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This article reflects on the consequences of historical change and interdisciplinary research in politicalscience. Taking as point of reference the socio-historical approach to political parties, is a plea forinterdisciplinary research of party genesis. Given the hard work that represents the objectification ofhistorical turn of political science to interpret political processes, insists on the need to develop bothcomparative and located research about the origins of the political formations, illustrating thisproposition through examples as the Partido Aprista Peruano and Acción Democrática of Venezuela.Moreover, this proposal examines the challenges of "historicization" of this discipline in an effort toturn to the past to overcome the theoretical and methodological obstacles related to the study of theprocesses of party genesis. ; El presente artículo reflexiona sobre las consecuencias del giro histórico y de las prácticas interdisciplinarias en ciencias políticas. Tomando como punto de referencia el enfoque sociohistórico de los partidos políticos, constituye un alegato a favor del estudio interdisciplinario de las génesis partidarias. Teniendo en cuenta la ardua tarea que representa la objetivación del giro histórico de las ciencias políticas para interpretar procesos políticos, insiste sobre la necesidad de desarrollar investigaciones a la vez localizadas y comparativas de los orígenes de las formaciones políticas, ilustrando esta proposición a través de los ejemplos del Partido Aprista Peruano y de Acción Democrática de Venezuela. Por otra parte, esta propuesta examina los desafíos que plantea la "historicización" de esta disciplina en su afán de recurrir al pasado para superar los obstáculos teóricos-metodológicos relacionados con el estudio de los procesos de génesis partidarias.

This article arises from the need to structure a discourse on the narrative function that allowsus to deal with our experience over chronological time from its refiguration into a time of our own,which we provide with meaning. We draw on our narrative identity to articulate this resorganisationeither as subjects or as members of culturally determined collectivities. Paul Ricoeur constructs thisaporetic corollary of Time and Narrative by combining the failure of speculative reason when dealingwith temporal experience and the simplicity of our everyday use of narrative resources to deal with it.Following this hermeneutical corollary, we reconstruct the postulate, diffusely incorporated by politicalscience in the final decades of the twentieth century, and interpret the meaning of the corrosion ofidentities that concerns contemporary sociology. We do so convinced of the theoretical profitability ofthe genealogical analysis that links this postulate with the Ricoeurian corollary. ; Este artículo nace de la necesidad de vertebrar un discurso alrededor de la función narrativaque nos permite tratar con nuestra vivencia del paso del tiempo cronológico desde su refiguraciónen un tiempo propio, al que dotamos de sentido. Para articular esta refiguración recurrimos a nuestraidentidad narrativa, sea como sujetos o como miembros de colectividades determinadas culturalmente.Paul Ricoeur construye este corolario aporético de Tiempo y narración conjugando el fracaso de larazón especulativa cuando trata con la experiencia temporal y la llaneza con la que cotidianamenteempleamos recursos narrativos para tratar con ella. A partir de este corolario hermenéutico reconstruimosel postulado, difusamente incorporado por la politología de las décadas finales del siglo XX, einterpretamos el sentido de la corrosión de las identidades que ocupa a la sociología contemporánea.Lo hacemos convencidos de la rentabilidad teórica del análisis genealógico que vincula el postulado encuestión con el corolario ricoeuriano.

Set in the general frame of the history of women and the contemporary electoral history, this thesis isprimarily a quantitative local history thesis which also includes some data from other fields (politicalscience, public law and sociology). As well as comparing it with the evolution noticed on a nationalscale, the thesis focuses therefore on the history of a given population (all the categories of electedwomen), in a given geographical area (the department of Sarthe), during a given time period (1945-2010).The increasing number of women elected in Sarthe from 1945 to 2010 and the diversification of theoffices they have had access to are grasped through a questioning typifying the problematic of thethesis, which is: what is the significance of this progress and what is the possible meaning of it? Toanswer this question, the thesis strives to show that this quantitative progress of elected women camewith some statutory or behavioral applications which limit its scope and qualify its meaning. Theadopted chronological outline emphasizes the three stages which marked the history of elected womenin Sarthe from 1945 to 2010, linking each of the stages to the general problematic. This generalarticulation of the thesis hence falls into three parts respectively entitled: The years 1945/1970: atolerated presence, an unchanged status; The years 1970/1990: an accepted presence, a containedpressure; The years 1990/2010: a recognized presence, a maintained inequality. ; Tout en s'inscrivant dans le cadre général de l'histoire des femmes et de l'histoire électoralecontemporaine, la thèse se veut d'abord une thèse d'histoire locale quantitative et fait appel égalementà quelques données relevant d'autres disciplines (science politique, droit public, sociologie). Tout endonnant lieu à une comparaison avec l'évolution constatée au plan national, la thèse s'intéresse àl'histoire d'une population donnée (toutes les catégories de femmes élues), dans un espacegéographique donné (le département de la Sarthe), sur une période donnée ...

Set in the general frame of the history of women and the contemporary electoral history, this thesis isprimarily a quantitative local history thesis which also includes some data from other fields (politicalscience, public law and sociology). As well as comparing it with the evolution noticed on a nationalscale, the thesis focuses therefore on the history of a given population (all the categories of electedwomen), in a given geographical area (the department of Sarthe), during a given time period (1945-2010).The increasing number of women elected in Sarthe from 1945 to 2010 and the diversification of theoffices they have had access to are grasped through a questioning typifying the problematic of thethesis, which is: what is the significance of this progress and what is the possible meaning of it? Toanswer this question, the thesis strives to show that this quantitative progress of elected women camewith some statutory or behavioral applications which limit its scope and qualify its meaning. Theadopted chronological outline emphasizes the three stages which marked the history of elected womenin Sarthe from 1945 to 2010, linking each of the stages to the general problematic. This generalarticulation of the thesis hence falls into three parts respectively entitled: The years 1945/1970: atolerated presence, an unchanged status; The years 1970/1990: an accepted presence, a containedpressure; The years 1990/2010: a recognized presence, a maintained inequality. ; Tout en s'inscrivant dans le cadre général de l'histoire des femmes et de l'histoire électoralecontemporaine, la thèse se veut d'abord une thèse d'histoire locale quantitative et fait appel égalementà quelques données relevant d'autres disciplines (science politique, droit public, sociologie). Tout endonnant lieu à une comparaison avec l'évolution constatée au plan national, la thèse s'intéresse àl'histoire d'une population donnée (toutes les catégories de femmes élues), dans un espacegéographique donné (le département de la Sarthe), sur une période donnée ...

Set in the general frame of the history of women and the contemporary electoral history, this thesis isprimarily a quantitative local history thesis which also includes some data from other fields (politicalscience, public law and sociology). As well as comparing it with the evolution noticed on a nationalscale, the thesis focuses therefore on the history of a given population (all the categories of electedwomen), in a given geographical area (the department of Sarthe), during a given time period (1945-2010).The increasing number of women elected in Sarthe from 1945 to 2010 and the diversification of theoffices they have had access to are grasped through a questioning typifying the problematic of thethesis, which is: what is the significance of this progress and what is the possible meaning of it? Toanswer this question, the thesis strives to show that this quantitative progress of elected women camewith some statutory or behavioral applications which limit its scope and qualify its meaning. Theadopted chronological outline emphasizes the three stages which marked the history of elected womenin Sarthe from 1945 to 2010, linking each of the stages to the general problematic. This generalarticulation of the thesis hence falls into three parts respectively entitled: The years 1945/1970: atolerated presence, an unchanged status; The years 1970/1990: an accepted presence, a containedpressure; The years 1990/2010: a recognized presence, a maintained inequality. ; Tout en s'inscrivant dans le cadre général de l'histoire des femmes et de l'histoire électoralecontemporaine, la thèse se veut d'abord une thèse d'histoire locale quantitative et fait appel égalementà quelques données relevant d'autres disciplines (science politique, droit public, sociologie). Tout endonnant lieu à une comparaison avec l'évolution constatée au plan national, la thèse s'intéresse àl'histoire d'une population donnée (toutes les catégories de femmes élues), dans un espacegéographique donné (le département de la Sarthe), sur une période donnée ...

The complexity of the multi-level European polity is not adequately represented by the single-level theoretical concepts of competing 'intergovernmentalist' and 'supranationalist' approaches. By contrast, empirical research focusing on multilevel interactions tends either to emphasize the uniqueness of its objects, or to create novel concepts - which are likely to remain contested even among Europeanists and have the effect of isolating European studies from the politicalscience mainstream in International Relations and Comparative Politics. These difficulties are bound to continue as long as researchers keep proposing holistic concepts that claim to represent the complex reality of the European polity as a whole. It is suggested that the present competition among poorly fitting and contested generalizations could be overcome if European studies made use of a plurality of simpler and complementary concepts, each of which is meant to represent the specific characteristics of certain subsets of multi-level interactions - which could also be applied and tested in other fields of political-science research. The paper goes on to describe four distinct modes of multi-level interaction in the European polity - 'mutual adjustment', 'intergovernmental negotiations', 'joint-decision making', and 'hierarchical direction' - and to discuss their characteristics by reference to the criteria of problem-solving capacity and institutional legitimacy. ; Die Komplexität der europäischen Mehrebenpolitik kann durch die auf Einebenen- Interaktionen zugeschnittenenen 'intergouvernementalen' oder 'supranationalen' Ansätze nicht adäquat repräsentiert werden. Die empirische Forschung betont deshalb entweder die Einzigartigkeit ihres Gegenstandes oder sie erfindet neuartartige Begriffe, die jedoch selbst in der Europaforschung umstritten bleiben und diese überdies von der theoretischen Diskussion in den Internationalen Beziehungen und der Vergleichenden Politikforschung isolieren. Diese Schwierigkeiten werden fortdauern, solange man versucht, die komplexe Realität der europäischen Politik jeweils im Ganzen durch holistische Begriffe zu erfassen. Die unergiebigige Konkurrenz zwischen umstrittenen Generalkonzepten könnte jedoch durch eine Mehrheit einfacherer und komplementärer Begriffe überwunden werden, die jeweils bestimmte Typen von Mehrebenen-Interaktionen bezeichnen - und die deshalb auch außerhalb der Europaforschung angewandt und überprüft werden können. Der vorliegende Vortragstext beschreibt vier solcher Typen - wechselseitige Anpassung, intergouvernementale Verhandlungen, Politikverflechtung und hierarchische Steuerung - und erörtert ihre charakteristischen Eigenschaften mit Bezug auf die Kriterien der Problemlösungsfähigkeit und der institutionellen Legitimität.

El artículo analiza las principales contribuciones teóricas, epistemológicasy ético-políticas de la teoría política posestructuralista al desarrollo de la CienciaPolítica y al análisis sociopolítico y crítico. Se plantea un debate con las perspectivaspredominantes en la disciplina, que tiene como objetivo contribuir a una comprensiónmás compleja de la realidad social y a destacar su dimensión crítica y de transformaciónradical. La hipótesis central sostiene que las perspectivas predominantes de la CienciaPolítica presentan una limitada concepción de la complejidad. Desde el plano teóricometodológicoy epistemológico, el énfasis en la racionalidad, la objetividad y laestabilidad, reduce su capacidad de comprender los aspectos subjetivos y no racionales,y la dimensión contingente del conocimiento, las formas de estructuración imaginariase inconscientes, y los límites ontológicos de la realidad social. Desde el plano éticopolítico,estos déficits se expresan en el predominio de una visión estrecha sobre lademocracia, lo político y la política, que resalta la dimensión racional e institucional.De este modo, se tiende a reprimir la dimensión polisémica, antiesencialista y endisputa hegemónica de los conceptos, y a relegar los aspectos pasionales, afectivos yde identificación inconsciente, que limita la capacidad de explicar fenómenos políticosy sociales que escapan a sus presupuestos teóricos y ontológicos. ; The paper analyzes the main theoretical, epistemological and ethical-politicalcontributions of post-structuralist political theory to the development of politicalscience in general, and socio-political and critical analysis in particular. The articleproposes a critical debate with the predominant perspectives in the discipline andaims to contribute to a more complex understanding of social reality, highlight itscritical and transformational dimension. The central hypothesis is that the predominantperspectives of political science have a limited understanding of complexity. At thetheoretical-methodological and epistemological level, the emphasis on rationality,objectivity and stability, reduces the ability to understand subjective and non-rationalaspects and the contingent dimension of knowledge, the imaginary and unconsciousways of structuring, and ontological limits of social reality. At the ethical-politicallevel, these shortcomings result in a narrow view on democracy, politics and policy,highlighting the rational and institutional dimension. Thus, these perspectives tendto suppress the polysemic, anti-essentialist and hegemonic dispute dimensionof concepts, and relegate the passionate, emotional and unconscious aspects ofidentification. That limits the ability to explain political and social phenomena.

Автор намагається висвітлити питання кореляції понять «імідж» та «стратегія» та сформувати цілісне уявлення поняття «іміджеві стратегії». У статті розглядаються принципи формування іміджу політичного лідера в залежностівід суспільного запиту та специфіка напрацювання іміджевих стратегій. Стаття адресована фахівцям, які займаються практичною політологією, викладачам та студентам відділення політології. ; Автор пытается изучить вопрос корреляции понятий«имидж» и «стратегия» и сформулировать целостноепредставление о понятии «имиджевые стратегии». Встатье рассматриваются принципы формирования имиджаполитического лидера в зависимости от общественногозапроса и специфика наработки имиджевых стратегий.Статья адресована специалистам, занимающимсяпрактической политологией, преподавателям и студентамотделения политологии. ; Аuthor is trying to highlight the issue correlation of terms«image» and «strategy» and to form a complete idea of «brandingstrategy». The principles of image formation of a politicalleader based on public demand and specific developments ofimage strategies are discussed in the article. Author tries topresent that the phenomenon of image extends the concept ofthe image, and therefore meaning slowly splits. This categoryis used by a range of scientific disciplines, including politicalscience, which deals with technology and policy, strategy, tactics,psychology, sociology, and others. Thus the image is seen as arational judgment or emotional nature of the subject, which isformed in the human psyche as a result of the perception of thecharacteristics of the subject which voters receive through themass media.The article says that the political leader's image is verydelicate area. The attention is paid to the fact that the image ofthe subject can be formed spontaneously or randomly. In suchcase there is a risk that the spontaneously generated image is notalways conscious, and therefore may be perceived by audiencetoo rigid and uncontrollable or too soft. Successful imageformation should be guided by certain stages of its formation.Another category which is used in the article is the concept of«strategy» witch is borrowed from the military and is includedin the context of image process. This article also describes theprinciples of potential strategies and laws that are lean in imageformation strategies. Strategy in formation of political imagewill accurately build the main line campaign in the image of theleader. Also are described the basic resources that are necessaryon witch the formation of strategies should be based.In this article image strategy is defined as tactical way ofcombining an image of political leader and party brand inelection`s technology for the projections on election campaigns.This paper describes the importance of information loadin the process of forming of image strategies. Using Ukrainianexample are clearly defined demands for certain strategy ofimage and are present image`s markers that are most popularamong politicians.Based on the fact that the phenomenon of the image of apolitical leader is an important element of interaction betweenthe political subject and voters is offered the perspective offurther developments in this area

Set in the general frame of the history of women and the contemporary electoral history, this thesis isprimarily a quantitative local history thesis which also includes some data from other fields (politicalscience, public law and sociology). As well as comparing it with the evolution noticed on a nationalscale, the thesis focuses therefore on the history of a given population (all the categories of electedwomen), in a given geographical area (the department of Sarthe), during a given time period (1945-2010).The increasing number of women elected in Sarthe from 1945 to 2010 and the diversification of theoffices they have had access to are grasped through a questioning typifying the problematic of thethesis, which is: what is the significance of this progress and what is the possible meaning of it? Toanswer this question, the thesis strives to show that this quantitative progress of elected women camewith some statutory or behavioral applications which limit its scope and qualify its meaning. Theadopted chronological outline emphasizes the three stages which marked the history of elected womenin Sarthe from 1945 to 2010, linking each of the stages to the general problematic. This generalarticulation of the thesis hence falls into three parts respectively entitled: The years 1945/1970: atolerated presence, an unchanged status; The years 1970/1990: an accepted presence, a containedpressure; The years 1990/2010: a recognized presence, a maintained inequality. ; Tout en s'inscrivant dans le cadre général de l'histoire des femmes et de l'histoire électoralecontemporaine, la thèse se veut d'abord une thèse d'histoire locale quantitative et fait appel égalementà quelques données relevant d'autres disciplines (science politique, droit public, sociologie). Tout endonnant lieu à une comparaison avec l'évolution constatée au plan national, la thèse s'intéresse àl'histoire d'une population donnée (toutes les catégories de femmes élues), dans un espacegéographique donné (le département de la Sarthe), sur une période donnée (1945-2010).L'augmentation du nombre de femmes élues et la diversification des fonctions auxquelles elles ontaccédé sont appréhendées au travers d'une interrogation qui exprime la problématique de la thèse, àsavoir : quelle est la portée de cette progression et quelle signification peut-on y donner ? En réponsela thèse s'efforce de montrer que cette progression quantitative des femmes élues s'est accompagnéed'un certain nombre de pratiques réglementaires ou comportementales qui en limitent la portée et ennuancent la signification. Le plan chronologique adopté permet de mettre en relief les trois phases quiont marqué l'histoire des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010 en reliant chacune à la problématiquegénérale. Cette articulation générale de la thèse débouche ainsi sur un plan en 3 parties intituléesrespectivement : Les années 1945/1970 : une présence tolérée, un statut inchangé ; Les années1970/1990 : une présence acceptée, une pression contenue ; Les années 1990 / 2010 : une présencereconnue, une inégalité maintenue.