d) we read. of two. hun-dred and fifty poor who were~ served'ice cream .and cake at.a party,r How? W.e may 'wonder: All to the credit of.providence and St. 'Louisan generosity ! ,:~. Work. among the colored was pursued with an almost heroic courage. Along the banks of the Mississippi were to be found the poorest and m0,st abandoned of these; some of~the hovels 'were even a menace td~the lives of the religious. One Helper was warned that an infuriated husband was preparing to knife the next Helper who entered his house to care for his wife and cbiidren! The great need of the f~am!ly made the religious discou,n,t the possible danger; she "~ent again. But prudence.would nbt allow her to return--for the present ! The little c61ored children were collected for catechising when 'and where they could be i%u'nd. If a basement that h~id been "their ~e6tre" was needed ~or some other purpose, Helper-and pupils moved off res!gnedly with chairs and benches to the nearest hospitable-- iand still temporary--quarters. From contact with the parents of th~s~ children, bapt!.sms followed, often of whole families. Mother St. Berriard left St. Louis in 1905 to serve her order as foundress of a new house in San Francisco. But l~e} shpernaturai thirst fo.r the" total immolation"of foreign-mission life was not yet slaked. In her corresponderice with the mother ~eneral, allusion was frequeiatly made to China as a much-desired future post. At last ~.h:e latter w~ote her d~ar daughter to be in peace for the present, ~.'for if God Wants you in Chinal He will upset the earth to get you there!" We shill see bow, literally, He was soon to do so. " From the beginning San Francisco was to show'itself a worthy successor of New York and St. Louis as the "Providence" of the He!pets. Archbishop Riordan declared himself ~'their father," and ~ven complained paternally that he v~as not invited to do more for them. Providence also furnished friends, who, for the' sake of pur-gatory and its Helpers, were. glad to help "the Sisters" find a house and begin their charitable works. These were soon in full swing. A p~a~eful apostolate seemed assured them when, at five-fifteen in the morning, April 18 brought i~pon the city the historic earth-quake. When calm began to reappear and Mother St. Bernard was able to write, she began the account of the great catastrophe with the words, "God be praised for ha~cing enabled us to pass through these sad days in peace and joy in Our L'ord! All are saved, and not too exhausted, considering recent fatigues and emotions:" The 192 July, 1955 MOTHER.ST. BERNARD tale of these latter the .Helpers like to forget, remembering only the marked instances of divine protection, the touching, charity they had experienced, and the good they had been allowed to do for "souls. As a matter of fact, once the time of actual danger passed, they found a temporary residence, which promptly become an ark of salvation for many. ,lust a little later, Bishop Montgomery, on a visit to see how they were faring, discovered that the Helpers were making hay while the sun shone. Starting to open a door to the right, be was stopped by "Not~there, Excellency, confessions are being heard!" To the left, a group was being instructed for baptism; upstairs, souls in sorrow and distress had discovered the Helpers and were being consoled and helped. That morning eighty persons had assisted at a Mass said on the stairway; the absent members of the community were on their intensive tours in the camps. His Ex-cellency could only express his satisfaction with his Helpers for their readiness to meet the emergency. The catastrophe, indeed, which had shaken the city, ,bad not less deeply stirred the hearts of the victims: many saw in it the chastening hand of a Father long 9eglected, and were ready to turn to Him, or recognized in the Charity they' witnessed the one true church, and.desired to enter it. It was the happy lot of the Helpers to bring these to the priest. Five camps, each'comprising thousands of souls, were confided to their care;, and," before the refugees were able to find homes, the apostles bad again and again filled their nets wi'th the almost mirac-ulous draughts provided by the Lord; months of labor and fatigue, lightened by accompanying joy. By October a conventual life could be resdmed once more in a house temporarily rented, and the ordinary ,works of their voca-tion be resumed. To these were to be eventually.added extensive work among the French and the Chinese. But it was not to be Mother St. Bernard who would cultivate the new field as she had done in St. Louis and New York. The present shattering experience had seriously" fiffected her health, and she was recalled to Paris by an anxious mother general to be moth~red in her turn. Looking back over the labor of the year, she could say, "Our efforts have certainly borne fruit in Purgatory; and even if We had come to San Francisco only to give to God the souls re-cently converted, and to prevent, as we hope, 'so many mortal sins, ou~ sacrifices would be Well rewarded!" 'On September 19 Mother St. Bernard and a companion arrived once more at the'Jr home-land and were welcomed w. ith the warm affection that character- 193 NOTES ,FOR CONTRIBUTORS Reuieu.~ "for ,Religious izes the Helpers' family life. The time spent there¯ shou!d'~h~v~ been for her an epoch of peace and repose by the°side of her ~beloved mother general; but the Lord's way for her was still alternately one of extraordinary graces of union, and of interior¯ unrest and torment. Temptations, scruples, a too-ankious striving for a per-fection ever eluding her were now a 's~nctifying.fire in which' a last. mystic purification was being accomplished: and graces were being bbught for her apostolate. Finally, the mother general, yielding to the entreaties of Mother St. Bernard, gave her as assignment the missions. 'And in December, 1908, her last journey--this time to China !--was begun. The Helpers had been in that country since 1867, assisting the Jesuits in Kiang-su by training Chinese maidens for their priests' mis-' sionary work, caring for abandoned babies and orphans, and even opening schools for Chinese and European girls. Mother St. Ber-nard was welcomed there as a gift of God to the mission. She was appointed superior of one of the Helpers' convents in Shanghai, to which several European schools and free dispensaries were attacbed. The ~ictive part of her li'fe, ~however, was over; for her health had failed her completely now; but from her room, or even her bed; she' governed her establishment and had the consolation of 'designing and constructing a new altar for the chapel. It was the last time she would arouse and guide the latent abilities of her daughters for the adornment of the I£ord's abode among them. The Jesus she had ever so faithfully served was surrounded to the end by the care of her adoring love. After a long decline, patiently accepted, she went at last to find rest in Him who .had been her "All" in her struggles here below. His sacred name was the last her dying lips were heard to utter. She rests now in the convent cemetery; her remains, a long silent prayer for the welfare of her beloved China. Not es t:or Con!: 'ibutors tin our March number (pp. 104-112) we,publish~d the main part of a new style sheet. The material given here completes the .project.] VII. PAREN 'HESES EN,U.MERAT[ONS 1. Pla~e between parentheses figures or letters used to mark divi, sions of. enumer~ations,run., into the. .text. . :,,~ The,reasons for his resignation were three: (1) advanced age, (2) failing health', and (3) a desire to travel. 2. Pa'refitbe.ses a}e ~sed in pairs except that, when enum~;~d "di@- sions are pa~agrapl~ed, a~single parenthesis is ordmardy"u~ed {6 r94 NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS follow ~l lower-case (italic) letter or a lower-case roman numeral; a period is used instead of the parenthesis with Arabic figures and capital (roman) letters. He gave three reasons for not coming: a) He was not sure of the appointed time. b) He had no available transportation. c) He was sick. He 'gave three reasons for not coming: i) He was not sure of the appointed time. ii) He had no available transportation. iii) He was sick." He visited briefly the cities of-- 1. St. Paul, Minnesota; 2. St. Louis. Missouri; 3. Kansas ,City, Missouri. He visited briefly the cities of-- I. St. Paul, Minnesota; II. St. Louis, Missouri; III. Kansas City, Missouri. 3. If one or more of the enumerated items is a complete sentence, a period is the proper end punctuation; if all the enumerated items are. incomplete sentences and do not contain internal pur~ctuation, a comma is the proper end punctuation;if all th'e enumerated items are incomplete sentences and one or more of the items contain in-ternal punctuation, a semicolon is the proper end punctuation (cL the examples above). 4. If a period, comma, semicolon, or dash is needed at the end of a parenthesis that interrupts a sentence, place the mark outside.the parentheses. " Karen did not kfi'ow (or so she said). Here he gave .big strange, thofigh accurate (and' handsomely delivered), ac-count of the disaster. ]['ilton was.b.orn thi~ year of the flood (1894.) ; he doesn't remembe_r, much 5.' If a co, lon,.':question mark, or exclamation pbin~ I~elonks only"to th.e .p.a~[.enth_.~esi~, place the mark inside the p~ir~nth~ses' and end th~ sentence with another mark. : , ,~ : (Helen:) There is something .you'.are forget'tizig! "' '~' :. ' :: ~." .' Karen did not know (or did she?). ¯ :'" ¯ :" "''¢ Yates absconded with:'my fishing tackl~ (the.Scoundrel!;). d a , 6. If a colon, question mark, or exclamation point bel~n~ to the rest of the sentence or to.both the parentheses and the rest of the sentence, .place the mark outside the parentheses. .-" Pe'r6n nientions three ladrones (robbers) : Gonzales, Trega, and the'nameless . butcher. . ": . ¯ ¯ ;.Would.you care to join .us (in othei" words,, will you fake.the.d/ire)~ Chesterton said the most startling thing" ~oh. page 7) ! . ., .:i ¯ 1. NOTES 'FOR CONTRIBUTORS 7. Independent parenthetical sentences are enclosed in parenthese~ and are .punctuated and capitalized just like other independent sen-tences; the end punctuation is placed it/side the parentheses. I had just met the. man. (Oldenburg insists I met him a year earlier. Olden-burg, however, remembers things more or less as he pleases.) We had been introduced by Clesi, a mutual friend. VIII. COLON 1. Use a colon to introduce formally any matter that follbws-- usually matter in apposition. (A dash, less formal, may be used also for this purpose.) : She felt as .you would expect: worried, frightened, perplexed. 2. Use a colon to introduce a clause, that summarizes what has gone before. (A dash, less formal, may be [~sed also for this purpose.) You are to appear at exactly two o'clock; you are to be wearing a green cap; you are to leave at precisely th'ree: o'clock:" these things you must do . exactly and without fail, 3. Use a colon to introduce items tha~ are indented like paragraphs, provided that the introductory statement could stand as a sentence by itself. If the introducto;~z statement., is incomplete, use a dash. He'gave three ~easons for not coming: j ¯" 1. He~was not sure of the appointed time. . 2. He had no available transportation. 3. He was sick. He visited briefly the cities a) St. Paul Minnesota; b) St. Louis; Missouri; ,. c) Kansas ~City, Missouri. 4. Capitalize the first ~vord after a colon whenever you want to introduce formally a complete. :sentence following the colon. ., , The. '.next. questipn ~hat came up.for discussion was: Are the requirements for membership strict enough? . ,. 5. 0 D6 not capitalize the first ,k, ord after a colon, when. y9u are (I) merely giving an example or amplifying a preceding clause or (2) adding'brief iiems that do not make 'a" complete sentence. " Everything ffas~perfect for our walk' to Corona: the day was sun'ny a~id clear; the air grew cooler and scented as we climbed the Divide; and we seemed to have the .whole mountain to ot~rselves. Peace is not an accident:, it is built of law and self-restraint. Be sure to bring,these things .with you: .,swim.ruing trunks, slacks, and tennis shorts. OUR CONTRIBUTORS SISTER MARY CASSILDA, Helper of the'Holy Souls, went to China ~'i~h Mother St. Bernard!add spent the first twenty-five years of her religious life there; the latter part of her life has been spent almost entirely as mistress of novices. 3OHN MATTHEWS and 3OSEPH ,F. GALLEN are members of the faculty, of Wood-stock College, Woodstock, Maryland.: . ?1~,96 "['he ot: l x rnple John Matthews, S.J. GOOD example r(quires at least two persons --.the one Who gives and the one who receives the example. A man gives holy example b~; doing holy deeds; when these virtuous works move another to .imitafe them, that other is said to receive good example. Of course, all fine actions stir men to applaud them; but our human approval may go no further. At times, however, God appoints a worthy deed to serve as a grace. We call it an external grace' because it is a divine gift outside our souls-- for instance, the Bible. Thus when God wills that another's holy action be an example to us, then --and only-then-- can that act of virtue help us to do a like deed in a way leading to heaven. Then'the virtuous deed teaches us. It arouses our admiration. It draws us to imitation. It encourages us. It moves us to good thoughts and resolutions. It can even open up new paths of holiness. In this way a virtuous work prepares our minds and wills to receive from God the actual grace with which we can do deeds of superfiatural worth. So does the grace of example play its part in the divine plan for our salvation. Jesus Christ is our greatest model of holiness, our finest example of virtue. He practiced all the virtues in their fullness -- without defect and without sin. He excelled in love of and obedience to His heavenly Father. Towards men He was patient and merciful. He offered His enemies, a Heart of love. While humble, He evei spoke the truth with,courage. The perfection and harmony of virtue iri-spired all His actions. Rightly do we call one of such perfect holi-ness our greatest grace of example. Moreover, ou~ Lord had a mission to be for mankind the exem-plar of virtue. From ~ternity God the Father in His loving providence had willed expressly that the actio'ns of His Son should be graces of example for men of future ages. H~nce our Lord cafne into the.~orld to model holy deeds for us and to draw us to imitate His example. Our Savior was aware ofthis mission; and He completed it by model-ing ~vety virtue in every circumstafic6 of life--iia the family, in dealing with others, in poverty an'd labor, in honor and tempation, in prayer and pain a'nd death. $6 foi'countlesss'children 6f God, the actions of Jesus have been and are an external grace; throu'~-cen-t- ,197 JOHN MATTHEWS Review for Religious uries to come our Model will offer men the grace of holy example. "For I have given you an example that, as I have done to you, So you do also'[ (3ohn 13:15). Note those last words: "so you do also." Therein the Savior stresses our duty to be graces of example for our fellow men. Jesus has the right to command us; He is our Lord and Master. Yet He did not merely impose on His faithful the duty of imitating Him; He also practiced the virtues Himself: "As I have done to you, so you do also." Christ commands only what He first did. "For unto this are you called: because Christ also suffered for us, leaving you an example that you should follow His steps" (I Pet. 2:21). In the likeness of ,Jesus, we too must give holy example to our brethren. This means, first, that we may not give bad example. Our ac-tions must never be a scandal to others. Hence priests and religious can well challenge themselves. Have I through discouraging advice failed to draw my neighbor to God when I could have? Has my neglect of duty been a bad influence on my flock? Has my failure led others to act remissly? Have my faults disedified those whom God has placed in my charge? We see readily that poor example can be very damaging to our neighbors' faith and .holiness. But our Lord also calls us to be sterling examples to those about us. Thus we are bound in Christlike charity to give .holy example, especially when it is needed to save others from suffering serious scandal or from committing mortal sin. This duty is uni-versal; on all men of all time rests the task of inspiring each other by worthy conduct. Particularly obliged to give good example are those having authority--religious superiors, parents, teachers, civil officials, bishops, and priests. Like Christ, her Head, the Catholic Church has the mission of being the exemplar of sanctity in the world. She must be holy her-self and she must also model holiness for every walk of life. In-deed, ~so clearly was the Church a pattern of virtue in her early days that even the pagans remarked this. "The practice of such a special love brands us in the eyes of some. 'See,' they say, 'how they love one another . . . and how ready they are to die for each other.'-1 Today likewise the Church's children must in .charity offer Christ-like example to those in and out of the fold. As Catholic~, there-fore, it is emine.ntly our duty to live. so virtuously, that God," if Hd wills, may use our holy deeds as patterns for imitation by other 1Tertullian, Apolo~y,'Ch. 3 9. duly, 1955 TH'E GRACE OF F.XAMPLE me'n. Then will Our Catholic life carry on the wonders our Savior did. Our practice of virtue will draw souls to Christ and to His Church. The duty of givin~ example will be an apostolate to our neighbors in the Lord. We will be our brothers' keeper, a good shepherd to sheep outside the fold, a leaven in the mass of mankind, and a flame lighting for men the way to God. Truly is our good example a help to the holiness of others--in the convent, seminary, school, parish, hospital, everywhere. It com-bats evil .example; it challenges bad will; it supplants ignorance (cf. I Pet. 2:12-15); and it offsets that fear of men which keeps the timid from acting rightly. Frederic Ozanam,2 hoping to begin his work amongst the needy, .was so hindered by obstacles that he almost gave up the idea. In search of strength he stepped into a church. There he saw a man praying before the Blessed Sacrament. It was his friend, Ampere, a scientist of renown, a pioneer in the field of electricity; and, from this man's prayerful example, Ozanam drew the courage to work again and finally to found the St. Vincent de Paul Society. The example of Ampere was an external grace, prepared by God from all eternity fbr the disheartened Ozanam. Again, worthy example helps man spiritually because it spurs others to imitation.In 1646, St. Isaac 3ogues, 3esuit missionary, died under the blows of an Iroquois tomahawk. As a young priest 3ogues saw two of his fellow missionaries returning from their labors to Quebec. He wrote3 of them to his mother. "They were barefooted and exhausted, their underclothes worn out and their cassocks hanging in rags on their emaciated bodies.", Yet the sight of these missionaries was an external grace for 3ogues--and the oc-casion of actual graces that made his missionary vocation stronger. He continues in his letter: "Their faces . . . expressive of content and satisfaction . . . excited in me both by their looks and conver-sation a desire to go and share with them the crosses to which our Lord attached such unction." That desire St. Isaac satisfied thr.oug.h torture and martyrdom. A last word. ~oncerns oumelves. God places us where we. can best~gain heaven and lead ot.he~s there. In this vocation all should give and receive holy example. Through the centuries the family heroes of~the Catholi+ Church--Christ, Mary, saintly men and wo- 2James Bro~terick; S.J.,'. Fred&ic Ozanam and His" Society (London: Bu~:ns, Oates f3 Washbourne Ltd., 1933:). . . ¯ -. . 3Dean Harris, Pioneers of the.Cross.in Canada (Toronto: McClelland and Good-child). QU~S.~IONS AND ANSWER~ Reoiew for Religious men and children--have been patterns of virtue for mankind. Today Catholics have the task of carrying on the work of their heroes and of being themselves graces of example for all those God brings into. th'eir daily life. Indeed, the Christian apostle will stand out amongst men as another light of the world, drawing souls to his Savior and his Church. Such a crusade can well be fruitful unto life eternal both for ourselves and our neighbors in Christ. As Catholics, we will also see the holy actions of others. These may not impress us much; indeed, we may even smile at them. When, however, God wills that another's act challenge us, we find heart and mind drawn to praise and imitate the virtuous deed. In this favorable situation God pours into our soul the heavenly strength of His actual grace, wherewith we ourselves can imitate the fine ex-ample of our neighbor. I~ is God who puts .us in the way of inspiring example. In His special care for each soul, He planned that from all eter.nity. We must, then, take to heart the example others give us; for thereby God seeks to help us grow more holy. We should profit by the worthy example we notice, be alert for the actual grace which fol-lows example, and use God's graces, both external and actual, to do those virtuous deeds which delight God and open heaven for us. ( ues ions and Answers 16 In Review {or Religious, XIII (1954), 251, it is stated: "Major superior-esses . . . shall send in their report as follows: . . . In 1956 . . . the super-ioresses of America (North, Central, South)." A doubt occurs to our minds as to whether the year 1956 is to be included in the quinquennial report, which then will be sent to the Sacred Concjrecjation of Rellcjious early in 1957. Kindly let us know. In a decree dated March 8, 1922, the Sacred Congregation of Religious determined the dates for the years in which the quinquen-nial report is to be sent to the Holy See by all religious institutes according to the" prescriptions of canon 510, and it provided as follows: "The five-year periods are determined and common for all religious institutes and they begin with the first day of January, 1923." Hence (he first report to be sent during the year 1928 began with Jantlary I, i923, and ended with December 31, 1927. Simi- 200 4.ul~l7 1955 . . QUESTIONS AND ANS,.WERS lar.ly .the report to be sent to the Holy See during the.year 1956 (nQt 1957) by all religious institutes of women' from the Americas (North, Central, and South) will cover the .entire five-year period beginning with January 1, 1951, and ending December 31, 1955. ml7-- When a sister v~hether temporarily or perpetually professed, who has left the community, is permitted for a good reason to return, should she take her rank in religion fron~ her first profession? Or should she be.' ranked according to her profession after her re-entrance? Supposing that by "left the community" you mean. that sister asked for and obtained a dispensation from her vows, then the an-swer is to be found in canon 640, § 2, which reads as follows: "If, by.virtue of an apostolic indult, he i~ received again into the insti-tute, he must make a new novitiate and profession, and his place, amongst the professed members, must be reckoned from the day of his new profession." On the other hand, "left the community" may simply mean that the sister was granted, an indult of exclaustration, that is, per-mission to live in the world for a time without the religious habit and in subjection to the local ordinary in conformity with the pro-visions of canons 638 and 639. In this case sister remains bound by her vows and the other obligations of her religious profession compatible with her state. She is, for the time being, not subject to the superiors of her own institute, but to the local ordinary in whose diocese she resides, and this even by virtue of her vow of obedience. Consequently, upon .her return to her institute, since she has never been released from her vows, she resumes that rank which she already had when she went out into the world for a time. A novice in a pontifical institutewhich has two full years of novitiate received the habi÷ on August IS, 19S3. During the canonical year the novice spent.twenty-two days in a hospital. Now two questions arise: (I) When does the second year of novitiate begin in this case? (2) What is the earliest date upon which the novice may tak,e first vows? First of all, l~t us recall to mind that' canofi 555; §12, states the foil.owing: "If the 'constitutions prescrib m6re than 6ne ~'ear for the novitiate, the extra time is not required" for the ;¢alidlty of th~ profession, except the constitutions expressly 'd'&la}{ btherwise." Since.nothing was said about such a provision, we may presume 201 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Review for Religious that the constitutions have no special provision for the validity of the second year of novitiate. What folloWs~ therefore, applies qnly to the licit profession of tb~ first vows after two years of novitiate. :.- On February 12, 1935, the Commission for the Interpretation of the Code "of Canon Law declared that an apostolic indult is re-quired in order that, the canonical year of novitiate mentioned in canon 555, § 1, n. 2, may be transferred to the second year of novitiate according to § 2 of the same canon. In other words, when there are two years of novitiate, the canonical year must be com-~ pleted dur]ng the first year. A canonical, year of novitiate which has been interrupted by a period of more than thirty days must be begun over again. On the other hand, if the novice has passed more than fifteen days but no~ more than thirty days even interruptedly outside the novitiate'house under the obedience of the superior, it is necessary and sufficient for the validity of the novitiate that he supply the number of days so passed outside. This is the statement of canon 556 regarding thi~ interruption of the canonical year. To complete this canonical year the novice .in question, must spend twenty-two complete days extra in the novitiate after August 15. Hence the second year of novitiate cannot be begun until midnight: of September 6-7. This answers our first question. If the second year of novitiate begins at midnight, September 6-7, thenit will be completed at midnight ~f September 6-7 a year later; and the novice may licitly take his vows on September 7, 1955. Superiors cannot shorten the second year of novitiate (Normae of 1901, art. 75), nor can they dispens~"from a'-certain number of days by reason~of power granted to ',them 'in the constitutions; and the reason is that there is no questio~ here o~ a simple disciplinary norm from which superiors may dispense. However, in the present case,.the superior would be justified in.requesting a dispensation from the Holy See so that the novice ~ay make his first profession of vows aftertwo years with his class on A~g(st 15~ 1955. Are indulgences 9ranted ~y the Holy See limited to Catholics of the Latin rite? How may a Cafh01i~ o~ ~he ,~e~'.rit~' share, ih ~hese indul-gences ff they a~e so I[mffed? Do Cafhofic~ off, he Greek r[fe,have the[r own book on in ences? . ": ,: Since indulgences, pertain directly to'the spk~tual good'of souls, 202 July!, 1955 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS they must be intended for all Catholics.¯ In this matter there is no distinction between the Eastern and the Latin churches. As far back as December 23, 16'16, Pope Paul V assured the clergy and people of the Ruthenian nation in communion with the Apostolic See that they share with the rest of the faithful all in-indulgences upon fulfillment of the prescribed conditions (cf. Col-lect. Lacensis, II, col. 600 d). Within recent times a certain bishop of an Eastern. rite proposed the following question: "May the faith-ful of the Eastern Rites gain the indulgences granted by the Supreme Pontiff by a universal decree?" And the Sacred Penitentiary re-sponded in the affirmative on duly 7, 1917 (AAS, IX [1917], 198). Since these concessions refer only to indulgences granted to all the faithful by a universal decree, Vermeersch asks a very practical question (Periodica, IX [1920], 67, 68): "May Orientals by the use of scapulars and blessed beads gain the indulgences of the Latins?" He is inclined to the affirmative opinion, even in the case when 'the erection of a confraternity is required. His opinion is based upon an answer of the Sacred. Congregation of Indulgences which d~- clared it was lawful, for the master general of the Order of Preachers without a special faculty of the Holy See to erect confraternities proper to the Order also in churches of a different rite with the previous consent of the ordinary as among the Latins (S. C. Cong. lndulg., dune 21, 1893). There is no special book of indulgences for the Eastern Church. For such indulgences as have been granted by the Supreme Pontiff to all the faithful by a universal decree they may use the official Latin text issued in 1942 by the Sacred Penitentiary.under the ~itle of Enchiridion Ir~dulgentiarum (2nd ed., 1952). This has been ' translated into English under the official title of the Raccolta or Prayers and Devotions Enriched with Indulgences. ~-20-~-" In the case of a small monag:l'i~: chaptei', is it permissible to use fyped slips of. paper for votlncj inlplace 6f hand v~'riffen ones? Some elderly nuns do not ~e~h well:enodcjh:to write, and i~" would 'be very helpful if;they could be cfive~n"the typed namds of all th~ nuns 'enjoylncj ~passlve vblce. 'Our consti÷ufions do not specify "thekind bf ballot to be 'tJs~d b'i,t"onl~, i'hat it is to b~ "~leposffed in :÷heurn.; . .'. To avoid all .confusign~ and any~:pgssible, invalidity of votes because o~ a "lack of secrecy, only blank slips of paper should be.used ,203: QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Review ~oF Religious in elections, even in the case of a small monastic chapter. When an elderly nun who does not see well enough to write advances to de-posit her ballot in the urn, let her give her blank ballot'io one of the tellers and ask him to write in the name of N.N. Since the tellers are bound to secrecy by oath (Canon 171, § 1) thiff method is proposed by a number of reputable canonists 'such as Schaefer (De Religiosis. ed. 4, p. 242, n. 499, 15), 'Jone (Commentarium in Codicem, I sub c. 169, n. 2, pp. 173-'74), De Carlo (Ius Religi-osorum, n. 125IV, p. 114.), Vermeersch-Creusen (Epitome, I, n. 287) and others. . On account of a very tight schedule it would seem necessary to have Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament on prescribed days during our medi-tation period. Would such a practice I~e considered desirable?. Or would it be better to have Benediction less often and have it outside of medi-tation time?" May a holy hour during which there is exposition of the Bles-sed Sacrament interspersed with vocal prayers and sincjincj be considered as a valid substitute for meditation?' Finally, is it permissible to substitute a second.Mass for par~ of the morning meditation? Geiaerallyspeaking, there should be no conflict between medita-tion period and Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament. The consti-tutidns[ pres~rib'e th~ period of daily; meditation and no superior has the power to dispense in a "~enera! way from this obligation by shortening it. On the other hand, the sisters should not be de-p. rived of the blessing of 'their Eucharistic King on those days when Benediction fs permitted by the local ordinary. Schedules can and sfiould b~ arranged so as to avoid a frequent conflict. In single in-stanci~ s when, o'wing to iin unforseen difficulty, both cannot be had, superiors may dispense from a part of .the meditation period in order to make it possible to have Benediction ~f the Blessed Sac[a-ment. Provided that the holy hour has several periods free for silent prayer, it may be used. for the evening meditation. The chaplain may be ask.ed to provide such intervals for silent prayer. It is hardly c.orre.ct to talk about "substituting a second l~lass for meditation." What the writer has in mind un.doubtedly is the fact that occasional.l~r a "dsiting priest puts .in an. appearance and says Mass during the time allotted to the morning meditation. There is no objection to the religious finishing their meditation during this second.Mass (cf. t~EVlEW' FOR RELIGIOUS XI [1952]-, 3~:~3, q. " 30). , . 20.4 " Religious Clerical Forma!:ion and Sist:er Format:ion Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. [The following article is an address given by Father Gallen at the first Eastern regional meeting of the Sister Formation Conference, held at Fordham University, November 27, 1954. Ed.] thought WE can aptly begin our meeting by borrowing a of P!us XII. There is no doubt that progress has been made in the education and formation of sisters. Our spirit, there-fore, should not be one of discovery and reform but of greater progress. We are to direct our thoughts and efforts, not to the merely necessary or barely sufficient, but to the perfect. The state of perfection implies not only personal perfection but also perfec-tion in God's work. The topic a~signed to me may be entitled, "Religious Clerical Formation and Sister Formation." The comparison is not new. Father Larraona, the Secretary of the Sacred ~ongregation of Re-ligious, stated in 1951 that the teaching apostolate of sisters had a distinctive similarity to the priestly ministry. There is nothing in the Code of Canon Law on the studies or .professional formation of members of lay institutes, brothers, nuns, and sisters. The sarhe silence is verified with regard to non-clerical studies in clerical in-stitutes. The aim of this talk is to give the pertinent legislation, and especially the mind and spirit of the Church, on undergraduate clerical studies of religious men. This is to serve as a basis of con-jecture to the mind of the Church on the education and formation in lay institutes and as a partial foundation for your practical dis-cussions on this same point. My instructions were to emphasize the reasons for the legislation on clerical studies. Since these reasons are not found in the Code of Canon Law but in documents of the Holy See issued before and aftdr the Code, this talk will necessarily be, in great part, a documentation'. I. DURATION OF UND~ERGRADUATE CLERICAL STUDIES Presupposing the completion of high school, canon law com-mands two years of the humanities (first and second year of coi- , lege), at least two years of philosophy, and at least four years of theology for rehgtous dest~,ned for the priesthood. Exact 1y the same norm is .true of diocesan clerical studies. 205 JOSEPH F. GALLEN There is also an added .period of clerical formation immediately after the completion of the seminary course. This period is only of counsel, not of strict obliga.tion.; but it is a counsel strongly urged by Plus XII and the Sacred Congregation of Religious for both diocesan and religious priests. The words of Pius XII to the bishops of the world on this pont are: "We urge you, Venerable Brethren, as far as circumstances may permit, not to rush inexperienced priests into the life of full activity." On the time of this added formation, he states: "Accordingly, We heartily approve the plan. of assign-ing for several years the newly ordained priests, wherever possible, to special houses." "Several years" demand a minimum of two years. The S. C. of Religious had already urged the same practice for religious priests. The undergraduate preparation for the priesthood is thus at least eight years of obligatory study and traini.ng after high school and two years of counselled limited activity and further formation after the completion of the seminary course. The reason for the obligatory duration was expressed in the same words by Leo XIII and the S. C. of Seminaries and Univer-sities: "The preparation for the priestly duties must be long and arduous, since no one becomes familiar with things of such great moment easily or rapidly." The same Congregation also phrased this purpose as follows: "The work of the formation of a worthy ec-clesiastic is arduous and prolonged, but the fruits that are gained are no less useful to the Church and no less consoling to the heart of a bishop." Th~ reasons given by Plus XII and the Sacred Congregations of Religious and of Seminaries and Universities for the highly recom-mended added period of formation are: the dangers that exist at the beginning of the priestly life; the insufficiency of seminary training for the inc'reasing needs of the people; the necessity of training in doctrine, technique, and in the new forms of the apostolate; the need of competent and experienced individual guidance in the min-istry and also in the spiritual lives of young priests: and the need of learning the necessities, dangers, and difficulties of our times. The subjects I would suggest for your though~ and discussion under this betiding are the following: Isn't it in accord with the mind of the Church that the young sister should finish her under-graduate schooling, and training before, beginning to teach? Isn't teaching also a greht work and one that demands.a proportionately long and arduous preparation? 'Is the ill-prepared and unformed 206 July, 1955 SISTER FORMATION teacher in. accord with the 'norm of. excellence of Catholic education stated by Pius XI in his Encyclical on Christian Education and in a letter to his Cardinal Secretary of State: "Catholic establishments, no matter to what grade of teaching or learning they appertain, have no need of. defense. The universal favor they enjoy, the praise they receive, the.numerous scientific works they produce, and par-ticularly the outstanding men of' great learning and exquisite cul- , ture that they contribute to the service of government, to the arts, to teaching, to life finally in all its aspects are more than a sufficient testimonial of their renown." Are religious superioresses guilty of the imprudence that Plus XI censured in religious superiors who wish to abbreviate clerical studies thht they may apply their sub-jects more quickly to the sacred ministry? He declared that the de-fect of such a rapid and inverted preparation can scarcely ever be remedied in later life and that the utility is later proved illusory by the diminished aptitude of the subject for the sacred ministry. I almost sense the familiar rebuttal that springs to the lips of many: "But we need the sisters. What of the thousands of children who must be given a Catholic education?" Let the Holy See an-swer. In an Instruction of April 26, 1920, to the Ordinaries of Italy, the S. C. of Seminaries and Universities repeated a recom-mendation of the. S. Consistorial Congregation that newly ordained priests be assigned as prefects in minor seminaries. One reason for the recommendation was that it would give the young priests one or two years of added study, formation, and initiation in the sacred ministry. The S. Congregation proposed to itself and answered the one di~culty that existed against the recommendation, i.e, the immediate need of priests in the active ministry. The Congregation maintained that this difficulty was outweighed .by the good of giving later a perfectly and solidly formed priest, that the profit of the added formation of one or two years was immensely greater than the good of supplying the immediate necessity, and also that the delay in supplying the immediate needs would be only for one or two years. The system would be in full operation at the end of this time, and the same number of priests would then be assigned yearly to the life of full activity. We can add ,that it appears to be idle to oppose the necessity of teachers against the longer preparation of sisters. The Catholic population in the United States is not decreasing; the de-mand for teachers will no~ decrease in the future. If the longer preparation cannot be given now, when will it be possible to give this preparation ? 207 JOSEPH F. (]ALLEN Review [or Religious We may add here some pertinent and important details of cler-ical studies. Canon law forbids religious superiors to assign any duties to the students of philosophy or theology that would be' an obstacle or impediment in any way to either their study Or classes. Canonical authors are quick to explain that the usual violation of this law is the appointment of such students as 'teachers'or prefects in the schools .of the institute. Furthermore, the Code explicitly grants superiors the faculty of dispensing students from some com-munity exercises, including choir, if this is judged necessary for their advance in study. The length of the scholastic year in clerical studies is nine months, which gives a summer vacation of three months. In a letter of July 16, 1912, to the Ordinaries of Italy, the S. Con-sistorial Congregation decreed that there should be four hours of class daily in seminaries. Four and a half hours daily were permitted only if there was a full holiday each week. These hours were to be broken, not all consecutive. The S. Congregation opposed a greater number of hours as impossible and gave as the reasons: the religious exercises obligatory in seminaries and the interruption of labor and rest necessary to avoid harm to the physical health of the students. Care of the health of the students is to be exercised in all seminaries, and it is at least not unusual for one of the officials to have the spe-cial duty of prefect of health. ¯ Is the life of (he young and sometimes even of the older sister in dark and even frightening contrast to this sensible legislation, regulation, and reasoning of the Holy See? She'is confronted daily with the exhausting task of six or seven hours of teaching young children, of extracurriculaf activities, preparation for classes, several hours of religious exercises, domestic duties in the convent, and some-times of added parochial duties.' She may have to attend classes for her own education on some afternoons and on Saturdays. Her Christmas vacation is frequently¯taken up in great part by a second retreat, and her Easter vacation is sometimes devoted to the annual retreat. In the summer¯she is faced by summer school for her own education, her annual retreat, and sometimes by catechetical schools. In such a regime we can seriously doubt that she.is capable'of being sou,ndly educated' by the extra classes .during the year and the sum-mer school. We can affirm with certainty that sufficient care is not being taken of her physical and mental health and that she is not being given the maternal government demanded by Plus XII. With equal certainty we can hold that her spiritual life is endangered. She is faced by an impossible life. Something has to break; and 208 dulg, 1.o55. SISTER FORMATION experience proves, at least usually, that the first thing to weaker~ in such circhmstances is the spiritual life. II. Pu~post~ OF UNDERGRADUATE CLERICAL STUDIE~ The essential purpose of undergraduate clerical studies is to ed-ucate and train a competent and worthy priest for the sacred min-istry. This purpose was expressed by Urban VIII, in 1624, "that they may later be useful workmen for the Church"; by Benedict XIII, in 1725, "that they may be worthy, skilled, useful workmen"; by Plus X, in 1910, "the formation of a priest worthy of the name." In 1940 the S. Congregation for the Oriental Church made a comparison with regard to this purpose, which we can summa~'ize as follows: If lawyers, civil officials, doctors must study for years and obtain a prescribed degree, if even those engaged in the manual arts must serve a long apprenticeship, certainly the ministers of Christ need a much longer and much more careful formation both because of the sublime dignity of their office and the most important duty of directing souls. Isn't the office of the Catholic teacher also sublime, also most important? That office is to form the mind, the heart, the soul to this life and especially to eternal life. Is the~sister being given a for-mation that is commensurate with her purpose and that can stand unashamed before the preparation required for a lawyer, a doctor, before that demanded and enjoyed by her secular colleagues in the teaching profession? We religious live in the day of a great move-ment in the Church, the renovation and adaptation of the religi6us life, initiated and fostered constantly and intensely by .Pius XII. Doesn't this movement demand that we no "longer look to secular agencies and persons for leadership, that the principle of our life, our work, our advance, our progress be within, not without? If we go into this purpose in greater detail, we realize that cler-ical formation is a training in knowledge and in sanctity. Knowledge is of less import.ance, but it is of great importance. The purpose of the formation in knowledge is not to produce merely a skilled spir-itual mechanic, a man unlettered outside the sacristy and sanctuary. It is the intention of the Church, emphasized by Leo XIII, that the priest be a man of culture, of wide and varied learning. Pius XII stated: "Seminarians are to be formed in piety and virtue and are also to acquire a literary and scientific learning that will later en-able them to exercise an efficacious and fruitful ministry among all classes of citizens. A priest must be thoroughly familiar with 209 JOSEPH F. GALLEN Review for Religious sacred doctrine but he also cannot be. ignorant of the knowledge possessed generally by cultured men of his own nation." To teach is to transmit culture. This is especially necessary in our country and age when, to paraphrase Pius XII, so many men work at machines and a much greater number think and live as machines. Every Catholic teacher should be distinguished by a strong family resemblance to her mother, the Catholic Church, the mother of cul-ture and the devoted parent of the liberal arts. Is the extension, the summer school, the discontinuous type of education of sisters apt to produce a person of information and methods ~ather than one of culture? Is the attainment of culture generally possible except in a continuous, prolonged, properly directed and properly regulated course of studies? " Seminary training is a preparation in knowledge; but, in the language of Pius XI, it is infinitely more a preparation in sanctity. Canon law sufficiently emphasizes this purpose and demands that common life be observed perfectly in religious houses of study, and this under the most severe penalty of privation of the ordination of the students, that only edifying religious be assigned to such houses, that the superior exert constant and careful vigilance to secure the most perfect observance of the religious exercises, that the students be committed to the care of a spiritual director of outstanding pru-dence, charity, spirituality, and religious observance, and that the professors are not only to be competent but also of conspicuous pru-dence and spirituality. The law on diocesan seminaries is perfectly parallel. The pre-eminence of this purpose does not escape canonical authors, who follow Clement VIII in classify!ng the period of cler-ical studies of religious as another noviceship. However, it is espe-cially in the constant directives of the Roman Pontiffs that the preparation in sanctity receive its adequate expression. Leo XIII and Benedict XV aptly summarized the purpose of diocesan seminary training not as mere observance of regulations, not as a mere mor-ally upright life, but as the formation in the students of the living image of Jesus Christ. In the thought of St. Plus X, the purpose of the seminary is to form the student in priestly sanctity, and the distinction between the priest and the merely upright man should be as great as .that between heaven and .earth. This purpose must be intensified for clerical religious, since Pius XII has clearly re-moved any possible doubt from the proposition that it is the ob-ligation of the religious, not of the cleric, to strive for complete evangelical perfectiOn. 210 July, 1955 SISTER FORMATION Thus the training in priestly sanctity, in the religious sanctity of the religious priest, demands this long noviceship of at least eight years. Plus XII stated to a gathering of members of the Society of 3esus: "As a long space of time is required to establish the sturdy oak, so prolonged patience is always necessary for the formation of the man of God. Therefore, the generous daring of young men that impels them immaturely into action must be curbed. Too hasty activity destroys rather than builds up and is harmful both to the subject and to the apostolic works themselves." In law the sister is no less the woman of God. She shares equally with religious men the obligation and the glory of striving for complete evangelical perfection. Isn't she being rushed immaturely into action? Is it conducive to her purpose of personal.sanctification to hurry a young sister into the life of full activity after only a year and a half or two years and a half of postulancy and noviceship? You must be aware that at times even postulants and second-year novices are assigned to this life of full activity. In the case of the novices, this practice, as customarily carried out in fact, is clearly contrary to an important Instruction of the S. C. of Religious. Are these facts in accord with the principle of Pius XII quoted above? In his Encyclical on Sacred Virginity, the same Pontiff demands the long segregation of the seminary and scholasticate for diocesan and religious priests and then asks the question: "What gardener in planting trees exposes his choice but weak cuttings to violent storms that he may test the strength that they do not yet possess? The stu-dents of the sacred seminary and the scholastics are certainly to be considered like young and weak trees that .must first be planted in places of shelter and prepared gradually for resistance and conflict." Shouldn't our age of the equality of woman have proved to us that she is the equal of man also in weakness? That she too needs a long segregation in the shelter of eternal things before she is strong enough to live eternal things even satisfactorily in the attractions and al-lurements of the things of time? III. ONE HOUSE OF STUDIES IN EVERY CLERICAL INSTITUTE The law of the Code is that every clerical religious institute is obliged to have at least one house of studies for philgsophy and the-ology. It is even somewhat probable that each province should have such a house. The same law is true of every diocese for the diocesan clergy. The reason for this norm is that the popes have identified the necessity of a seminary in every diocese with the necessity oLsem- ,JOSEPH F. GALLEN R~oieua Ioi" Religious. inary training itsklf. We may add that a seminary in every diocese and a house of clerical, studies in every religious institute a~e, gener-ally speaking, more conducive at least to spiritual formation and evidently permit greater control, direction, and supervision. This canonical norm prompts the following subject for your thought: Should not every congregation of sisters have its own juniorate where, immediately after the novicesbip, the young professed com-plete their undergraduate intellectual formation and continue their spiritual formation? An observation must be added here. In com-manding a seminary in each diocese and a house of studies in every clerical religious institute, the Church manifests that she has no excessive fear of educational inbreeding: This .difficulty will be overcome by having the juniorate teachers make their graduate studies outside their own institute. IV. EXCEPTION TO THE PRECEDING NORM According to canon law, if a religious institute or province can-not have a suitable house of studies for philosophy or theology or it is difficult to send the students to their own house of studies, t.hey are to be sent to the house of studies of another province of the same institute, or of another religious institu.te, or to a diocesan seminary, or to a Catholic university. In the same circumstances, a diocese is to send its seminarians to the seminary of another diocese or, if they exist, to the common seminary of many dioceses (interdiocesan) or to the common seminary of one or several ecclesiastical provinces (regional). These canons suggest the following thoughts for your consideration: the sending of the junior professed to the juniorate of another province, or to the classes of the juniorate of another in-stitute, or to the classes of a Catholic college or university, or to those of a diocesan college for sisters, or final!y to a central house of studies for all the provinces of the same congregation. One very important caution may and should be added here. A seminary is not a day school. By a seminary or clerical house of studies, the Church means a house where the students reside day and night. Otherwise, their principal purpose, the continued spiritual formation of the students, would hax~e to be classed as a practical impossibility. If we apply this concept to congregations of sisters, the following conclusion seems to be evident: If congregations send their junior professed to classes outside their own institute, these young-professed should reside in the one house of their own institute, under the direction of a mistress of juniors, whose office is to be 212 ,lulg, 1955 SISTER FORMATION analogous to that of the spiritual director in diocesan seminaries and clerical houses of study. If this is not done, the prihcipal purpose of a juniorate, the continued spiritual formation of the young professed, will also be a practical impossibility. A well-known authority on the law of religious, the Dominican canonist Pruemmer, has a per-tinent thought on this matter: "Experience proves sufficiently and superabundantly that clerical studies suffer when the students are scattered in small houses that serve only secondarily for studies; therefore, they are to be assembled in larger formal houses whose principal purpose is the promotion of studies." We can well add that their spiritual formation suffers even greater damage. V. SHOULD THE JUNIORATE, AT LEAST ULTIMATELY, BE Ex- CLUSIVELY FOR SIS:FERS; OR SHOULD THE JUNIOR PROFESSED BE SENT TO CLASSES WITH COLLEGE GIRLS? It is the repeated and insistent teaching of the Roman Pontiffs and the Roman Congregations, also in our day, that there is no such thing as a mixed seminary, that is, an educational establishment for both seminarians and secular students. The words of Pius XI on this point are: ". sacred seminaries are to be used only for the pur-pose for which they were instituted, the proper formation of sacred ministers. Therefore, not only must there be no place in them for boys or young men who manifest no inclination for the priesthood, since such association does great harm to clerics, but the religious exercises, the plan of studies, the method of government must all tend to prepare the mind of the student in the proper manner for the performance of his divine office. This .must be the sacred law of all seminaries and it admits of no exception." There are eminent canonists who maintain that the seminary is not to be classed as mixed if seculars are co~fined to attendance at the classes. However, the S. C. for the Oriental Church declared in 1940: "The doctrinal, moral and ascetical formation of the students is to be imparted in seminaries, that is, in colleges or houses devoted exclusively to the preparation of students for the priesthood and properly established and directed to this purpose." Therefore, the doctrinal formation also is to be exclusively for seminarians. This principle w'as affirmed more clearly for Italy by the S. Consistorial Congregation in 1912 and the S. C. of Seminaries and Universities in 1920: "Care is to be taken also that the classes be reserved to seminarians or aspirants for the priesthood, since the seminary classes, also of minor sem2 inaries, should have the distinctive spirit and orientation demanded for aspirants to the priesthood." The latter Congregation also gave 213 JOSEPH F. GALLEN Reoiew for Religious the essential reason for the principle, w'hich we can sumlharize as follows: As the formatioh of a Catholic must animate every Cath-olic teacher and be the soul of every Catholic classroom, so the for-mation of the priest must animate every seminary professor and be the soul of every seminary classroom; education is formation, not the mere imparting of knowledge; and every class must be a training in both knowledge and virtue. This doctrine of the S. Congregation is certainly not new; it is the basic concept of Catholic education. The reasons for the separation given by popes and the sacred congrega-tions are also: Clerical education is something entirely different from that of the laity and the association of the two is a cause Of loss of vocations, fatal to clerical formation, and the cause of great harm to clerical students. The distinction and separation of ecclesiastical and lay education are to be carefully pondered in the following em-phatic words of Leo XIII: "For this reason the education, studies and manner of life, in brief all that appertains to priestly discipline, have always been considered by the Church as something complete in themselves, not only distinct but also separate from the ordinary norms of lay life. This distinction and separation must remain un-changed also in our times, and any tendency to unite or confuse ecclesiastical education and life with lay education and life must be judged as reprobated not only by the tradition of the Christian centuries but by the apostolic teaching itself and the dispositions of Jesus Christ." Thus the subject for your consideration here is: Should not the classroom for the.young sister also have a distinctively religious spirit and orientation? Should not the religious formation of the sister animate all her teachers and be the soul of every class she attends? Is the classroom of secular girls the suitable place for the education of the young sister just out of the noviceship? VI. FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF JUNIORATES In his Apostolic Exhortation on Priestly Sanctity, Pius XII stated: "What is more, Venerable Brethren, We heartily commend the plans that you will discuss to insure that priests be provided not only with means to meet their daily needs but also with assurances of assistance for the future--as We are happy to see done in civil society--particularly for cases in which they may fall ill, be afflicted with chronic ill health, or be weakened by old age. Thus you will relieve them of all anxiety for the future." If we apply again the principle of comparison, the salary of sisters should be sufficient to 214 July, 1955 SISTER FORMATION provide for their daily necessities, at least all ordinary medical care and old age. It should also provide, at least in good part, for their for-mation. It is inherent and essential in every centralized religious in-stitute that there should be an annual tax on every house for the general and provincial expenses, and a very great part of such ex-penses is the education and support of subjects in the states of for-mation. This tax is a necessary item of thelbudget of every convent, and the income of any convent of a school or institution that does not belong to the institute is to be derived at least principally from the salaries of its sisters. VII. EDUCATION AND FORMATION OF SU~'BJECTS APPERTAINS TO THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT OF [ITHE INSTITUTE The canons on clerical houses of studyi apply to all clerical re-ligious institutes, even if diocesan. These danons nowhere prescribe. any intervention of the local ordinary; but, on the contrary, they place houses of study under theauthority If the superiors and the general chapter of the particular institute.~l The reason is evident. The education and formation of subjects ih any religious institute, pontifical or diocesan, clerical-or lay, is a!matter that by its very nature clearly appertains to internal government, that is, to the authority of the superiors of the institute. ~he admitted concept of internal government in canon law is that it incl.udes not only the general relation of subje:ts to superiors but also the admission of subjects into the congregation and to the Iprofessions, their educa-tion and formation, appointment to various!offices' and employments, and transfer from house to house. Externallauthority and other per-sons outside the institute may and have h~elped; but the right, the obligation, and the rest{6nsibility for the e~ducation of subjects fall on the superiors of the congregation. I belileve it is necessary to em-phasize this point. In this matter higher religious superioresses are too prone to wait for those outside the institute to take the initiative, whereas they themselves have the responsibility for action. As a brief conclusion, we Imay approp~nate a thought of Pius XI: "There is perhaps nothing that the Church has promoted through the course of the centuries more tactively, maternally and carefully than the suitable training of he~r priests." In our own country, where Catholic educa}ion is so Important a part of the Church and of Catholic life and where sisters are so essential a part of that Catholic education, there is perhaps nothing that we should promote more actively, generously, and prog, resmvely than the proper education and formation of the sisters. " 215 Reviews INTRODUCTION TO THEOLOGY. Theology Library, Vol. I." Edited by A. M. Henry, O.P. Translated from ÷he French by William Storey~ Pp. 306. Fides Publishers, Chicago, 1954. $5.95. This is the first of a six-volume Theology Library, presenting a complete theological synthesis based on the Summa of St. Thomas. The translation of the other five volumes will appear during the next two years. The complete work, the result of eight years of collaboration by forty-one Thomistic theologians under Dominican inspiration, envisages as its audience: priests wishing "to continue to grow in the subject of their specialty"; religious seeking to pene-trate still more the subjects they teach in religion class: the laity in search of a systematic theology fo~ apostolic or professional reasons. Father Putz, in the introduction to Vol. I, after noting a gap be-tween the Latin manuals used by seminarians and the simplified textbook of religion courses, expresses the ~bope that the Theology Library will fill this.gap. Father Henry, the General Editor, prom-ises us no mere rehash of St. Thomas when he announces: "Each contributor has tried to rethink the questions and to present them under a form and in terms, nay, even in categories which are ac-cessible to the modern reader." This is, indeed, a bold promise, one whose fulfillment, especially in what concerns "the categories of the modern mind," will require that rare combination of a thorough knowledge of St. Thomas and of modern thought. Readers, then, will be justified in insisting upon some visible efforts at bridge-building between Thomas' mind'and that of today. Until the other volumes have appeared, one cannot determine how far the Theology Library suits the level of the audience en-visioned. To judge by the first volume, those who have had no formal training in thedlogy will find it very difficult to get the de-s
Issue 3.1 of the Review for Religious, 1944. ; /'lfl~ No L no ecr j .I. " ~Pr~a~e~for Travelers -.Devotion ÷o the Holy Famil ¯ . Encyclical on the Mystical Body. G.~ Augustine Ellard . James A. Klelst , ~ ~UAIl~cjro . ~ ' Fr,~ncls J. McGarr!gle [ , :' Genuine~ Mysticism . Robert e. Communications. Book Reviews Oue~fic~ns Answered Decisions 6f .the H?ly See NUMBER RI::VII W :FOR :RI::LI .G,IOUS , VOLUME IIl JANUARY 15. 1944" NUMBER ! CONTENTS "IT IS NO LONGER I . . . "--G. Augustine Ellard. 8.J . 3 THE CHURCH'S PRAYER FOR TRAVELERS--James A. Kleist. S.J. 9 BOOKL~ET NOTICES~ ~: 17 THE DEVOTION TO THE HOLY FAMiLY--Francis L. Filas, S.J.18 THE FAMILY ROSARY . 24 RELIGIOUS AND THE ENCYCLICAL ON THE MYS;FICAL BODY-- Patrick M. ReRan. S.J . 25 L'ALLEGRO --- Francis 3. McGarrigle. S.J . 35 OUR CONTRIBUTORS . . 47 GENUINE MYSTICISM: WHAT SHOULD WE THINK OF IT?---: Robert B. Eiten. S.J . 48, COMMUNICATIONS (On Vocation) . SAINT TERESA OF AVILA--G. Augustine Ellard, S.2 . BOOK REVIEWS (Edited by Clement DeMuth. S.J.)-- Pius Xll on World Problems: A Book of Unlikely Saints; An American Teresa: The Best Wine; Men of Maryknoll: Maryknoll Mission Letters; Action This Day: Life with the Holy Ghost; Small Talks for Small People; God's Guests of Tomorrow . " BOOKS RECEIVED . 66, DECISIONS OF THE HOLY SEE OF INTEREST TO RELIGIOUS.,, 67 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- I. English Hymns at Benedic~io'n ¯ ,. " 68 2. Lighted Candles on,Side Altars during Benediction . ~. 68 3. Changing Constitutions of Pontifical Institute ' 68 4. Poverty and Private Stamp Collections . 69 5. A Hymn entitled "~e Matrem" . . 70 "6, Superiors and Confessors . ". " . 70 7. Use of Crucifix for Way of Cross .~. . 70, 8. Sale of Several Pieces of Property . 71 9. Posture of Faithful at Mass . 72 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, danuary, 1944. Vol. IIL No. 1. Published hi,, month'ly : January. March. May, July, September. and November at the Coliege Pre.~i~ 606 Harrison Street. Topeka, Kansas. b~' St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approbation. Entered as second class matter 2anuary 15, 1942, at the Post Ot~ce, Topeka, Kansas, under the act of March 3. 1879. E ttonal Board: Adam C. Ellis, S.2., G. Augustine E11ard, S.J., Gerald Kelly', 8.2. Copyright. 1944. by Adam C. Ellis. Permission is hereby, granted forquotations of reasonable length, provided due credit be given this review and the author. Subscription price: 2 dolla, rs a y.ear. Printed in U, S. A. Before writing to us. p!ease consult ~notlce on Inside back cover. / Review t:or Religious ~ ~olume III January--December, 1944 Published at THE COLLEGE PRESS Topeka, Kansas Edited by THE JESUIT FATHERS SAINT MAR~'S COLLEGE St. Marys, Kansas "1t: Is No Longer I . . " G. Augustine Ellard, S.,J. ONE of the most magnificent and highly inspiring sentences in the writings of.St. Paul is the following" "With Christ I am n~ailed to the cross" it is no'longer I that live, but Christ that liveth in me. So far as I live now ¯ in the flesh, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me and delivered, himself for me (Galatians 2:20),I Among the ancient Galatians in Asia Minor to whom these words were first addressed, there must have been some who wondered what in the world St. Paul meant by them. It was evident that he had not been crucified with Jesus and ' the two thieves, and that he was still among the living and very"active in fact, anything but dead. Nor was it clear how it could be Said that Christ was livi.ng in him. There are--perhaps there are many--good Christians today who could repeat this proud boast of St. Paul with respect to themselves if only they understood it. But it seems so far from the truth to them that they feel that, whatever it means, it cannot be more tlsan some farfetched , oriental~igure of speech. Not understanding it, they can-not use it or draw inspiration from it. Perhaps.a brief consideration of the text will contribute to a wider under-standing of it, and open out .some of the immense inspira-tional possibilities that it contains. Baptism involves a certain mystical death, as well as the beginning of a new life. "Know ye not', that as many of us as were baptized unto Christ Jesus, we were baptized unto his death? We were buried therefore with him through this baptism unto death, that as Christ was raised ~New Testament texts in this article are from the Westminster Version. G. AUGUSTINE ELLARD Review' [or Religious from the dead thro.ugh the glory of the Father, so we also should walk in newness of life . For this we know, that our old man hath been crucified with him, in order that our sinful body may be brought to naught, and our-selves no longer.be slaves to sin . Now if we have died with Christ, we believe that we.shall also live with him. Even thus do ye reckon yourselves to be dead to sin, but living to God in Christ Jesus,' (Romans 6:3-11). Suppose that one of those old Galal~ians, after being a sinner "from among the Gentiles;"' was converted midw~ay through life, and that previously his moral character had :been that of a typical.pagan of those times. Then from birth he had been infected with the taint of origina.1 sin, and presumably, as the years progressed~ he added to that many p~rsonal sins of his own. Such was his old life, at. best alienated from God, and merely natural or human; and at the worst, quite sinful and corrupt. When he ~was converted and baptized, that kind of life came to anend. It gave way to a new form of life, that char]acteristic of the regenerated, engrafted, upon the true vine and vivified by it, incorporated into the Mystical Body of Christ and vitalized by it, a'nd sharing in that participation of the divinit~y which leadsto life and bliss eternal in heaven, lD~uring his later years our ancient Galatian could say that his old moral and spiritual self had been replaced by a new one, given to him by Christ and regulated by Christ. In this minimum sense every Christian in the state of grace can say that he no longer lives his o~vn life, that is, a merely, natural and sinful one, the only life that is all his own, and that now Christ infuses into him somethi.ng of His supernatural and divine life. At least in the essentials of his moral and spiritual life,-hi~ judgments and attitudes of will agree with those of Christ. Of the circulation, so to speak, of the divine life-giving sap from the vine into 4 ~anuar~, I "'IT IS NoLoNGER I . . ." ¯ the branch, he cannot be conscious; of his deliberate assimi-lation of Christ's ways of thinking and willing he will of course be quite aware. In a much richer and more m~aningful sense the perfect Christian has ceased to live his own°old life, .and lets Christ live in him, determining, like a new vital principle, the .course of his activities. For with him "to live is Christ and to die is gain" (Philippians 1 : 21 ). In the first place, the perfect Christian lets Christ guide his thoughts and judgments as completely as possible. "As a-man thinks in his heart, so is he." .He makes Christ's out-look upon all things his own. He has "the mind of Christ" (I Corifithians 2: 16). He appropriates the sentiments of Christ Jesus: "Let that mind be in you, ,which was also in Christ Jesus" (Philippians 2:5). His ideas and views are. not those of the worldling, nor those of the mediocre Chris-tian who shows more or less of the secular mentality about him. His constantendeavor is that there be total harmony between his mind and that of Christ. His faith he makes as, full and vivid and realistic as possible, sharing thus i~ some sense in the vision, of Christ: "So far as I live now in the flesh, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me and delivered himself for me" (Galatians 2:20). He cultivates the intellectual virtues of Christ. In his wisdom heviews all things, persons, and extents in relation to God, and he tries to see them as God sees them. His prudence enables him promptly, and accurately to discern the divine plan and to decide practically what he should do in accordance with God's Wishes. In a word, he makes his own, as far as pos-sible, the mentality and ideology of Christ. Mindful of that supremely important practical prin-ciple of Christ, "Where thy treasure is, there shall thy heart be also" (Matthew 6:21), the perfect Christian will be careful above all about his value-judgments. He knows it G. AUGUSTINE ELLARD Review [or Religfous is these that the will tends to folloW. He will earnestly strive realistically to appreciate what Christ .values, and to regard all else as worthless or worse. Christ's hierarchy of values will become his. Like St. Paul, he w, ill be able to ¯ say: "But such things as were to my gain, these for Christ I have come to count as loss. Nay, more, I count all things loss by. reason of the excellence of the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord. For his sake I have suffered the loss of all things and count them but refuse, in order that I may gain Christ and be found in l'Jim . that so I may know him,. what the power of his resurrection, what fellowship in his sufferings, and become one with him in his death, in the hope that I may attain to the resurrection.from the dead" (Philippians 3:7-11). In accordance with the mind of Christ and in opposition to the thoUght-fashions of the world, he will rate poverty as having a certain higher value .than wealth, humiliations as being better than honors, mor-tification as superior to gratification; and suffering as pref-erable to pleasure. Where Christ.finds truth, goodness, beauty, peace, beatitude, and glory for the infinite goodness of the Blessed Trinity, there also he will find his supreme values and aims. Judging and evaluating things according tothe stand- - ards of Christ will help the pe~fgct Christian to imitate Him also in His emotional or affective life: Feetin~l like Christ is a great and, tosome extent, a necessary, aid toward willing like Christ. He will strive to reproduce in himself as far as he can that happy emotional balance, harmony, and stability which characterized the interior of Christ. "Peace I leave to you, my peace I give to you: not as the worldgiveth, do I give to you. Let not your heart be troubled, neither let it be dismayed" (Johni27). His likes and dislikes, his fears and hopes, his joys and sorrows ' Will follow the model set by the Heart of Christ. danuar~t. 1944 "'IT IS NO LONGER I'.'" It is most of all in the attitudes and activities of his ~¢ill that the Christian in whom Christ lives fully will manifest, as fa.r as is humanly possible, assimilation to Christ, union with Him, transformation into Him, and 'mystical identification with Him. Above all, he will let Christ determine his free actions. The norm according to which Christ Himself inflexibly chose or rejected was the will and plan of the Eternal Father: "I am come down from heaven, not tb do mine own will, but the will of him who sent me" (John 6:38) ; "My food is to do the will of him that sent me, and to accomplish his work". (Ibid. 4:34) : "My Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass away from me: yet not as I will, but as thou wilt" (Matthew 26:39) : "The things that please him, I do.always" (John 8:29). The same norm will be the rule for one in whom Christ lives and whose moral and spiritual life He moderates. He lets Christ decide what he will decide: Christ's decisions he makes his own. The dominant influence in the will-life of Christ was a supreme and invincible love and charity for the Infinite Goodness. The same affection will completely absorb and control the will of one pe~:fectly identified with Christ. Christ's love extended from God to God's crea-tures, though tl~ey were little worthy of it; so will the love of one united with Christ. Charity to the Father led Christ to the most heroic obedience, "he humbled himself by obedience unto death, yea, hnto death upon .a cross" (philippians. 2:8). Complying with God's wishes, one whose life Christ informs and. guides will endeavor like-wise to show the utmost obedience. With all his interior acts thus dominated by Christ and made to resemble His, it is only natural that the exterior activity and work of the perfect Christian should also be like Christ's. "Ever we bear about in our body the dying of Jesus, so that the life, too, of Jesus may b~ made mani- ~7 G. AUGUSTINE ELLARD fest in our bodies. For we who live are ever belong- deliv-ered up to deatti for Jesus'. sake, so that the life, too,. of Jesus may be made manifest in our mortal flesh" ('II Corin-thians 4:10-11). In general, Christ's work was to glorify the Father and to save men by fulfilling the task which was assigned to Him. "I have glorified.thee upon earth, having accomplished the work which' thou hast given me to do" (John 17:4) ; "I came that they may have life, and have it abundantly" (Ibid. 10:10). Christ went about teaching, helping others, and giving the noblest, example; He founded the Church; and finally He redeemed men to their super-natural destiny by.His sacrificial death on the Cross. His good disciple, whether priest or religious or layman, par-takes in that work and extends it. He carries on the teaching office of Christ, at least privately 'and by example. He eagerly seizes opportunties to give aid to hi~ neighbor. He helps with the work of the Church, perhaps nowadays in some form of Catholic action~ Daily, oil possible," he sl'iares in offering again.to God in the Mass the sacrifice by~ which all men were redeemed; through the Mass als~ he contributes toward actually applying to individual souls ¯ the merits of the sacrifice of Calvary. In a word, he co~operates wholeheartedly with Christ in all the grand purposes and achievements of the Incarnation. Thus, the good Christian who dies to sin and lives as a vital branch of the true vine, as a vigorous m~mber of the ~Mystical Body of Christ, and as a participant in the nature of God, and who lets Christ determine all his thoughts, appraisals, affections, volitions, and external activities, will be "another Christ," and will be prepared to share eter-nally with Christ in the beatific intuition and-love of the most blessed Trinity. The Church's Prayer t:or Trave-lers James A. Kleist, S.J. THE Church's prayer, or collection of prayers, for tray- " elers, known as ~he Itinerarium, was originally intended for tbe reverend clergy. This seems evic]~nt from the use of the Versicle Dorainus vobiscum and the Response .Et curn spiritu tuo. The rest, however, is so broad and elastic in its wording that any person may derive i3rofit and consolation from its recital. It may not be. amiss, therefore, if I propose, for the benefit of religious not acquainted with the Latin tongue, to present an.English rendering and follow it up with a few words of comment. " ~Text ot: The ltinerarium Antiphon: Into the way of peace. .~ The Canticle of Zacharg: St. Luke 1 : 68-79. 68 Blessed be the Lord, the God of Israel, o for He has kindly visited us." His People, and brought about Our redemption: 69 a Tower of Salvation He has raised up for us in the House of His servant David. 70 He bad promised as much through the mouth of His holy Pr.ophets of old, 71 and has sent us a Savior to deliver us from our foes and from the, hands of all that hate us. 72 He has dealt in mercy with our fathers, ¯ " mindful of .His holy covenant 73 and of the oath He had made to our father Abraham; for He bad sworn to enable us 74 --rescued from the clutches of our foes-- to worship ~im without fear, JAMES A. KLEIST /. in holiness and observance of the Law, in His presence, all our days. . 76 And for your part, my little one, you will be hailed "Prophet of'the Most High"; for you are to run before the face of the Lord to 'make ready His roads, 77 to impart to His People knowledge of salvation through forgiveness of their sins: 78 thanks to our God's sweet mercy in which He so graciously visited us, descending from Heaven-- a rising Light 79 to shine upon those settled in darkness and in the shadow of death, and to guide our steps into the path of petice.1 An.tipbon: May the omnipotent and Merciful Lord direct our st~ps into the way of 'peace and prosperity, and maythe Angel Ra-phael be our escort on the way, so that in peace, in safety, and in joy, we may return to our homes. Lord, have mercy on us. Christ, have rrfercy on us. Lord, have mercy on us. Our Father . And lead us not into temptation. ]1 But de-- liver us from evil. Versicles and Responses: Save Thy servants I that trust in Thee, my God. I I Send us help from Thy Sanctuary. O Lord. I and from Sion guardus. I! .Oh, be to us, 0 Lord, a Tower of Strength I impregnable to all our fdes. I1 Let not the enemy gain the best of us, [ nor wicked men succeed in harming us. II Blessed is the Lord from day to day. I May God, our Savior, make our journey prosperous. 11 0 Lord, show us Thy ways: I reveal to us Thy paths. I[ Oh, may our steps be directed I toward the keeping of Thy Commandments. II What is crooked-ihall be straight I and the rough roads ~mooth. I[ On His Angels God has laid a charge in thy regard: I they are to keep thee in all thy ways. }1 0 Lord, do grant my prayer, I and let my cry come up to Thee. The Lord is with thee, I and with thy spirit. 1This is Father Kldst's own translation of the Benedictus.--ED. 10 d'anuary, 1944 PRAYER FOR TRAVELERS Let us prag 0 God, who didst enable the children of Is'rael to pass, dry-shod. through the depths of the .Sea, and by a beckoning Star show the Three Magi the way to Thee: grant us, we beg, a tranquil time an.:l a prosperous.journey. With Thy holy Angel for companion, may we be able 'happily to arrive at our destinatibn, and, in the end, at the Haven of Eternal Salvation. O God, who hast led Thy servant Abraham out of Ur in Chaldea and preserved him unharmed through all his travellings in a foreign land: we beg Thee graciously to preserve us, Thy servants. Be to us, O Lord, a Support ever-ready in need, a Solace by the way, a Shade in heat, a Cover in rain and cold, a Vehicle in weariness, a Shield in adversity, a Staff on slippery ground, a Haven in shipwreck. With Thee for a Guide, may. we successfully arrive at our destination, and; in the end, return safe and sound to our' homes. A ready ear, 0 Lord, lend to our humble iprayers. Direct and speed Thy servants' course that they may reach the blessings Thou hast in'store: so that amid all the vicissitudes of this life's pilgrimage they may ever be protected by Thy help. Grant, we beg, 0 Lord, that the family of Thy Children may walk in the way of Salvation, and, by closely following the exhor-tations of Blessed John, the Precursor, securely come to Him whom he foretold, our Lord Jesus Christ, Thy Son, who lives and reigns with Thee, in the unity of the Holy Spirit, God, for ages and ages to come. Amen. Let us proceed in peace, [ in the name of the Lord. Amen. II Commentary . The Antiphon, as Usual, sounds the key note of all that follows: "into the way of peace." When we go some-where, we are, in the Church's language, in via, "on the way." It matters not whether our "way", takesbut a few hours, or requires whole months to accomplist'i. Nor does it matter by What conveyance we travel, whether by bus or auto or street-caror train or ship orairplane. It may be a short trip for business, an excursion to. some point of 11 JAMES A. KLEIST ~ interest, a journey to a distant place for any purpose what-ever, a voyage across the Atlantic, a cruise in the Mediter-r~ inean, a march along Burma Road, a military expedition to North Africa, a transcontinental flight, a pilgrimage to Lourdes. We are simply "on the way," and our object in reciting the Itinerariam is to obtain the blessing of God so that our "way" may turn out "a way of peace --a phrase, by the way, in which the word pax is as elastic as t~ia. It means, of course, freedom from any kind of disturbance, physical, mental, emotional, spiritual. We want to enjoy ~all the happiness (for that is what pax means) which our friends wish us when they bid us "A happy journey!" A happy ~journey is one that is crowned with "success." That is what the Latin word prosperitas means; only, since "suc-cess" is capable Of a certain worldly connotation, I choose to render it "prosperity." The idea is developed both negatively and positively in the Canticle of Zachary;. for instance, we beg for "salvation from oui: enemies"; we want to travel ."without that sense of fear" which kills all joy. Above all, we wish to travel "in holiness and justice (that is, the observance, of the Commandments) oall our days." We can see, then, what wonders the Antiphon and the Canticle are doing for us at the very outset, even before we cross the threshold. As if by magic, we are charmed away into the region of the supernatural. The liturgy would not be true to itself if it did not lift us Off our feet, so to say, above mere worldly considerations, above those thousand and one petty purposes which so engross the minds of worldly people. The liturgy is at its best in.imparting to our humdrum life this supernatural trend. Nothing is so wholesome for us poor mortals as the Sursum corda which - comes to us from the Altar. How life could be beautified if this exhortation were always heeded! As a matter of fact, 12 Ja.rluary, 1944 PRAYEI~ ~:OR TRAVELERS ' all our life is v~orthless unless all life's doings, all-life's "ways," big or little, issue into that great superhighv,;ay that makes oflife a progressive pilgrimage to Heaven, our Holy Land. Only so considered will our "way" b~ a "way of peace and pr6sperity," a "way of salvatlon." " It is clear, then, why th~ Canticle of Zachary Was iiacor-porated in the Itinerarium. Its great centre piece is Zach-ary's words addressed to his little John, who was destined to be "great'" in the eyes of the Lord. He was to be the Precursor of Christ, to direct the steps of his contempo-raries "into the way of peace," to "prepare the way of the Lord." And we know how bluntly he spoke to the 3ews: "You vipers' brood! You need a complete change of heart and mind if you would enter into the Kingdom of God." We, too, shall take his exhortation to heart and hold our-selves convinced that the one absolutely needful prepara-tion for a "way of peace" is the state of grace. With this, we can reckon on God's help.Death and danger, it is true, lurk everywhere; and the enemy of human nature goes about roaring like a lion; but, somehow, he may be more " active When we are away from home. The Canticle is followed by the complete Antiphon, which reminds us, to our comfort, that God is Omnipo-. tent and Merciful. His Omnipotence and Mercy are our safest guides, our best travelling companions. In His Mercy He assigns to us one of the blessed Spirits, the Archangel Raphael, who proved so pleasant and helpful an escort to young Tobias. It is a delightful story, which we migh~ read from time to time in its entirety. It will beget in us-a vivid sense of God's Presence and ever-watchful P/ovi-dence-- a devotion, by the way, which is one of the Sweetest and most heartening to cultivate in this vale of tears. Since the days of Tobias, St. Raphael is the patron saint of travelers. Iia Christian devotion, he _shares this 13 JAMES A. KLEIST Re~ieto~ trot Religious honor, of course, with the holy Guardian Angels. In this. respect, the life of Blessed Peter Faber, 9f the .Society of 3esus, is particularly instructive. He felt Constantly sur-rounded by, and actually lived, in their sweet presence. They were his comfort on his numerous trips through Spain, France, Germany, and Italy. Before he entered a town or district, he would greet, the Guardian An'gels of. that locality, and put into their hands the business he had come to transact. And when the time for leaving came. he would say Good-bye to them in the most affectionate man-ner and thank them for their help. Incidentally, this .same manof God had a quite special devotion to ,John the Bap-tist, as is clear from one of the entries in his Memoriate: "On the day of 3ohn the Baptist I had and felt in my soul .a notable sense of the greatness of Saint ,John, and experi-enced profound grief because of the fact that, in this Ger-many, he was .not made so much of as in other countries." The Vei:sicles a~d Responses which follow are good illustrations of ejaculatory prayer. They are lively cries. for help, intensified by a deep trust in God. The first Collect takes us back to the story of the Chil-dren of Israel whom ~he Lord led, dry-shod, through the Red Sea, and to that of the Three Magi, whose trip across the desert to Bethlehem reads like a romance. These examples from sacred history animate our faith and trust in God. If need be, God will even work miracles to save us. The second Collect shows God's Mercy in leading, Abraham out of his heathen native land. It is rather cir-cumstantial in. its details, contrary to the usual style of the Collects; but it makes us realize that no detail on our trip escapes God's wat~hf.ul eye. The third Collect, the classic Church's Prayer for Travelers, is terse and straightfor-ward in tone. God directs and arranges our course, and is ever at hand to help. The last Collect again confronts us 14 January, 1944 PRAYER FOR TRAVELERS. with the heroic figure of John the Baptist. The Itiner-arium begins and ends with a reference to him.2 The Itinerarium closes, with this pregnant ejaculation: "Let us proceed in peace, in the Name of the Lord." Since this is a prayer, its sense can only be: "Since we are under-taking this journey in the Name of theLord, may We, assisted by the grace of God, firmly and confidently pro- - ceed so as to accomplish our purpose." Both the Latin word procedere and its English equivalent proceed con-note, a certain firmness of step.a This firmness rests upon the grace of God.Wbuld that we could, in performing. any and all our tasks, firmly "proceed in the Name of the Lord." It is obvious, also, that this Versicle and its Response will do very well as a renewal of our "good intention." If we accustom ourselves to its use in everyday life, it will naturally spring to our lips when w'e prepare for our last journey, the journey in, to Eternity: "Let us proceed in peace, in the Name of'the Lord." It is worthv o of note that, as the Itinerarium opens with "into the way of peace," so it closes with "Let us proceed in peace." -Peace, the possession of happiness, is the great goal of life's pilgrimage. To the old Hebrews "peace" meant the ful-ness of the blessings which they expected from the Messias: on the lips of our Lord (as in the words "Peace I leave you") it means the sum total of true happiness both in this life and in bliss everlasting. The opening "into the way of peace" foreshadows the gist .of the Itinerarium; the closing "Let us proceed in peace" sums it all up in retro- ¯ spect. -°I may mentio.n, in.passing, that the Missal has a special Mass for travelers (Pro peregrinantibus" et iter agentibus) and three Collect~ for Those at Sea (Pro naai- 9antibus). ~Note the vigorous sense attaching to the word in the Vulgate rendering of Psalm 44:5, Intende, i~rosloere procede, et regna: "Bend Thy bow, ride on victoriously. and conquer." 15 JAMES A. KLEIST Review for Religious" May I close,these reflections with a suggest.ion? All the prayers in the Itiner~rium are couched in the plural number. This is significant, though not at all surprising to one who knows the liturgy. We are never alone. We maynot have a travelling companion on. any particular trip; still, even. then millions of persons are, like us, "on the way" somewhere in the world. And even when we stay at home, others are journeying along the highways and byways of this" great world. The suggestion I would make, therefore, is that we accustom ourselves to say the Itinerarium as a regular part of our. daily devotions. We are all united by the strong tie of the Mystical Body. The value of such an exercise comes home to one at this time particularly when our men in the service need the special protection of God on tt2eir numerous and dangerous "ways." How .delighted they would be to know that there is some one at home .who remembers them by this special appeal to God's Providence. By a fervent recitation of the Itinerarium we.have an efficacious means of, as it were, making ourselves their travelling companions, of following them whithersoever their military commanders order them to go, of bringing down on them the very bles-sing of God which theymay stand in need of at an.y par~ ticular moment. There is another reason for adopting this salutary prac.- tice of the daily recitation of the Itinerarium. We may not be leaving home; and yet, we are "on the way" all the time. Between our private room ~nd the.chapel and the refectory and the classroom and the attic and the cellar and the gar-den and the rest 0f the premises, we are "on our feet," upstairs, downstairs, all day long, are we not.?- Eveh in the quietest community there are endless goings and comings. We are in constant" need of God's protection. Psalm 120 reads almost likd a commentary on the Itiner- 16 PRAYER FOR TRAVELERS arium: "I lift mine eyes toward the hills. ~ Whence shall help come to me? My help is from the Lord~the Maker of ¯ Heaven and earth. He'tvill not suffer m~ f~t to stumble: thy guardian will not slumber. Behold,':~He:~whb guards Israel slumbers not nor sleeps. The Lord is thy Guardian; the Lord is thy Shelter on thy right hand. The sun-shall not smite thee by day, nor the moon by night. The Lord shall protect thee from all evil. The Lord shall protect thg going and coming henceforth and for ever." The Itinerarium, deeply Understood in its significance for our spiritual life and daily uttered as a hearty cry for help, will save us many an unpleasant experience to Which we might otherwise be exposed, and will enable us tO travel through life's desert "in holiness and justice all our days." BOOKLET NOTICES Almightg Magic, by R. E. Southard, S.J. An account of some of the marvels of nature. Of interest to all; of special utility to writers, teachers, lecturers, -preachers, and retreat masters. 63 pages. 25 cents a copy. Published by: The . " Catechetical Guild, St. Paul, Miinnesota. ~ ' '" Reporter in Heaven, by R. E. Southard, S.J. An imaginary,visit to heaven. ~ ~ 5 cents a copy: Published by: St: Anthony's Guild, Paterson, N.J. "~,.~" ¯ His Favorites, a little book of reflections for the sick, by Rev. Joseph Lii~a's, P.S.M.~To Troubled Hearts, selections from the spiritual letters of Venerable Vincent Pallotti, translated from the Italian by Rev. George Timpe, P.S.M. Both pamphlets may be obtained from: The Pallottine Fathers, 5424 W~ Bluemound ¯ Road, Milwaukee,W~sc~nsin. No price given. Histo?g O~!ihe°Chu?cl~ of Christ, by Rev. Julius Grigassy, D.D., translated by ¯ Rev. Michael B. Rapach. ~ A texf book for Greek Catholic Parochial Schools. 114 pages. May be obtained from: Rev. Julius Grigassy, D.D., Braddock, Penna. No. price given. 17 The Devotion to the. Holy gamily Francis L. Filas, S.J. AMONG the major devotions of the Church one of the most recent is the devotion to the Holy Family. ~er- ¯ haps the most striking feature of its history is the fact that its growth paralleled the growth of the veneration of St. 3oseph. This phenomenon is easily understandable, for ,Jesus, Mary, and ,Joseph could not be honored together until each of them received due honor separately. We can. not here present the detailed reasons why ,Joseph's glorifica-. tion on earth was postponed; suffice it to say that after the Church firmly established in the world's consciousness the basic facts of our Lord's divinity and Our Lady's virginal motherhood, St. Joseph emerged from centuries of obscu-rity to take his place of honor as the recognized vicar of the Eternal Father on earth, the chaste husband of Mary, and the head of the Holy Family. The devotiofi to the Holy Family, as we now know it, explicitly came to the fore in the mid-seventeenth century, but its fundamentals ~had always been implicitly recognized in the Church. From the very beginning the accounts of St. Matthew and St. Luke testified that the divine Redeemer of mankind spent the greater part of His earthly life in the midst of a true family circle. The recurrence of such phrases as "the Child," "Mary His mother," "Joseph her husband," "His parents," and '.'He was subject to them," could leaqe no doubt of that. However, in the interpretation of these Gospel passages ecclesiastical writers chiefly_dwelt on the marvel of Christ's obedience rather than the parental virtues of Mary and Joseph which wel- 18 THE DEVOTION TO THE HOLY FAMILY corned the Child Jesus in the holiest atmosphere this world could provide. Thus, St. Ambrose stated, "Jesus' subjection is a lesson in human virtue, not a diminution of divine power.- Will those Who dezlare that the Son is less than the Father and unequal to Him because He is subject to Him as God, declare also that He is less than His mother because He was subject to His mother? For we read of Joseph and Mary, 'and He was subject to them.' The truth is that such obedience to parents brings no loss to any one of us but rather gain. Through it the Lord Jesus has poured faith and grace ir~to us all, that He may make us also subject to God the Father in the spirit of faith.''1 In demonstrating that the virginal union of Joseph and Mary was a true marriage St. Augustine more cl0selv approached our concept of the Holy Family, but even here .he failed to touch on that oneness of the trinity of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph which we venerate. "Every good of. marriage," he wrote, "was fulfilled in the parents of Christ --offspring, loyalty, and the sacrament. We see the off-spring in our Lord Jesus Christ Himself; the loyalty, in that no adultery occurred; and the sacrament, because no dissolution of the marriage followed.''2 ~ The first writer to join the three, holy names, appears to have been the ninth-century abbot, Walafried Strabo, who commented, "The shepherds found Mary, Joseph and the Child; t/~rougfi tl~ese tfiree the world was healed.''~ IAater, St. Bernard added more to the recognition of the dignity ot~ Mary.and Joseph as the divinely chosen intimates of Jesus on earth. "Who was s.ubject? And to whom? God to man; God, I repeat, to whom the angels are subject, whom 1Ambrose. Enarr. in Ps. 6l; 2Augustine. De Nup. et Concttp., 1, 13--ML 44, 415. 8Walafried Strabo, In Luc. Z, 16--ML 114, 896. 19 FRANCIS L. FILA$ Reoieto /:or-Re!igious principalities and powers 0.~bey, was subject to Mary, and not only to Mary, but t0~ose~h also because of Mary. Marvel, therefore, both at God and man, and choose that which gives greater wonder--whether it be the loving con-descension of the Son dr the exceedingly great dignity of His parents. Both amaze us, both are. marvellous. That God should obey man is lowliness without parallel, but that man should rule over God is elevation beyond com-parison.- 4 The first public commemoration of the Holy Family-- .far too incidental to be called "a devotion"--occurred at Nazareth in the fourth century. Here churches were built on the traditional sites of the house of St. Joseph and the house where the Angel Gabriel appeared to Our Lady. The Hidden Life was indeed honored, but never under that explicit title whereby " just as Abraham saw three persons~ and adored one, so holy mother Church ~ees three persons and honors one fact.''5 " Perhaps more noteworthy because more explicit is the .veneration which sprang up along the route of the flight .into Egypt. At Faramah on the boundary of Egypt facing Palestine a chapel was built (about 800 or earlier) in honor of the Holy Family, who supposedly entered Egypt at the spot. Traditions of a half-dozen other localities claimed that the three pilgrims tarried in each plate. Some of these traditions still live it; Coptic calendars of the eighth and ninth centurie~ which list a feast called "The Flight of the Holy Family" for November 6, and another feast that also commemorates the entire Holy Family on the 24th of the month P~isons (May 31), "The Entrance of 3esus into Egypt.''° 4Bernard, Homilia I in. Missus Est. .SMariani, De Cultu Sancti dosephi Arnplit~cando, 44. 6Nilles, Kalendariura manuale utriusque ecclesiae orientalis et occidentalis, Oeniponte, 1896, II, 693, 702, 719. " 20 ,Ianuar~, 1944 THE DEVOTION TO THE HOLY I::AMILY The great awakening otcurred in Europe .during the twelfth century and thereafter. A wave of special lov.e of 'jesus and Mary swept ovxr the faithful who sought to follow the course of these two lives down-, to the last d~tail, including, of course, their dependence on St. 'joseph. Since the canonical Gospels deliberately screened the period of the Hidden Life, the common folk fell back on the apocryphal legends to fill-the gap. The acceptance of the.se ,spurious (though well-intentioned and charming) legends was most uncritical, but it was done in a spirit of deep piety. Thus, in. the popular rhyming legends, in the por- .traits by the masters, and in the many.widespread Miracle Plays, the Gospel story of ,Jesus, MarY, and Joseph was Set forth with imaginative coloring that made the Holy Fam!ly a vivid reality for the medievals. If is from this period that we must date the tender contemplation of life at Nazareth, as instanced in the writings of St. Bernard, St. Bernardine of. Siena, and the Meditations on the Life of Jesus Christ of Pseud.o-Bonaventure. During the middle of the seventeenth century the devo-tion ~o the Holy Family appeared as we now know it. Through the~efforts of Francis de Montmorency-Laval,. first Bishop of Quebec, it was propagated in Canada after its diffusion throughout Italy, France, and Belgium. At the samb period Mine. de Miramion, a friend of St. Vincent de Paial, established (1661) a religious community, the Daughters of the Holy Family, to do charitable work in France. This was the first of the religious congregations ,to be placed under-the special patronage of the Holy Family. In 1844 a Belgian officer, Henri Belletable, founded the "]krchconfraternity of the Holy Family" in order to organ-ize working-men against socialism. At Lyons .in 1861 Father Phillip Francoz, S.J., established another group .21 FRANCIS L. FILAS Reoieu~ ~or Religious somewhat different in scope from BelletabIe's archconfra-ternity~ This was the "Association of the Holy Family," whose members were families rather than individuals. They were dedicated to the ideals of the Holy. Family. and recited special family prayers in common in their homes. It was in connection with Leo XIII's approval (i892) of this association that the .Pope issued the letters which present the nature and purpose of the devotionto the Holy Family so excellently that excerpts from these documents have been selected, by the Church as Lessons for the Second Nocturn of the pre.sent feast of the Holy Family. In 1893 Leo permitted the feast to be celebrated on the third Sunday after Epiphany and himself composed the hymns for its new office. However, owing to conflicting rubrics the Con-gr. e~ation of Sacred Rites in 1914 changed the date of the feast to January 19. Seven years later, ~Benedict XV extended the feast tothe universal Church, ordering that it be observdd on the Sunday ~ithin the Octave of the Epiphany. 7 In what does the devotion to the Holy Family con-sist? It is more than a mere combination or accumulation of the honors paid separately t6 Jesus, Mary, and Joseph; rather, in the words of Leo XIII, "in the vdneration ofthe Holy Family the faithful rightly understand that they are reverencing the mystery of the hidden life which Christ led, together with His Virgin. Mother and St. Joseph." The purpose of this joint veneration is that Catholics might be drawn "to increase the fervor of their faith, and to imitate the virtues which shone forth in the divine Master, in the Mother of God, and in her most holy spouse.''s There is no doubt, Leo affirmed, that God in His providence estab- 7Pauwels. Periodica de Re Morali et Canonica, 10, 373; decree dated October 26, 1921, AAS, 13, 543. gAuthent. Collect. Decret. S.R.C., n. 3740. 22 Januar~t, 1944 THE DEVOTION TO THE HOLY FAMILY lished the Holy Family in orderthat Christians of all walks o~f life might be' provided with attractive exemplars of absolute perfection. "In 3oseph heads of the household have an outstanding model of fatherly watchfulness and-care. In the holy Virgin Mother of God mothers possess an extraordinary example of love, modesty, submission, and perfect faith. In Jesus, who 'was subject to them.' children have the divine picture of obedience to admire, reverence, and imitate.''~ Benedict XV called attention to the striking unity of the devotion to the Holy Family. when he wrote: "With the increase of devotion to St. Joseph among th~ faithful there will necessarily result an increase in their devotion toward the Holy Family oi~ Nazareth, of which he was the august head, for these devotions spring spontaneously one from .the other. By St. Joseph we are led directly to Mary, and by Mary, to the "fountain of all. holiness, Jesus Christ, who sanctified the domestic virtues by his obedience toward St. Joseph and Ma~y. Religious communities have always been foremost .in imitating the charity, obedience, and spirit of work and of prayer that pervaded the Holy.House of Nazareth. How-ever, in addition to this method of practicing genuine devo-tion to the Holy Family, there is a most urgent need to utilize.the devotion in another respect. .The Holy Family is the exemplar and patron of the family, which is the cor-nerstone Of society, and which is today being attacked by a most destructive campaign. For the go.od of the Church and for the good of our nation, the apostolate to save the family calls for prayer and action. Probably in most cases. thi~ requirements of the state of life of religious prevent aibid., n. 3777. ldBe~ediet XV, Motu Proprio, "St. Joseph and Labor," July 25, 1920, AA$ ~2, 313. 23 FRANCIS L. FILAS direct external labors in this regard; but each and every religious can offer a life of generous prayer and fidelity to rule in order that the intercession of St. 'joseph and Our Lady will," through the merits of ,Jesus of Nazareth, bring down God's special graces to protect our families from the baneful principles of modern paganism. May they be led to imitate lovingly the family life of,Jesus, Mary, and Joseph. THE FAMILY ROSARY Father Patrick Peyton, C.S.C., who has been working zealously ~for two years to reestablish the salutary devotion of" the Family Rosary, some time ago sent usa lengthy report of the success of this work. We are giving here a brief summary of the facts in the report that seem to be especially pertinent to our readers. A nation-wide campaign to restore the Family Rosary was begun in 3anuary, 1942, to provide families with an easy but effective means of coml~atting the evils that beset the American home and. to provide the. young people of those homes with a weapon'of self-defense against the temptations with which they are faced. Ecclesi-astical authorities and lay leaders have joined enthusiastically and effectively in the campaign. Bishops, in particular, have preached on the Family Rosary: have writ-ten pastorals and editorials about it; have suggested radio programs that would make it easy for families to get,down on their knees and unite with the broadcasts: have inaugurated definite campaigns to promote the devotion in their dioceses; and have asked for and promised prayers for the success of the campaign. Two especially efficacious ways of getting the Family Rosary started in a home are: (1) to urge members of the armed forces to write home and ask that the Rosary be said for them; and (2) to get children to make the suggestion to their parents. Chaplains have the most favorable opportu.nity of ut(lizing the first method, though ~.~ey can b~ greatly aided by all who correspond with members of the armed forces: religious, no "doubt, have the best opportunity of in'spiring the children. At the time the report was issued, religious had already begun to join wholeheartedly in the campaign. A. Superior General of a congregation of men had promised to address a circular letter to his congregation on the Family Rosary. The Mother General of a congregation of women had been giving tfilks on the Family Rosary in the schools iri which her Sisters were re.aching. ~he reported that in every classroom she entered she found some children whose families had already been won over to the commbn recitation of the Rosary. The foregoing are but a few of the facts in the report. Perhaps we can publish more later. --Father Peyton's. address is: The Reverend Patrick Peyton, C.S.C., 923 Madison Avenue, Albany, New York. 24 Religious and :he I:::ncyclical on. :he h ysfical Body Patrick M. Regan, S.J. IN RECENT years Catholics have often been accused, and h~ive often accused themselves, of neglecting the papal encyclicals. Frequently. they excused themselv.es on the pretext that "the encyclicals were concerned with world problems or with ecohomic matters and like subjects which held no particular interest for ordinary individuals. Many of the faithful felt these subjects were'far beyond the grasp of their intellects and so held themselves excused. Be that as it may, in recent months a new encyclical has come from our Holy Father on the Mystical Bodyof Christ, which is the personal concern of every single member of the household ~of the faith. No examination of c~nscience can ever return the verdict: this en~ycli~cal is not for me. Its subject matter touches our whole Catholic life in practice from cradle to grave. Moreover the tenor of the papal document and, in fact, explicit statements in every para-graph of certain portions of it, almost command us: take and read, study deeply and assiduously. The Pope seems to have anticipated our usual indifferent attitude toward his pronouncements and to .have "forestalled every lame excuse. Of Such universal concern is the teaching of this encyc-lical that Plus even declares: "Moreover, we trust that the following exposition of the doctrine of the Mystical Body of Christ-will be acceptable and useful to those als0 who are without the fold of-the Church." He then a~signs as the reasons for this acceptability "not only the fact tha~ 25 PATRICK M. REGAN Review ~or Religious their gobd will toward the Church seems to grow from day - to day, but also that, while before their eyes today nation rises up against nation, .kingdom against kingdom, and discord i~'sown everywhere with the seeds of envy and hatred, if they turn their gaze to the Church,-if they con-template,. her divinely given unity--by which all men of every race are united, to Christ. in the,bond of brotherhood -:-they Will be forced to admire their fellowship in charity, and, with the guidance and assista.nce of divine grace, . will long to share in the '~same union and charity " If the encyclical concerns even tho~e outside the fold, still more .does it concern every member of the .Church1 itself. Since this is so, what shall, we say of the interest of religious in this doctrine? Surely it is not too mu~h to assert that each one should feel .personally obligated to make himself master" of the doctrine according to the tal-ents and pos!tion God has assigned him. The very opening. ~ar~graph 0f the letter seems to insinuate this: "Illus-trating, as it does, the grfind and inestimable privilege of our intimate union with a Head so exalted, this doctrine is certainly calculated by its sublime dignity to draw a.11 sPiritual-minded men to deep and serious study, andto give them, in the truths which it unfolds to the mind, a strong incentive to such Virtuous conduct as is conformable to its lessons." Religious have given up all things to follow chiist. Who, then, should have a deeper interest in what concerns intima.te union with Christ? Who more sincerely appreciates strong incentives to Virtuous conduct? Reli-gious too enjoy many more opportunities than people of the world to be spiritual-minded; in fact they should be that by the very nature of their vocation. They above all. then, should be attracted by the sublime dignity df the doctrine, and s16ould exhaust to the full the special advan-tages they enjoy for serious study of it. 26 danuarg, 1944 ENCYCLICAL ON THE MYSTICAL BODY For tbeSpiritudl-Minded A few paragraphs further on the Pontiff explains the appeal of the doctrine to the spiritual-minded.~ Remarking that in the present world crisis the faithful are of necessity drawn more to spiritual things and are ~hus in a position to draw more profit from the lessons, he voices the hope "that the~e our instructions and exhortations will be the more helpful to t~he faithful . . . For we know that, if all painful calamities of this turbulent period that cruelly tor- .ture almost countless men are accepted as from God's bands with calm and submissive spirit, they naturally lift souls above the passing things of earth to those of heaven that abide .forever and stimulate a certain thirst and keen desire forspiritu, al things." If these remarks aretru~ of the faithful in general, how much more true are they" of religious, who imitate Christ in seeking the kingdom of God~ not only in adversity, but always and everywhere, as their only call in life? Still more pertinent are the following sentencesin ¯ which the Pope notes the conditions specially favorable to the study of the do~trine: ~because of the present-day calamities "men are moved and, one might say, compelled to be more thoughtful in seeking the Kingdom of God. The m6re men are withdrawn from the vanities of this world and from the inordinate love of temporal things, certainly tl~e more likely it is that they will perceive the light of heavenly mysteries." Religious did not have to wait for World War II to see the vanity and emptiness of worldly riches. "When kingdoms and states are crumbling, when huge piles of goods and all'kinds of wealth are sunk in the measureless depths of the sea, and cities, towns, and fertile fields are strewn with massive ruins and defiled with the blood of brothers," then men will see that all is vanity; th~n they will be prepared to study the mysteries that per- 27 PATRICK M. REGAN ~ Review for ~Religious tain to life everlasting. Surely religio, us, whose one prin-ciple of life is that nothing matters but God's service, will find that the study-of God's mysteries fits into their main interest in life. Reasons/:or the Encyclical All the reasons assigned by the Sovereign Pontiff for addressing the world on the subje~t of the Mystical Body affect religious, but some of these reasons are especially perti;aent. For example, it is particularly true of religious "that many today are turning with greater, zest to a study that delights and nourishes .Christian piety. This, it would seem, is chiefly because a revived interest in the sacred .lit-urgy, the more widely spread custom of rece.iving Holy Communion, and the more fervent devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus practiced to.day have brought m.any souls to a deeperconsideration of the unsearchable riches of Christ that are preserved in the Church." ~ With this vision before him of the multitude zealou~ for a study that nc~urishes Christian piety, our.Holy Father himself assumes the task of teaching this difficult, yes, mys, terious doctrine. At the last moment, however, just before he begins his explanation of the doctrine he calls to our attention other weighty reasons. There are many errors prevalent concerning this doctrine, not only outside the Church but among the faithful also. And it might be added that many religious, too, have been affected by these errors. These are the words of the Pope: ".Nevertheless, while we can derive legitimate joy from all this, we must confess that grave errors in regard to this doctrine are being spread among those outside the true Church, and that~ among the faithful, too, inaccurate or thoroughly false ideas are entering that turn minds aside from the straight path of truth." 28 danuarg, 1944 ENCYCLICAL ON THE MYSTICAL B~)DY Setting aside the errors outside the Church as less per-tinent to our present subjecti we cannot fail to recognize in .the fol!owing the description of. some religious: "As a result of these conflicting and mutually antagonistic schools of thought, Some, through empty fear, look upon so pro-found a doctrine as something dangerous and. so they fight shy of it as of the beautiful but forbidden fruit of Para-dise." We must rather flee the danger Of the "false mgsti-cism creeping in; which, in its attempt to eliminate ~the immovable frontier that .separates creatures from their Cre-ator,, garbles the Sacred Scriptures." This false mysticism, together .with the false rationalism and popular naturalism rampant outside the Church, is the really dangerous for-bidden fruit. Pius reassures us with regard to the true d0c- .l~rine: "Mysteries revealed by God cannot be harmful to men ;. nor should they remain as treasures hidden in a field-- useless, They have been given from on high precisely to help the spiritual:progress of those who study them in' the spirit of piety." Deep and Serious Studg The Holy Father not only assigns the reasons for writing on the doctrine of the Mystical Body; he also, a's a-skilled teacher, sounds the keynote for his class. -This is not a "fresh air" course he offers, not a course to be merely audited, not a course that can be mastered with no further effort than paying strict attention in class. From the out-set. we are implicitly warned against thinking that the course might¯ be entitled: "Doctrine ot~ the Mystical Body Made Easy"; for the very second sentence of the Encyc- ¯ lical states that "this doctrine [of our intimate union with the Head] is certainly calculated by its o sublime dignity to draw all spiritual-minded men to deep and serious study. '.' 29 PATRICK M. REGAN Reoietv for Religious That the Holy Father envisions the reception of his teaching in an atmosphere of deep thought is brought out also in the outline of his plan immediately preceding the first or'explanatory part of the Encylical. Speaking of the lessons he will draw from the doctrine, he explains that these lessons "will make a deeper study of the mystery bear yet richer fruits of perfection and holiness." He seems" to ieassure us that, though we may never fully plumb the "depths of the mystery, yet the deeper our understanding, the richer will be the fruits of holiness. Surely, that is a ~trong incentive forthe religious to study the mystery. . Since deep study involves.reflectio, h, it is quite to expected that the explanation of the doctrine should begin with the words: "When one reflects on this doctrine . " Thus the Pontiff continues his lecture, punctuating it throughout with, similar observations. For example, he concludes the section on Christ, the Founder of the Body, With! ."One who reverently considers this venerable teaching will easily discover the reasons on which it is based." Perhaps the religious will take the cue and repair to the chapel to make some. reverent considerations of the Encyclical there in the presence of the Founder of the Body. Meditation Yes, the doctrine is an appropriate subject of medita-tion. Of this we are assured in the Encyclical: "Deep mys-" tery this, subject o'f inexhaustible meditation: That the salvation of many depends on the piayers and voluntary penanc.es which the members of the Mystical Body of Jesus ~Christ offer for this intention and on the assistance of pas-. tors of souls and of the faithful, especially of fathers and ¯ mothers of families, which they must offer to our Divine Savior as if they were His associates." Plus returns to this idea later when treating the topic, ' 30 January, 1944 "ENCYCLICAL ON THE MYSTICAL BODY "Christ, the Savior of the Body." Adverting to the fact that "we have already treated this subject clearly enough, when treating of the Church's birth on the cross, of Christ as the source of light and principle .of sanctity, and of Christ as support of His Mystical Body," he goes on to sfiyl "there is no reason why we should explain it further.'.' However he adds as a sort of afterthought: "but rather let us all, giving perpetual thanks to God, meditate on it with a h"umble and. attentive mind." No matter how clearly the subject has been treated, and despite the fact that there is no reason for further explanation, much still remains to be learned concerning this doctrine. But for this further mas; tery, Pius "turns us over to Christ, the Great .Teacher,. exhorting us at the sa~me time to listen to Him with humil,. ity and attention. Study o[ Mysteries Naturally many religious will be taken aback at the thought of studying quite formally a deep mystery of our faith. That is the work of skilled theologians, we reason: while our part isto share in the fruits of their labors by reading their books, or listening to their sermons or lec-tures. But no, the Holy Father would have us take up the direct study of the mystery of the Mystical Body fgr our-selves. In fact, over and over he insists on this idea of study. On the other hand he anticipates our reluctance to undertake Such a task; or, it may be, even our consterna-tion at thevery thought of facing a mystery in the hope of penetrating it. Hence he cites a declaration of the Vatican Council, which will not only allay all fears but even indi-cate a method of studying the present Mystery: "Reason illumined by faith, if it seeks earnestly, piously, and wisely, does attain, under God, to a certain knowledge and a most helpful knowledge of mysteries by considering their anal- 31 PATRICK M. REGAN Review [or Religious ogy with what it knows naturally and their mutual rela-tions and their common relation with man's last end." What an insPiring thought it is, that the very least among us may go directly to tl~e official enunciation of this doetrineby the Supreme Pontiff himself. What an encour-aging thought that we can be certain, on no less an authority than the Vatican Council itself, of attaining with God'sgrace ~o a sure and helpful knowledge,of the mys-terious doctrine of the Mystical Body. Many of us per-haps must accuse oursel~ces of being content to know only the a-b-c's of our holy Faith. One would almost suspect that.Plus had such in mind as he seems to strive to arouse us from our lethargy and get .us to study the Church, the hope of salvation. What an intellectual.and.spiritual°ban, quet a~aits the religious who approaches the study of this doctrine with eager and humble spirit! We leave the reader tO ~enjoy that banquet for him-self. Meanwhile we would exhort him to keep in mihd, as he studies, thaf foryears he himself has bedn a living mem-ber of this mystery, the Church; that all i~s mysteries, its doctrines, sacraments, hnd graces have touched his. life at every point along the way. In other words he has lived this life of mystery for many a year: surely it is high time to meditate it long and well. Exhortations Although we leave most of the work of teaching to the Encyclic.al itself, still we feel obliged to call attention to certain exhortations particularly appropriate to. religious. Outstanding among these, one that the very name ."Mysti-cal .Body" will bring to mind is this: "When, therefore, we call the body of Jesus Christ 'mystical,' we hear a solemn warning in .the very significance of the word. It is a warning. that echoes these words of St. Leo: 'Recognize, O Christian, 32 danuarv, 1944 ENCYCLICAL ON THE MYSTICAL BODY your dignity, and, being made a sharer of the divine nature, go not back to your former worthlessness along the way of unse.emly conduct. Keep. in mind of what head and of .what body you are a member.' " Again there is the paragraph exalting charity for our imitation: "Charity, then, more than any other virtue, binds us closely to Christ. On fire with this flame from .heaven, how many children of the Church have rejoiced to s~ffer insults foi Him and to face and overcome the hardest trials, though it cost their lives and the shedding of their blood. For this reason our Divine Savior earnestly exhorts us in these words: 'Remain in my love.' And as .charity, if it find no outward expression and effectiveness in ,good work, is something jejune and altogether empty, He added at once: 'If you keep .my commandments, you will remain in my love; as I also have kept my Father's com-mandments and remain in His love.' " The exhortation that follows on love of neighbor may be summed up in the. pointed question of the Holy Father: "How can we claim to love the Divine Redeemer if we hate those whom He has redeemed with His precious blood so ¯ that He might make them members of His Mystical Body?" Rejecting the "opinions of those.who assert that little importance should be given, to the frequent con~ession of venial sins," the Pope implies a special exhortaion to reli-gious in these words: "to. hasten daily progress along the path of virtue, we wish the pious practice of frequent Con- , fession to be earnestly advocated. By i.t, genuine self-knowledge is increased; Christian humility grows; bad habits are corrected; spiritual neglect and tepidity are con-quered; the conscience is purified; the will strengthened; a salutary self-control is attained; and grace is increased in virtue of the sacrament itself." Again, the following words, nothing more than a mere PATRICK M. REGAN statement of fact, are nonetheless a powerful exhortation for any religious: "Moreover, the common practice of the saints as well as ecclesiastical documents demonstrate hov~ highly everyone should esteem mental prayer." Puzzled perhaps by the teaching¯ of those who "would spread abroad the idea that prayers offered to God in private should not be considered worth very much," the religious might have wavered in his loyalty to his mental prayer: .What more encouraging ¯than to hear the foregoing words from the Holy Father himself on this subject, so dear to the heart of everyone dedicated to God. in the service of ~e.ligion! ,Fin'all,y, this whole doctrine of the Mystical Body teaches one lesson above all--love, of the Church. Nat-urally then we expect, to hear: "The vastness of Christ's love for the Church is equalled by its constant activity. With the same charity let us show our devoted active love .for Christ's Mystical Body.;' May we as'r~ligious measure ,up to the high standard of dedication attributed to us in .th~se words: "And so we desire that all who claim, the Church as their mother should seriously consider that not ¯ only the sacred' ministers and those who have consecrated themselves to God in religious life, but .the other members as well of the Mystical Body of ~lesus Christ have the obli-gation of working hard and constantly for .the upbuilding ~and increase of this Body." May our deep study and fer-vent meditation of the Encyclical help us to a deeper real-ization of our obligations as religious to the Mystical Body of, ~lesus Christ) 1For the study of the encyclical, we recommend the edition published by the Ameri-ca Press, which contains an Introductory Analysis, Study Outline. Review Questions. and a Selected Bibliography prepared by Father ylo, seph Bluett, 34 L'Allegro Francis 3. McGarrigle, S.3. AMAN'S duty of joy and cheerfulness is the state of mind, emotion, and will, that should result from his awareness of the great purpose and worth of his. existence. Man can and should be constantly cheerful only if he is convinced that "life. is worth living. '° His cheerful-ness must be essentially the "joy of living." 'joy .grows and flourishes only in the cheerful garden of belief in God's infinitely wise and good purpose for man. Consequently, sadness has its habitat in the dark and dank swamp of atheism andvice. It is ~/mephitic weed that will effectually choke out all fragrant plants of happiness and virtue, if it is allowed to grow in the soul. The best way to extirpate it is to get at its roots. ,Joy and suffering are not by any means incompatible. The one who loves is joyful to suffer f6r the beloved. The laborer who suffers in his labor has joy in the thought of a high wage. A~ surely as man has instincts that are opposite to one another, so surely his life must contain suffering: some form of frustration. For the satisfaction of any one of man's tendencies usually involves the frustration of another .tendency; and thus pleasure always casts the shadow of suffering. For instance, the fatiaer of a family may satisfy his parental instin& by bard labor in caring for his family: butby that very fact he frustrates his tendency to ease and amusement. The soul would have no rainbow Had the eyes no tears. --3. V. Cheney, "Tears." 35 FRANCIS J. MCGARRIGLE Reoie~o [or Religious Nor is cheerfulness the aloof, self-centered, touch-me-not withdrawal from sorrow-laden surroundings and' per-sons, in order to indulge in a sort of Nirvana of emotiom ¯ with studied indifference to the woesof others. Cheerful-ness is bes( fostered in sympathy and interest in others' mis.- fortunes. "Blessed are the comforters; for they shall be comforted"; and the comforters' blessedness or joy is not merely eschatological; it is this-worldly joy as well as other-worldly joy. The cheerfulness of the poor who are not envious of their more fortunate neighbor, while., sympa-thetic with their less fortunate one, isa matter of inspiring experience. Frequently both the smile and the sympathy lessen on the face of man and woman as the money increases in their swel.ling purse. ¯ The reality of life is shocking and crudeonly for those who do not know the wondrous meaning of life. The pes- .simists of humanity are not the oneswho have most to suf-fer; they are often persons in relative ease, but mentally :children who do not see the worth of the schooling of life; Especially literary and socialite professionalsufferers believe that self-knowledge and worldly wisdom consist in abnormal talent for discovering reasons for boredom, unhappiness, and criticism. -Tolstoi, a disillusioned man, quarrels bitterly with the whole scheme of the universe, and finds nothing of joy in life.but to dig the ground for" the sake of digging the ground. The reason is that he does no.t know what life is about. Two other Slavs, Poushkin and Lermontoff, sadly~labored over the reason for human, existence and in their poems and other writings found only" pessimistic replies. Poushkin, father of Russian lyric poetry, addresses life thus dolefully: Useless gift, gift of chance. What unfriendly power Has drawn me from the darkness? . . . There is no goal for me . . . ~6 Saturnine Byron, in "Euthanasia," sums hp.in two lines his lugubrious views of tlde worth Of living: 'And know! whatever thou hast been; 'Tis something better not to be. Pessimism, chronic discontent and sadness, is essentially the convicti6n that life is not worth living. Many amongst the best known German philosophers are pessimists fol-lowing the conviction of Sophocles, the Greek tragedian: "Not.to have been is past all prizing best'" (OedilOUS" Co-lonnus) . Schopenhauer calls life a sh~m, an annoying and point-less interruption of the steady calm of eternal nothingness: "The knowledge that it. is better not to be, is not only the most important of truths£ but also the oldest of wisdom,.'.~o. (Werke, ed. Deussen, III, .693). For Schilling, life is a farce, an absurd romance; for Feuerbach it is a madhouse and a jail. Eduard von Hart-rn'ann tells us that the genius sees through the" illusion of life. and finds it unendtirable, Whilst the.generality of mankind labor on in wretched contentment, slaves of the error, and delusion that they can be happy. After perceiving the ill,u.- ¯ sions of life, man sees the conclusion to be drawn: Nirvana, painless nothingness (Ausgetoal~tte Werhe, dd. Copeland, !II, 76). Most European pessimism likewise borrows its Views from the Buddhism of India, and like it, more or less logically and veiledly draws the conclusion of the blessed-ness of self-annihilation,, suicide. There have been weird societies for the promotion of suicide, on,e in Paris at the beginning of the nineteenth cen-tury. The members placed their names in an urn; and as their nameswere periodically drawn, they killed them-selves in the presence of the other members as the tetric expression of the worthlessness of living. In Italy, with other so-called thinkers, Leopardi. FRANCIS "J. McGARRIGLE laments that¯ no one can be intelligently happy. Life according tothis moping poet, by its very nature is infe-llcita, unhappiness: "I cannot imagine a use for life; nor any fruit of it" (Canto Nottttrno). In his self-pity he speaks to his heart: Be quiet forever; you ha.ve beaten enough; the earth is not ¯ worthy of your sighs. Life is nothing ~but bitterness and :. ycearzness; there is nothing else in it. The world is nothing ¯ but mire. Be quiet;.be in despair forever. Destiny holds ngthing to us but death. Despise henceforth yourself and nature, and the shan~eful hidden power which decrees the ruin of all and the infinite variety of all. (Poesies et oeuvres morales. French Transl. 1880, p. 49.) D'Alembert, amongst French pessimists, aligns himself With such "strong" men as Leopardi thinks himself to be: "Be great," he says, "and you will be unhappy." ' Disbelief" in the immortality, of man can see only dis-heartening frustration and deadening sorrow as funda-menial and final, involved in the very nature of man and his environment. Life for such disbelievers is inherently and utterly "a business that does not pay expenses," a thing far better if it were not. When the godless or materialis,tic philosopher does pro-pose optimism as a principle of life, hi does so on patently insufficient reason, in mere bravado, whistling in the dark. 'Some others are cynical, such as Oscar Wilde ("The Pic, ~ture.of Dorian Gray") saying that the basis of optimism is Sheet terror in facing life. Wrong in their valuation of living, materialists are n~c.e~sarily wrong as to the basis of optimism and joy, as is Herbert Spencer (The Data oF Etbics III) : There is on~ postulate on which pessimists and optimists agree. Both their arguments ~issume it to be self-evident '~ . that ,life is good or bad, according as it does or does not !. brinl~ a surplus of agreeable feeling. : 38 danuarg, 1944 L'ALLEGRO Optimism that ,is sound and ~pessimism that can give some. account of its source, are founded, not on feeling, but on the primary conviction that life. is, Or is not, worth living that the purpose of life is, or is not, worth the suf-fering it entails. -~. -- Quite a number df self-estemed intelligentsia: and worldly-wise hold that there is so little joy possible .in life that we must prove our right to it at all. "What fright have we to,napplness. , .(Ibsen, Ghosts I.) 3oy, they ~thinki is only for simpletons; Great and experienced minds~ among, whom they class themselves, must appear, bored, cynical, and disgruntled with life and with. everything in it. Sophocles~ however,~ says .of them in his Ant(qone: "The man for whom the joy of lif~ is gone, lives no~more~; he should be counted among the dead.~' ._" Many modern novelists, and~ssayists hav~ frankly abandone~ the possibility of happiness as a goa:l. The be~t they can offer as an ambition is. the empty shadow of piness without its soul-filling substance, the panting.quest for happiness without the possibility oL its acquisition, t.he ¢arrot dangled before the eyes of the silly donkey whom.s.ly -nature thus dupes into dragging with much labor the back~ breaking load of living. _ The deluded donkey, they tell :us, will never reach the luscious-looking carrot; and t,~here .is no welcoming manger awaiting.him at his weary journey's end. At last he will buckle under, ~ollapse and fall, the carrot still unattained. Anyway; they add.as a footnote, the carrot, agreeable as it looks; would prove disagreeable: if reached at last. Together with this defeatist attitude toward lif.e, strangely enough, there is~joined a. feverish longing forjo'~ and an amazingly mad chase after it; and all the while the~e same disillusionists assume a contemptuous superciliousne~} towards cheerfulness. They think itbefitting their elevated ':FRANCIS J. MCGARRIGLE :mentality to pQrtray on their grim countenances the cosmic boredom of living. .~ ~ It can be, too, that there are some lopsidedly pious Souls who.scent an insidious enemy of piety in every ~joy. Gaiety is to them always something .ribald. As Macaulay writes in his History of England (vol. III, c. II): "The ¯ Puritan hated bear-baiting, not because it gave pain to the bear, but.because it gave pleasu[e tO the spectators." On . the other hand, there are still simpler sduls to whom all religion and piety are repulsive because they scent in it the sworn enemy of every joy. However, one would gather from the writings of G. K. Chesterton that it was largely his sense of humor anal joy that established his belief in God and in the Church. The truth is that joy is an essential nutrition of human life, a greater necessi~ty than bread, a power of life, and an immense worth of life. The troUble with the pessimikts, philosophical or social, is that they are the simpletons, who look for hap-~ piness and joy outside their own minds, in riches, pleasure-hunting, social or political notoriety--all and any of which, by themselves, wipe off the human faceits smile of joy. Condition, circumstance, is not the thing; Bliss is the same in.subject or in king. --Pope, Essay on Man. They have not realized that to increase one's toys is not to increase one's joys. They seek joy from all sources but the true one: and finally, with Francis Thompson (in The Hound o[ Heaven), they say by the constant tedium of -their faces and the constant bitterness of their tongues: And now m'y heart is as a broken font, Wherein tear-drippings stagnate, spilt down ever From the dank thoughts that shiver Upon the sightful branches of my mind. ¯40 danuar~l, 1944 L'ALLEGRO All the bright~ lights of care-society, all the tom-tomming of jazz, all the social fir.ew0rks, all the scurrying of business, all the flitting from one place to another, .are mainly din and distraction for the stunning of joyless minds. So-called-modern art and so-called modern music-are the most joyless ever. excogitated,, because they 'iecede farthest from thought of God and His providence .for mani. More atheist than the Roman and Greek paganism, they see man and his life only with the unsmiling eyes of the animal and interpret him only in the fate and destiny of an animal. Modern art and music, are the saddest ot~ all art and music ,because they are the "most inhuman of all. They cannot smile; and the definition of man-is anirna( risible: '."the' animal that smiles." To study an exp0si; tion of modern art or tO listen tO moderri mi~sic is to dreriCh one's spirit with cold watermmuch ot~ it- dirty. ' -The joy of the theist is the only possible joy, for he alone knows wl-iere human lithe is going and has the assur~ ance that, it~ he So will it, nothing can hinder him.fr0ni reachinghis exCeedingly desirable destination. A ChriS-tian optimist sees an opportunity in every calmity; a pagan pessimist sees a calamity in every opportunity:. Successl is getting what you.want; happiness is wanting wl'iat you get. The reason is that happinessdepends on one's own outlook and dispositions. No one can make us happy or' unhappy;we do it ourselves, and we alone can do As Publius Syrus tells us in his Sententiae, "No man is happy Unless he believes he is." Enviroriment gives us the opportunity for happiness or unhappiness; but our own attitude of mind to our environ; merit constitutes our happiness or unhappiness. Humor and cheerfulness anddeep joy are by no means correlatives of comfort, riches, ease, learning or notoriety. FRANCIS J. MCGARRIGLE " Review for Religious ¯ Because nobility is not idependent on exterior things, bkcause it is an attitude of mind and will, nobility nor-mally has joy and cheerfulness as its distinguishing trait. Small souls are sad souls;.great souls are glad souls. There is no question but that one must be noble in character to be cheerful constantly; for only "out of the strong shall come the sweet." Nobility causes cheerfulness; but there is also the mutual causality of constant cheerfulness in generating and increasing real nobility, with its necessary discipline of mind. Great minds alone have lea~rned, great heart.s alone have lived, the truth that duty is the only joy and joy is a fundamental duty. Joy and cheerfulness promote social intercourse and lubricate all contacts of" family, business, and general society. Alone one can sorrow; but none can be joyful alone. The cheerful man is sought as the best promoter, seller, and leader of men. All naturally admire the man who does not show the weakness and self-centeredness of sadness. In fact, no one is interested in sad accounts of our misfortunes, but all are attracted by our joy of living, as insects are attracted by light. Hence the jingle runs: Be always as merry as ever you can, For no one delights in a sorrowful man. The cheerful gospel of joy is brought to us by Christ, .who presents Himself as the Divine Model of correct human pS~rchology. To perfect human nature He teaches that man, His brother and sister, children of God the Father, should be joyous in living. "These things I have spoken tO you that my joy may be in ~ou, and that your joy may be fu.lfilled" (John 15:11 ) "and your joy no one shall take from you" (John 16:22).1 Christianity is essentially the religion of cheerfulness. 1The New Testament texts used in this article are taken from the Westminster Version.--ED. danuar~lo 1944 L'ALLEGRO Christ's messianic coming is foretold, as the coming of joy to the human race. "Many shall rejoice in his coming" (Luke 1 : 14). He is announced on the winter hills of Beth-lehem as the arrival of joy: "Behold, I bring you glad tidings of a great joy that shall l~e to all the people" (Luke 2: 10). In His divine masterpiece of psychology, the Ser~ mon on the Mount, He explains the reasons for the peace~ ful joy of living: "Rejoice and exult, for your reward is great in .the heavens" (Matthew 5" 12). Naturally Paul of Tarsus .emphasizes 'this dominant note of joy sounded by His.Master, "joy of faith" (Philippians 1:15). Hi~ greeting and wish for his Christian flock is "pdace and joy in the Holy Spirit" (Romans 14:17); may "the God of h.ope fill you with all joy" (Roman.s 15: 13) ; even though they have much to suffer: "rejoicing in hope, bearing tribu.- lation in patience." His ~o-apostle and Primate, St. Peter, teaches the same: "Inasmuch .as ye hax~e fellowships ih the sufferings of Christ, rejoice" (I Peter 4: 13). "~ The Church of Christ inculcates through its liturgy th~ joy of living. Its "Alleluia," the exclamation of joy, rings throughout its worship of the Mass and Office. Even in the season of sorrow, the exhortation .to r~joice, "Lae-tare!," begins the Massof the Fourth Sunday of Lent. Its official prayers are those of cheerfulness: the BenediCtus) Magniiicat, and Te Deum; and prayers of rejoic!ng are heard even in its funerals. The Church celebrates the death of her most notable children as their joyful birthday. "Merry Christmas" is essentially a Christian greeting; and Christmas, or any other day, can be merry, only when it is what it says "Christ's Mass," rejoicing over the life of Christ begun in Bethlehem, continued in the Bethfehem of every heart, and to be consummated in Christ's eternal happiness. The "Prince of Peace" means the "Prince of cheerfulness." 43 FRANCIS J. MCGARKIGLE The conflict of selfishness is practically all that is wrong with the world and human life, whether socially, politi-cally, commercially, nationally, or religiously; and selfish-ness is manifested invariably by lack of joy and cheerful-ness. . . Characteristic, tber, efore,.of.those who are most Chris-tian, the saints, is constant cheerfulness; so much s-o that xhe French express it thus: "Un saint triste est .un triste . saint" (a sad saint is a sad [specimen of] saint.) The real ",Christian lives up fully t_o the tranquilizing "principle: '~God is, and all is well" .(Whittier, "My Birthday"). Father Faber observes that "Perhaps nature does not contribute a gr.eatei, help to grace than. gaiety~' In this he but paraphrases the early Christian document, "Pastor,", written before the death of St. John the Apostle, namely, thai sadness leads to sin and joy to good. The most joyful of persons are, on an average, the me.mbers of religious orders; and they have the youngest of hearts, ahhougb they have renounced .the pursuit of revel, wilfulness, honor, and possessions, in which the imbecile world thinks to find joy.~ They honor God, theoGod of their hearts, in a very special way by the alacrity and cheer- .fulness of their service. Hence, too, their magnetic power , in drawing others to the service of God, whose burden of ~"~"~"l[fe they prove by their cheerfulness to be' sweet and light. Their joy is one explanation of their perseverance; for What we do with joy, we do to the end. ¯ Wise St. Teresa of Avila instructs her Sisters: Try, my Sisters, to be affable wherever you can with-out giving displeasure to God. Behave so that all with whom you converse will be pleased with your manner and company, and may never be rendered afraidof virtue. The more holy a r~ligious is, the more simple and gracious she should be in conversation. Never must you separate.your-self from your Sisters, however much difficulty you may L'ALLEGRO~ feel with them, and however little their ¢on~rersat~o~_ may please you. We must make every, effort to be affable and ¯ to please those with whom we deal, and especially our Sisters. : The joyous mood of St. Francis of Assisi, so popularL with Catholic and non-Catholic alike., arose from his intense spirituality; and this reassuring ~haract~ri.stic" undoubtedly was most potent in the engaging attraction., which he exercised over others in leading them to enthusi~. astic Christian life. Thomas of Celano tells us of St, Fran~: cis: "The saint Constantly, endeavored to persevere; in gladness of heart . With utmost, solicitude he avoided, the great evil of ill-humor." . . Ready and steady the Christian gazes into. the hollo~. eyes of Death. Despite his instinctive revulsion fiom thi~: death of the body, the Christian's joy is strengthend by: th_.e. thought of death, not the end for him, but the beginning of life; and with thisknowledge, his joy arises from,the correct evaluation of the things of time. He does not. live. in tile uneasy dismay of. wa!kirig over life's treacherous glacier, in the dark, without a guide, at the risk of being. engulfed at every sFep. He does not undergo the bitter dis~. appointment of placi.ng all his expectan.cy of happiness-in,. creature goods, which.were not made. to last or to sail.sly; for that which makes these spectral goods is, as in the case of bubbles, that which explodes them. The Christian has shorn grisled death of its fearful,¯ hess; and eq.ually sufferjng's barb has been cleansed of its venomous poison of hopelessness, the sensethat suffering.i.s of no avail, dead loss, The Christian grasps the nettle of suffering and ddath with firm hope and its sting is gone, Chamisso writes of a peasant woman, singing:at the door of her whitewashed cottage, while .with her own hands she stitched her shroud, so that when she should die, it would be ready: 45 I~RANCIS J. MCGARRIGLE " I wouldI were as wise as she Life's cup to. empty never sighing " .And still with joy like hers to see The shroud made ready for my dying. :. ~,Joy is.indispensable to physical as well as to spiritual i~fticiency. Sadness deadens; joy quickens. "Cheerfulness keeps up a kind of daylight in the mind, and fills it with a Steady and. perpetual serenity" (Addison, The Spectator, May 17, 1712). What sunlight is tO the metabolism, of ~the. plants, joy is tO spiritual metabolism . and general health. It has a most profound effect on the ease of recov- :ery from illness and.even on the amount of inconvenience and suffering felt in sickness. Physicians know this fact weii: and an important factor of the "bedside manner" is _ the development.of a cheerful outlook in the patient. Nerve spedalis.ts make gr~at account of it in their treatments. Ancient Ecclesiasticus also knew it several millenia ago: "The joyfulness of the heart is the life of man., and the joy of a man is length of life" (30:23). It is a commonplace amongst doctors that the joyful patient, other things being equal, is the one who has the most favorable prognosis, especially in somediseases, such as tuberculosis. An English physician in his book on "The Prolongation of Life," observes that joy and hope, ¯ "-by quickening respiration, increase the flow of blood to the .brain and the supply of nourishment to the nerve cells. Psychic depression retards respiration and heart action, he says, and lessens the blood-flow to the brain, causing first ¯ .functional and then organic derangement. 3by is a sort of gymnastics of the soul whose health is always shared with the body. "The fear of the Lord shall delight the heart and shall give joy and gladness and length of days" !(Ecclesiasticus 1 : 12). The great philosopher, St. Thomas Aquinas, tells us January, 1944 L'ALLEGRO in this regard: Sadness does more harm to the bddy than the other passions ~ of the soul, because it interferes with'the.vital action of the heart. Sadness at times causes even the loss of reason, as may he seen in cases where it-has led-tO deep . o melancbqly and madness. (Summa Theolo~ica, 2a, 2ae, 28, '.'On.Joy.") And inspired writers express the same concretely and pungently: . ~ Sorrowful heart drieth up the" bones" (Proverbs 17, 21). "For sadness hath killed many and there.is no profit in it . Of sadness cometh death; and it overwhelmeth" " the strength; and sadness' of the'heart boweth do~rn the neck" (Ecclesiasticus 30; 25; 38; 19). The observance of the laws of Christianity is i.n gen~ eral the m~st conducive factor to healthy living. Especially is it t1~e best preventive and curative treatment for mental health. Chief amongst the laws of Christ in this, and'in every regard, are acquiescence to God's Will and interest in the happiness and welfare of others. An old English proverb runs: "A man Of gladness cometh not tomadness,'.' OUR. CONTRIBUTORS G. AUGUSTINE ELLARD is a member of our editorial board and Professor of Ascetical and Mystical Theology at St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas. ,IAMEg A. KLEIST is the editor of The Classical Btdletin and Professor of Classical Lan, guages at St. Louis University. FRANCIS L. FILAS is a student of Theology ~t West Baden College, West Baden Springs, Indiana, and. has written a book on tile history of the-devotion to SL ,Joseph. PATRICK M. REGAN is Professor of Apolo2 getics at St. Mary's College; St. Marys, Kansas. FRANCIS 2. MCGARRIGLE i's Graduate Dean at Seattle College, Seattle, Washington. R.OBERT B. EITEN. le.ctu~e.s in,Mathematics at the University of Detroit, and has given much special study to questions of Ascetical and Mystical Theology. 47 Genuine h yst:icism What Should We Think Robert B. Eiten, S.J. SO MUCH is written, t.oday on mysticism that it is scarcely possible for anyone interested in the spiritual life to avoid taking a stand on the subject. The stand whicb"all should begin.with ought tO be based on the common teaching df mystical theologians. Of ~ourse in mystical theology as in nearly all other sciences, we may reasonably expect to find some problems which have .not been settled to the satisfaction of all authorities. There are differences of opinion on some questions. Nevertheless there is agreement on nearly, all fundamental questions, at least in so far as they would concern either our spiritual life or spiritual direction. Let us now consider what the proper attitude, of a reli- ¯ -gious.should be toward mysticism. This proper and safe attitude, as .we said before, can be derived from mystical theologians in those points where there is agreement among them. What, then; is the common teaching of mystical " theologians in g~neral? First of all, we surely would like to know the connec= tion between mystical graces and high sanctity.' Although mystical theologians admit that mystical graces are a great aid to sanctity, still they hold that these graces do not con-stitute sanctity, be it heroic or ordinary. Sanctity is meas- 'ured by the amount of sanctifyinggrace onehas. Its further 9rowtl~ too is determined by.the perfection of the life that one leads. Ultimately,then~ mystical graces help our sanc-tity in so far as they help these bther elements. For a high degree of sanctity and perfection, mysticM 48 GI~NUINE MYSTICISM theologians agree that special graces are not only helpful but necessary. These graces must be more abundant and more stimulating than those which are required to lead an ordinary life of sanctity. Likewise they would require a greater cooperation and docility on the part of the soul receiving them. These graces thus can dominate completely the actions of the soul. This constant fidelity to grace or this proficient life of grace, mystical theologians would admit, will bring an ever greater union of mind and Will with God. Finally, over, a period of time such constant fidelity to grace will bring about a habitual union with God. ~rith a habitual union "present, supernatural truths and, in general, the mysteries-of faith, are clearly perce.ived. .- But what is this habitual union with God if not an intense prayer-life or life of r~collection? Thus all'along r~orr~ally there has been.progress ir~ prayer. Most likely in the beginning the soul passed from meditation [o affective prayer where affections are usually many and varied, and reflections few and short. After using this latter type of prayer for a while the soul gradually passed into simpff[ied affectit2e prayer or the prayerof simplicity. In this prayer the soul immediately and, as it were, intuitively grasping a supernatural truth or mystery, experienced a repose and relish in resting therein without much change or variety of. affections over some considerable period of time. Within," thislatter degree of prayer there was much opportunity for -the soul to make progress up to the very borderline of infus-ed contemplation. And if some mystical theologians place the prayer of simplicity beyond ordinary prayer and within the realm of infused prayer, at least they will agree that there has l~een a progressive prayer-life in such a soul. Mysti~a~i'' theologians do not conceive of the passing from acquired prayer into infused or mystical prayer as a necessarily sud-. 49 ROBERT B. EITEN Reoiew ~,or Religious den and great hiatus.or jump; .rather they admit some con- . tinuity between these states of prayer. " The importance, then, of a progressive prayer-life-- a life of intimacy with God--should be at once rather evi-dent. Any carelessness here normally precludes one frorn the hope of enjoying mystical graces. We said before that special graces are needed to reach high sanctity. We have also pointed out the importance .of ¯ a recollected life. Now, infused contemplation happens to fi~ in very well in this list of special graces. It is one of the most select graces. And it is certainly a big factor in leading a deeply recollected life. It is not st,range, therefore, that mys-tical theologians would further admit that mystical grace~ or infused contemplation are in themselves most desirable be, cause they can be a great .factor in tea, ching high sanctity. True, there may be-some difference of opinion among mys-tical theologians on the opportuneness of exciting such a desire in allsouls on account of certain disadvantages it ~ay ¯ bring about in some souls or in unusual circumstances. The desire can be abused. But, just as with any other means of sanctification, mystical graces can be desired and prayed for under certain conditions.1 How strange and unfortunate. then, it is to find that there are still those who on princ.iple not only fear mystical prayer, but discourage it! Perhaps . they do not realize that they are trying tO make void a great grace and an important factor in the matter of spiritual progress. Perhaps they act this way because they think of mystical contemplation only in terms of visions, revela-tions, internal locutions, ecstasies, levitations, stigmatiza, tion, and so forth. But no mystical-theologian holds lThe eminent and prudent author, Tanquerey, has the following excellent remarks on the desire for mystical prayer: "It is permissible to desire infused contemplation. since it is an excellent means of perfection, but it must be done httmblyoand condi-tionally with a hol~ abandonment to the will of .God." (The Spiritual Life. p. 665.) 50 ~lanuary, 1944 GENUINE MYSTICISM "today that these pertain to the essence of mystical,praye~. They .are merely the accidental phenomena sometimes con-nected with mystical prayeL Mystical prayer can. exist apart from them. Even those who truly desire the grace of infused prayer should not ask for, but should ratherlshuni these extraordinary external experiences. All or nearly all authorities admit that God grants the gift of infused prayer when and in the way He pleases, and even to beginners, though this latter is rare. Usually. infhsed contemplative prayer is granted primarily for. one's increase in personal holiness, after years.of earnest .striving for sanctity,-and secondarily that others may be prevailed upon to lov~ God more intensely. Authorities further agree that temperament, proper direction, envirqn-ment, vocation, and so forth, are noteworthy factors in disposing oneself to receive this gift. Although infused contemplation¯ is a precious gift,yet one w.hb desires it for its.sweets is apt to be disappointed; for usually there is much suffering connected with .it and the suffering may even outweigh the sweets. It is generally admitted that there is no high sanctity withouk a rigorou~s purification of the soul. In this regard God ordinarily intervenes personally by means of interior and exterior trials, since personal efforts, even the most generous, are hardly enough. These divine purifications are similar to the nights described by St. John of the Cross. Mystical writers also agree 6n the great means.leading to the gift of mystical graces. They are usually classed as follows: (1) an intense prayer-life, or recollection; (2) uncompromising self-abnegation, or self-renuncia-tion; (3) continual mortification of self, or the apostolate of the cr6ss.2 Other means, such as the practice of charity, '2These means seem rather obvious. Contemplation is one of the higher types of psychological union with God. But all progressive union with God consists in ROBERT B. EITEN deta~hment, and so forth, are sometimes listed, but these can readily be reduced oto-the former.° Since, then,there is in general .an agreement among mystical theologians on wl~atare the best means to be used to dispose ourselves for infused contemplation, there oug.bt not be on our part too much - concern whether there is a general or only a restricted call tb infused contemplation-- a matter on which mysticaltheologians do not. agree. Let . :us-live our lives in accordance with. these means and leave it to God to grant us this gift if He so chooses. Mystical prayer, indeed, is. a great gift, a great means of ¯ sanctification, and one worth asking for and working for by our lives of personal holiness. It is a gift that makes us in some way consdous of the divine and brings us into contact with the divine. It is in some way; at least in its ¯ higher stages, a prelude to heaven. It is, therefore, most desirable in itself, and we act wisely in dlsposing oursel.ves .and others for it by ,lives of recollection, self-effacement, and suffering. Today, the feast of the great mystic doctor, St. John of the, Cross, as I write ihese lines, I am reminded, of an inci-dent in the life of this great saint. Once when asked by Christ what reward he would seek for his many labors, St. John replied: "Lord, to suffer and be despised for you." ~"~This is. the disposition to be cultivated by those desiri'ng infused contemplation. Above all else it should be our aim to live holy, Self-effaciiag lives, realizing that if we do this ¯ God. will. take care Sf all the rest with His sweet Providence --and this includes the bestowal or refusal of infused con-templation. (1) becoming detached from all,creatures, and (2) becoming as attached as pos-sible to God. Self-abnegation and continual mortification accomplish the first ele: merit, detachment from creatures; while a life of fervent recollection takes care of the'. second element, attachment to God. 52 ommunica ions Reverend Fathers:. I am followin~ the vocation discussion with interest. Here is a suggestion based on experience. Do religious who are unfaithful in seemingly small points of rule realize how often they are to blame for the failure of girls to follow a .vocation? This is particularly true in boarding schools aad acade-~ mies. Postulants disclose how they were shocked when, as students, they were asked to mail letters, etc., for religious who.wished to avoi'd censorship by the superiol. Others tell how the worldliness of some religious, their want of reserve, and the ease with which they excuse themselves from assisting at Mass on week days during summer vaca-tion have done much to shatter their ideals and made them Wonder if ~ ¯ they should rehily embrace the religious'life. The lack of vocations . c~iTf~ten' b~ ~raced to religious themselves. Mistress of Postulants Reverend Fathers: My interest in the matter of vocations lies in the problem of per-sever~ ince rather than in the initial fostering of vbcatlons; and my suggestions are, I suppose, more applicable to religlous.men than to. religious women. I would ~uggest a better psychological handling .of young reli-gious iri regard to these two problems: restlessness and chastity/ Restlessness, ~lways largeamong the problems of active young ¯ . Americans, is a double-barrelled source of trouble during the time of war. The young religious see their brothers and sisters winning medals, piloting bombers, visiting distant places, while ~hey are told to thank God that they can continue their training-in quiet. It's not that easy. I would suggest: (a) a sane article on this matter, explaining in what this restlessness is common to all young people and .not someth_ing peculiar to the religious state; and (b) some practical work, requiring physical energy if possible, to aid in the war effort-- for example, volunteer farm labor. Secondly, there is the matter of chastity. Here, as in the foster- 53 COMMLrNICATION~ ing of vocations, the true dignity of the ~arried state should be incul-cated. Some novitiate superiors create the impression that the religious.life is the only life for a true friend of Christ; with the result that the reaction is sometimes overwhelming in young religious when, later on, they acquire a more balanced Unpsychological passages on this matter should be omitted from old-time spiritual writers in required reading for religious. Prac-~ tical spiritual reading on the subject, attuned to the findings of mod-ern .psychology should be made available for religious of various ages. A Priest Reverend Fathers: Perhaps you and the readers of REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS recall the controversy that waged some time ago in the "Communications" of America, concerning the influence of the Sisters' habit on vocations. One letter asserted rather strongly that the habit is a deterrent to many American girls who might otherwise embrace the religious life. The reply was equally emphatic that if girls would be deterred by such a trifle, then it was good riddance to them. I suppose most people took this controversy as a good joke; but I was seriously interested in it, and I know a number of other priest's who were also-interested~ True, we did not favor discussing the sub-ject in a magazine for. the general public, but we did wish to know the honest opinions of Sisters and of modern girls. There may be no truth in the assertion that likely candidates are deterred by the bulki-ness of the habit. ¯ If it is not true, then it is well for us to know that. But if it should, prove to be true then we are confronted with a fur-ther problem. Can we solve the problem by simply shrugging our shoulders and saying: ."Good riddance to such candidates"; or should we conclude that there may be need today of some modifications in traditional habits or of new institutes with more simplified habits. Is it not true that many of the traditional habits are merely modifica-tions of a style of dress worn by women at the time of the found-resses? Certainly they differ radically from the clothing worn by the modern American girl. A P~iest 54 Teresa Avila' G. Augustine Ellard, S.J~ ~N ALL the long and varied history of the Church there do~s not seem to be a feminine leader who can ' outshine Teresa of Avila. Nor in the whole galaxy of Catholic saints does there appear to be one, whether man or woman, in whom the divine and human were united in a more lovely and attractive fashion. Some of those saints had a more eventful external life, and perhaps some of them had a nobler interior life and were holier inGod's sight, but there are few among them whose life, taken in both its interior and.exterior phases, was, as far as we know, conspicupusly, and demonstrably, so rich and intense. As a little child Teresa ran away from home inorder to become a martyr among the Moors. A second time she ran away from home to enter the convent. Soon her health was wrecked and she had to leave for.a time, during which she converted an unworthy priest. She became worse, seemed for a while to have died, survived a funeral service, and narrowly escaped being buried alive:, as if that was not enough, while she-was waiting to be buried, a candle set her bed afire. It pertains to her active life that during the first twenty years or so in the convent she excelled rather at entertaining in the parlor .than at conversing ~rith Almighty God. During her later years she Was busy in the extreme and was constantly battling wi~h difficulties and obstacles of every sort. She led in the reform of her order--a task far more arduous than that of founding a new order. In fifteen yea/s she established seventeen convents and several monasteries. A foun-dation usually cost her so much trouble, opposition from various sources, high and low, and 'bitter suffering, that once when she was asked how one could become a saint, she replied, "We are about to make another foundation: just watch and see!" Shd stiffered from the terrible Spanish Inquisition, and was persecuted by a visitor of her own order. She was revered as a saint, but also referred to by a Car-melite provincial as "an excommunicated apostate." She was quite. expert in dealing with men of every rank, f/om the aristocratic zSaint Teresa of Avila, a Biography. By William Thomas Walsh. Pp. xiv q- 592. Bruce Publishing Company, Milwaukee. $5.00. -5-5 G. AUGUSTINE EI~LARD .Philip II down to foul-mouthed muleteers. She could accor~modate herself in the palaces of princesses and duchesses, and also in cheap inns with coarse men.whom she called "infernal people." It is not surprizing thatl she knew well how to manage women. Physical vio-. lence was almost needed to install her as prioress at the Incarnation in, Avila--city .officers were .present, fearing a riot but before long .she. bad that. house of 130 nuns reformed, liking the reform, and .loving .the reformer. Teresa was also an authoress, and.one of remarkable m~rit: her .works in the critical Spanish edition fill nine large volumes; and two of her mystical treatises stand foremost among the. greatest mystical classics., . In general, few women of any walk in life have left a better record for efficiency. The interior life of St. Teresa was still more intense and exciting. She knew the misery of having fallen from a higher to a lowei con-dition of soul, In a celebrated vision she descended to the depths of hell, and during the last ten years of her life she lived amidst the sub-limities and grandeurs of the highest pinnacles of mysticism. She felt the indescribable joys and pains of a heart literally laid open' by a ~raph's dart. She was familiar with ecstasies in which "one learned mysteries." In one momentary flash she understood, as she said, "more truths about the highest things of God than jf great theo-~ ;lc~gian.s had taught her for. a thousrind years." It was no strange experience for her to enjoy a certain vision of the Blessed T~inity. HerIove of th~ Cross was so great that she could take the attitude, "the more we suffer, the bett~r it will be." For many years she Observed the seraphic vow, that is,-always to do the more perfect ~"thin~. Her love and longing for the Divine Spouse was so great tlsat it broke out into expression in a famous poem "I die because I do not die." Her prayer-life too was fertile and efficient: "this is the end of prayer: to give birth to works, always works!" A major problem of the twentieth-century religious is how to effect the right combination between the contemplative and the active elements in his life. Walsh's new and outstanding biography of the great "'Doctora'" of Avila is recommended as an aid toward solving it. 56 eviews PlUS XII ON WORLD PROBLEMS. By James W. Naughton, S.J. Pp. xxlv -I- 199. The America Press, New York, 1943~ ~ $2.00. World problems today intimately touch the life of every.indi: vidual. Hence the eager welcome to a volume that gives us the. jhdg-ment of our Holy Father on these problems, along with hi~ solu-tions. Encyclicals, radio broadcasts, addresses, Christma~ and Easter messages, sermons, peace plans, .letters to public men, totaling twenty-six in all, carried the words of Pius to the world. For most of.us this formidable array of documents is an insuperable obstacle to acquiring .knowledge of the papal teachings. .However, Father Naugh~on has made them conveniently available to all within the narrow ~ompass of this one volume. Through exhaustive study and.careful selection. he has given a compilation that contains all the .pronouncements substantially. The resul~ is a reference book that is.a real treasq~e. A glance at the table of contents .at the beginfiing .shows 'the. wide variety of.general topics treated. Another glance at the seventeen pages of index at the end makes one realize that here is a ready refer-ence to every subject treated in papal pronouncements, no matter how cursorily. ¯ ': Religious in particular, as leaders of thought, will find the book most useful. With its help they will be enabled to direct others in the modern.crucial probl~ems, whether in sermon or lecture, whether in class or study club, whether in informal talk or in. private conversa-tion. They will also be equipped to maintain their position as Cath-olics who are better informed on the struggle of Christ's Kingdom in the world today. But this is not only a reference.book. Indeed if one expects a dry-as-dust collection of ponderous papal pronouncements .0n.:ipter-national problems the ordinary mind cannot grasp, he is'doomed to a pleasant disappointment. It is not merely a compilation,.it is a work of planned order, that rivals many.in its absorbing interest. The passages directly quoted from the Holy Father 'are joined by para-phrases of his words in these same or related contexts. These para-phrases not only make for Unity and readability, but also throw ifu.r-ther light on the Pope's mind. Best of all they save tiresome repe- 57 BOOK REVIEWS .Review for Religious tition of the same idea which has been expressed several times in vari-ous utterances. The author exercised especially good taste in furnishing us many gems of thought in the exact words of the Pontiff. In these, religious will find an abundance of inspiring matter for meditation. Thus the section, "Trust in G6d" (p. 26 ft.), offers material for sublime mental prayer that may well occupy the soul for weeks, even months. From this moving passage on Trust, we select just one sentence as a sample: "However cruel may seem the hand of.the Divine Surgeon when He cuts with the lancet, into the live flesh, it is always active 'love that guides and drives it in, and only the good of men and Peoples makes Him interfere to cause such sorrow." The following section, "Meaning of Suffering," will also spontaneously lift heart and n~ind to God, saving us the customary agony of trying to stir our own train of thought in the early morning. The solemn conse-cration of the whole world to Mary Immaculate (p. 33) is another example, to which may be added: "A Prayer for Consolation" (p. 35), "Readiness for Suffering" (p. 140), "Eucharistic Union with Christ" (p. 141). These are but a few choice selections taken at random; there are many others .throughout the book, which the reader will appreciate the more for having discovered them for him-self. Finally; the religious who uses this book for meditation or 'mas-ters it for ready reference will realize in his life the following from the "encyclical Supreme Pontificate: "The Christian, if he does honor to the name he bears, is always an. apostle; it is not. permitted, to the soldier of Christ that he quit the battlefield, because only death puts an ,end to his military service."--P. REGAIq, S.J. A BOOK OF UNLIKELY SAINTS. By Margaret T. Monro. Pp. 220. Longmans, Green and Company, New York, 1943. $2.50. "No saints are really likely. But some are unlikelier than others." With these words, Margaret Monro shows us her vivid sketches of five saints. These Unlikely Saints are pictured in their relation to their fellow men. It is the author's idea that "a great public wrong lies in the background of several Unlikely Saints; their function is to restore the lost moral equilibrium for the sake of the whole commun-ity. When sin has abounded, it is only fitting that grace should more abound." St. Aloysias becomes "Machiavelli's Prince gone good." St. Rose 58. ~anuary, 1944 BOOK REVIEWS of Lima, "granddaughter of Conquistadores," washes away in her penance the cruel stains of injustice committed against (he native Indians. St. Benedict Joseph Labre, "the great unwashed," revolts "against the cult of Hygeia--'.'not, of course, that there is anything holy about the louse. But there can be something very unholy about men's attitude to the lou~y." St: Gemma Galgani, "a sign' to be spoken agaifist," is pictured as a victim offered in reparation for the comfortable mediocrity of her surroundings. It is difficult to hang the portrait of St. Th~r~se of Lisieux in the artist's G~llery of Unlikely Saints. Even .the author felt that Thir~se is there "really as a sort of appendix, not as part of the book." There is danger, in writing this sort of "life," of over-painting the background and distracting the reader's eye from the central figure of the Saint. That is es.pecially true where one is not dealing with full-length biography: The-second sketch, for instance, leaves one with the rather unsatisfactory, notion of having read a treatise on expiation illustrated by incidents taken from the life of St. Rose of Lima. The Note on Sources, in which the author ventures ~nto the field of hagiology, will seem unnecessary to the plain reader, and to the critical one unsatisfactory to a degree. The book will have a special appeal for religious women. Already ¯ in the p.reface the author copes with the problem of frustration-- a.social ill intensified by the unnatural conditions of war. Itis this feminine interest, too, th;~t makes her discover the "minx-like" quality of St. Rose of Lima's sanctity: that makes her speak under-standingly of Donna Marta, St. Aloysius' mother. Nor will the feminine interest annoy the male reader. Hewill perhaps see, in Margaret Monro's choice of two Unlike!y men Saints to three Unlikely women Saints, a sort of hint at the proportiohate unlikelihood of sanctity among men as compared with that .among women[--C. T. HUNTER, S.J. AN AMERICAN TERESA. By Margaret M. Conklln. Pp. ix + /;7. The Eastern Observer, MunhaJl, Pennsylvania, 1942. $.25 (paper). Her name, her hidden life of love and zeal, her early death are among the many similarities to the Little Flower that have caused Teresa Demjanovich (1901-1927) to be called "An American Teresa." Baptized and confirmed in the Ruthenian Greek Catholic Rite, 59 BOOK REVIEWS Review for Religious .-she rdceived from her parents an excellent religious education. At school in Bayonne, N. 3., she wrote prize winning .poems and essays. She was remarkable for.her attend~nce~at Mass; her exact obedience and hidden s~crifices. Teresa matriculated at the College of St. Elizabeth. Although she mixed in the full student life, her deepening spirituality cofild not escape notice. It was during her sophomore year, as we read, that she was fhvored with a vision of our Blessed Mother. Soon after graduating with highest honors, Teresa joined the Sisters of Charity of St. Elizabeth, at Convent Station, N.J. Her favorite brother was already a priest. From the very start of her novitiate she was noted for fidelity to [u!e and. charity to others. But before the full two years were com-pleted, her pure soul Went home to Christ. Because of her spiritual acumen and literary ability the spir-itual, director had commanded the young novice to write a series of conferences, which he then gave week by week to the community. Published post~umuously under the title Greater Perfection, this work was selected by the Catholic.Press Association as the best.spir-itt~ al book of the year 1928. Widely acclaimed from the start, the book has since been translated into Dutch,. French, German, and. 'Arabic. Through Greater Perfection Sister Miriam Teresa's prayer is :being fulfilled: "Oh, if I could only shake some life into souls! "If I could be heard all o,ber the earth . my whole soul would spend i~self in giving testimony to ~he Word that dwells within it." Written by an intimate friend and college classmate, An Arneri- .~can Teresa will serve to make more widely known an inspiring model for religious and laity. One would wish to find in it more quotations from Teresa herself, more about her transfer to the Roman Rite, more of the "secrets" revealed in personal letters. --J, V. SOMhERS, S.J. THE BEST WINE. By the Reverend Paul'Bussard. Pp. 64. Catechetical Guild, St. Paul, 1943. $.50; six copies, $2.40. In the words of Father Bussard, "The reason why a thing is done is as complicated as an ~atom and as far reaching as a family tree." This holds for every human choice; but to the highest degree is it true of choosing a religious vocation. Hence, this personal, inspirational, 60 Januarg, 1944 ' BOOK REVIEWS aid poetic presentaton of the motives involved in religious vocation is a very valuable aid in.drawing more laborers into the vineyard of Christ. , In faet,'the little "book's actual appeal and effectiveness in inspiring vocations to the various sisterhoods has been proved since its first publicaton in 1936 under the title, The Living Source. Thdse who knew it under that title and appreciated it will be glad to.find it still ready for the lips that thirst for The Best Wine. Others will surely find it suited to their taste.--R. E. SOUTHARD, S.J. ' MEN OF MARYKNOLL. By the Reverend ~James Keller and Meyer Berger. Pp. 191. Charles Scrlbner's Sons, New York, 194:~. $2.00. MARYKNOLL MISSION LETTERS: Volume I, 1943. Pp. viii -1- 55. Field Afar Press, New York, 1943. $.50. ~ A Ma~yknoll priest and and a feature ~vriter of the Neto.'York Times have collaborated in writing a most engaging narrative of the experiences of Maryl(noll missionaries in th~ Orient and in. South America. The small volume contains more of interest than many books three times its size. Herein are recounted the heroic deeds of young American priests who left home arid country to bring, the goo, d news of Jesus Christ. to unmindful millions. Young men from Manhattan, young men from the farms of the Midwest, . young men from our country's western shores, all fired with a common zeal, tramp across the Chinese terrain carrying the life-giving Body of Christ to starving .souls. Men oF Mar~jknotlshould hold high interest for those who peruse today's war accounts. These soldiers of 'Christ felt the tight-ening bonds of Japanese captivity. Father J6e Sweeney, a Connecti-- cut Yankee, ran a Japanese blockade to get provi.sions to his lepers. Father William Cummings, after valiant service on Bataan, is now a prisoner of the Japanese. There need be no hesitation in placing. these Men of Maryknoll alongside the military men of note when "citations for heroism are pre~ented. The new volume of Mission Letters covers, in time, slightly more than the first half of 1943. The period was one of transition; many of the letters picture, the missions in the Orient struggling for survival in the midst of war; others raise the curtain on Maryknoll activity in South America. Friends of the mission will appreciate these.!etters, and will welcome further news of never-ending spir-itual drama.---3. B. GUERIN, S.J. 61 BOOK REVIEWS ACTION THIS DAY. By Archbishop Francis J. Spellman. Pp. 255. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 194:L $2.75. During the d.ays wl~en Rommel was being cornered in Tunisia, Archbishop Spellman, Military Vicar of the U. S. armed forces. traveled 46,000 air miles through countries of Europe,. Asia, Africa, and South America to visit his chaplains on the fighting fronts. The many interesting experiences of the journey are told in this book of letters written by His Excellency to his father from various ports of call. The author tells bf the many hours he spent with Pope Plus XII, of the gracious welcome given him by Winston Churchill, of his visits with Generals Eisenhower and Clarl~, King Farouk of Egypt,. President Inonu of Turkey, General Smuts of South Africa, antl scores of others. In the course of his.trip he could say: "Wherever I roam, I see America and Americans, striving, struggling, suffering and dying, d, estroying lives to save lives, all wth the intent ahd hope of serving our country and saving our civilization." The Archbishop lived for weeks with our chaplains and soldiers at the front, going from bed to bed in military hospitals to talk with the wounded, kneeling in prayer at the graves of our valiant dead, visiting American missionaries who were blazing the trails of peace long before the advent of our armed forces. And he was convinced that "our soldiers are doing more for us than defending our land, offr lives, and our ideals. They are, inspiring us to a renewal of faith in our country." They inspired him to write an American creed that expresses the very soul of America. ¯ This important book sboulld be read by every American because iUis a specialist's diagnosis of our war-stricken world. The Arch-bishop found himself journeying through a civilization starving because it has lost its Christian heritage of faith in God. The crisis of our "one world" is summed up in these words: "Either God will be in the victory and in the minds of the peacemakers, or the peace will be a mockery; the home a shell; and all human beings, material-istic automatons, pawns and targets.'.' Yet optimism prevails in the Archbishop's Catholic patriotism and devotion to victory: "In this America, I believe; for this America, I live; for this America, I and millions of others stand ready to die:" ---G. VAN ACKEREN, S.,J. danuar~, 1944 BOOK REVIEWS LIFE WITH THE HOLY GHOST. By the Reverend Hugh Francis Blunt, LL.D. Pp. xiil -I- 130. The Bruce Publishing Company,~Mil-waukee, 1943. $1.75. This book, in general a very excellent work, treats of the Gifts 0f the Holy Ghost and the part they should have in the sanctification of every Christian. The non-technical, vocabulary, conversational style, and wealth of homely, concrete examples and comparis6ns should make it acceptable to many who would shrink from a more scholarly work, especially to teachers in search of new ways of pre-senting old truths. The very quality which is this book's greatest asset is also its greatest weakness. Departures from the technical language of the-ology and attempts to clothe dogma in the language of every-day life always involve the risk of loose and inaccurate expression and lop-sided presentation. The author does not entirely escape these pit-falls. At times, too, his efforts to be informal lead to awkward sen-tences and obscurity of thought. An example of confused thought and inexact expression is the following: "Thus the Sacred Humanity of Jesus ~ . . was filled with the Divine Life which subsists in God, that Life communicated from all eternity to the Son by the Father, and in time communicated by the Son to the humanity which He united to Himself" (pp. 14-t5). Accepted at their face value, these words seem to ignore the impas-sable gulf between creature and Creator and to attribute the uncre-ated perfection of God to the created humanity of Christ. Equally confused is the following: "And since His humanity is the humanity of God's own Son, God gives it what it has a right to, being God, every possible Divine Perfection .' . . " (p. 15). Jesus Christ, the God-Man, i~ correctly said to have all the divine perfections in as much as He is the Incarnate Word, the Second Person of the Blessed Trinity, and therefore God. But not everything which may be predi-cated of the Incarnate Word may likewise be predicated of Christ's human nature. His humanity is not God bu~ a creature and, in itself, has the essential limitations of creaturehood. A creature .of abso-lutely infinite perfection is a contradiction. A theologian might objdct to calling Adam a "son of God by nature" (p. 8), a term generally restricted to the Second Person of the Holy Trinity. One wonders what the author means by calling the Holy Ghost the "ultimate Cause" of things (p. 16), or, again, 63 BOOK REVIEWS Review [or Religious by speaking of the "legal way" in which we are made the sons of God (pp. 17, 37). The reviewer finds himself in the embarrassing necessity o,f having to point out incidental defects of a book that is otherwise most excel-lent, of. calling attention to shortcomings which the superficial reader might skim over without advertence and which, often enough, have little to do with the general trend of the thought. Yet it is just such blemishes which keep this book from being an entirely satisfactory cgntribution to the popular literature on the Holy Ghost and force one to withhold one's unqualified recommendation. --A. H. BACHHUBER, S.J. SMALL TALKS FOR SMALL PEOPLE. By the Reverend Thomas J. Hosfy, M~A., S.T.B. Pp. 136. The Bruce Publishing Company, Mil-waukee, 1943. $1.7S. This book has already been reviewed by children of twelve nationalities, who live in the stockyard district of Chicago. The forty "small-but-not-little" sermons in this book are made up of material that. Father Hosty found "will work" with his best "pub-lic"~--" small people." " "The story behind this book," writes Father H'osty in his Fore-v~ ord, dates back to a "pet peeve" he had as a youngster at hearing "adult sermons at the children's Mass." He offers this book not-as "the last word in preaching to children," but as a stimulus to fellow priests to write "asermon book for children." The author is a member'of the Chicago Archdiocesan mission band and has had eight years exp.er!ence in giving retreats, days of .~rfic~llection, novenas, and sermons. During this time, not the least among his accomplishments has been to learn the language of chil-dren- while shooting marbles or playing second base. This is the language of Small Talks for Small .People. There is no attempt at literary style. "The language," admits the author, "is a far cry from the style of Lacordaire or Fulton Sheen, and at times verges on downright slang." But it is the lively, catchy, humoroias. familiar, concrete language of children, replete with their ideas and their connotations. Questions to be actually answeredmare introduced as a new. feature in preaching tO children, owing to the author's "conviction that there is no better way of getting and keeping the children's 64 danuary: 1944 BOOK REVIEWS attention during a sermon.;' This is sound child psychology and a real merit of the book. Much of Father Hosty's cbarm'is probably lost because of the inadequacy of the written word to convey the spontaneity of the spoken. " Perhaps the "moral" of the stories or illustrations is not.~always pointed enough. Priests will find these 5-m~nute ~mall Talks very handy, and an incentive as well as a challenge to expand this neglected field . --A. LEVET, S.~I. GOD'S GUESTS OF TOMORROW. 8y