Suchergebnisse

El Magreb se está convirtiendo en una zona cada vez más importante en la relación transatlántica por dos razones fundamentales: primero, porque para la UE, los acontecimientos que se producen en el norte de África tienen repercusiones en el sur de Europa, por lo que los países a los que afecta (especialmente España, Francia e Italia) están presionando para desarrollar una nueva y mejor relación económica, social y política con el Magreb y esto influye en la relación transatlántica. Segundo, porque después de la Guerra Fría, el Mediterráneo en general ha adquirido un carácter relevante internacionalmente. El hecho de que se hayan creado más iniciativas políticas, económicas y militares por parte de la UE y EE.UU. para mejorar la relación con el Magreb lo prueba. Este interés por parte de la UE y de EE.UU. parece haber dado lugar a un reparto de tareas respecto a la región del Magreb. Siendo la UE la que se enfrente a temas como la inmigración y las relaciones culturales y económicas, y EE.UU. tratando otros temas como el terrorismo, la proliferación de armas de destrucción masiva, etc. Este trabajo de investigación trata de establecer la relevancia de esta región dentro de la relación transatlántica y por qué es importante para EE.UU. y la UE.

In light of the Arab Spring and after days of public quarreling that highlighted the divisions among NATO's members on an agreement to give command of the ""no-fly"" zone in Libya to the Alliance, it is evident that the U.S. is having problems engaging with its European allies and partners. Why is this happening? Breaking away from the conventional way to study transatlantic relations, Serena Simoni uses a Constructivist theoretical lens to argue that the transatlantic partners' changing identities since the early 1990s have influenced their political interests and, as a consequence,

"The Routledge Handbook on the International Dimension of Transatlantic Relations is an essential and comprehensive reference for the regulation of transatlantic relations across a range of subjects, bringing together contributions from scholars, policy makers, lawyers and political scientists. Future oriented in a range of fields, it probes the key technical, procedural and policy issues for the US of dealing with, negotiating, engaging and law-making with the EU, taking a broad interdisciplinary perspective including international relations, politics, political economic and law, EU external relations law and international law and assesses the external consequences of transatlantic relations in a systematic and comprehensive fashion. The transatlantic relationship constitutes one of the most established and far-reaching democratic alliances globally, and which has propelled multilateralism, trade regulation and the EU-US relationship in global challenges.The different contributions will propose solutions to overcome these problems and help us understand the shifting transatlantic agenda in diverse areas from human rights, to trade, and security, and the capacity of the transatlantic relationship to set new international agendas, standards and rules. The Routledge Handbook on the International Dimension of Transatlantic Relations will be a key reference for scholars, students and practitioners of Transatlantic Relations/EU-US relations, EU External Relations law, EU rule-making, EU Security law, and more broadly to global governance, International law, international political economy and International Relations"--

Canadian foreign policy should be refined to focus more closely on the EU as a partner in transatlantic relations. Admittedly this entails an emphasis on an international organization whose future is unknowable, an organization that by its very nature excludes Canada & that appears to have many weak attributes such as have been enumerated by Robert Kagan in his "Power and Weakness." The primary quandary for Canada's transatlantic foreign policy derives from multilateralism. Present-day Canada-Europe relations are largely shaped by what is occurring in Europe. The broader implications of these diverse European developments are examined vis-a-vis European countries' increasing inclination toward caucusing & its effects on how Canada & Europe understand multilateralism. The conclusion addresses the implications of this argument & offers some proposals for Canadian foreign policy. K. Coddon