Suchergebnisse

The main purpose of this study is to make visible the female labor used in the production of hazelnuts which is important agricultural product for Turkey. Especially, women living in rural areas constitute the most disadvantageous in terms of the problems encountered. The invisibility of women's labor in rural areas emerges as informal and precarious and the vast majority of the work done with depreciation seen as an extension of domestic works. On the other hand, when the related literature is examined, even though many studies are carried out regarding the working and living conditions of women, the studies conducted with the women working in the agricultural sector are limited. Although these studies deal with the issue of labor in hazelnut farming with different dimensions, the women's labor and gender perspective has not been mentioned very much. In this context, our study has been carried out on local and seasonal agricultural female workers who are generally ignored in the literature. In this context, in the two different villages of Fatsa District of Ordu, detailed interviews were conducted within the framework of semi-structured questionnaires with neutrally selected 20 women., In the interviews, sociological characteristics of women, ownership structure, working and living conditions, gender relations and future fictions of women have been asked.

AbstractAlthough researchers from a number of disciplines have long recognized that marginalized groups are at increased risk to the impacts of disasters, it took Hurricane Katrina to bring this to the forefront of policy discussions. An equally insidious problem exists among migrant and seasonal farm workers (MSFWs), yet there is very little work on the nature and range of their vulnerability. In North Carolina, more than ninety per cent of MSFWs are Latino, with the rest being mostly African‐American males. These individuals are particularly vulnerable because of the nature of their work, the poor housing in which they live, and the lack of access to social networks, among other factors. The magnitude of the problem depends on the locations of fields and housing in hazardous areas. Utilizing GIS and Google Earth virtual globe, registered migrant worker camps are mapped using address geocoding with respect to several natural hazards. The results of this work illustrate a compelling need for emergency management to focus on the needs of MSFWs when an event is impending and for policy‐makers to address the factors that put this segment of the population that is so critical to the agricultural economy at such high risk.

Since the beginning of the 21st century, Romanian migrants have become one of the most significant national groups doing agricultural work in Spain, initially coming via a temporary migration program and later under several different modalities. However, despite their critical importance for the functioning of Europe's largest agro-industry, the study of this long-term circular mobility is still underdeveloped in migration and agriculture literature. Thanks to extensive fieldwork carried out in the provinces of Huelva and Lleida in Spain and in the counties of Teleorman and Buzău in Romania, this paper has two main objectives: first, to identify some of the most common forms of mobility of these migrants; and second, to discuss whether this industrial agriculture, hugely dependent on migrant work, is socially sustainable. The case of Romanian migrants in Spanish agriculture will serve to show how a critical sector for the EU and for the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development of the United Nations, operates on an unsustainable model based on precariousness and exploitation. ; The research leading to these results received funding from the AGRIQUALITY project ("Gobernanza de la calidad en las cadenas globales agroalimentarias. Un análisis comparado de los territorios agro‐exportadores en España") funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation and with FEDER funds of the European Union (Grant Agreement: CSO2017‐85507‐P) and TEMPER project ("Temporary versus Permanent Migration"), European Union's Seventh Framework Program (grant agreement no.613468) ; Peer reviewed

The article analyzes Canadian temporary foreign worker migration policies through the prism of Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP), one of the largest and oldest seasonal worker programs in Canada's postwar immigration policies, whose main participants are seasonal farmworker migrants from Mexico. The article outlines the premises of Canadian labor migration policies and presents a brief history of Mexican migrations to Canada. Most importantly, however, it focuses on the functioning of SAWP, presenting the program's positive impact as well as its shortages and failures through the lens of experiences of its Mexican participants. The summary of this text proposes certain reforms and changes to SAWP that might help eliminate some of the program's deficiencies.

AbstractThis article brings a new, theoretically minded approach to weighing the relative utilities and harms of Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) without dismissing the agency of SAWP enrollees or arriving at an abolitionist argument to end Temporary Migrant Worker (TMW) programmes in Canada. Building on the anti‐trafficking debate within feminist migration studies, we evaluate the availability and exercise of consent, choice, and coercion among SAWP workers. We draw on extensive documentation by scholars across disciplines to contextualize the SAWP within a socio‐economic history that engendered and continues to legitimize the "success" of the programme in both Mexico (the largest sending state) and Ontario (the largest provincial recipient of workers). Our analysis suggests that, while grievous, the SAWP's structural injustice ought not to preclude individuals from migrating and earning wages. The article concludes with recommendations to create a fairer avenue for Mexican workers into, through, and out of the SAWP.

SummaryThe article explores development and migration. Based on a comparison of investment‐related behaviour of participants of the Canadian Mexican Seasonal Workers Programme from eleven Mexican villages, the article explores the impact of the nature of the migrants' community of origin on development. Contrary to the findings reported by the "new economics of labour migration" theorists, it was found that migrants from the least endowed communities, not from the best endowed communities, are likely to invest in agricultural land. This pattern is related to variable prices of land and the composition of the participants of the Canadian guest worker programme, most of whom are poor. The article draws attention to the importance of considering composition of migrant workers in an analysis of the impact of migration on community development. Development is analysed in the article from both the "growth" and the "quality of living" perspectives and it is found that regardless of the perspective used, the nature of the community does not affect the impact of migration on development.

The employment of foreign seasonal workers is often advocated as a win–win situation for both employers and workers, as labor shortages can be filled and at the same time foreign workers are able to access labor opportunities. However, these schemes are also being criticized for being prone to exploiting migrants as cheap labor without granting them sufficient rights. This article analyzes the impact of seasonal worker schemes in Australia and New Zealand, researching under what conditions these schemes constitute a win–win situation. This article will first outline the main features of the seasonal worker schemes in New Zealand and Australia. Subsequent sections will cover social protection rights, the characteristics of relevant agricultural industries and the interests of employers. The article concludes with an analysis of critical aspects that can be considered as good practice.

Western U.S. agriculture is an industry that has shaped and been shaped by a peculiar labor policy: seasonal workers were outsiders who looked to agriculture for jobs, not careers. They did not plan to remain farm workers, and the industry and community in which they worked and lived did not see them as long-term settlers. The immigration and integration policy, in effect, was to recruit new workers willing to accommodate themselves to seasonal employment, and to avoid their integration in agricultural areas. Thus, for most immigrant workers, economic mobility required geographic mobility. However, the major policy issue is not how to enhance the upward mobility of immigrant farm workers and their children; it is how U.S. agriculture should gain access to immigrant farm workers.