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AbstractOver the course of the 2010s, Conservative politicians criticised the Bank of England for meddling in markets and punishing 'prudent' savers. Partly in response to this, Bank officials risked their own reputations by adopting new forms of communicative engagement with the public and attempting to defend the prevailing consensus on monetary policy. This paper draws on both qualitative coding of transcripts of Treasury Committee hearings and 11 interviews with Bank staff and officials to support its central claim that the politics of monetary policy takes place in a conflictual political sphere in which different interests, values and identities are mobilised in opposed ideologies of monetary governance. This qualitative approach helps to identify the ideological substance of public debates about monetary policy. The conflict between Conservative sound money and Bank monetary policy orthodoxy is conceptualised as a divide within the neoliberal consensus, with more progressive views marginalised or absent. Central bankers do not merely seek to publicly defend their reputations, while relegating the politics of economic ideas to abstruse debates among technocrats. Rather, central bankers are political actors in a relatively open, public and conflictual political sphere.

The article problematizes the functioning, on the one hand, of traditional value-normative regulators, ensuring socio-cultural integrity and social and political dynamics, and on the other, the development of standards for the development and application of digital algorithms, autonomous robotic systems and artificial intelligence. It discusses various approaches and theoretical and practical positions that argue and model the development of a socio-political organization in the digital era, and describe fundamental changes in political communication, law and order, public-power interaction, etc.

The authors argue that the introduction of digital algorithms and robotic technologies radically changes the basic sociocultural meanings and the socio-political landscape, the formation of new types of social relations, where people, things, machines together form special modes of functioning, specific relations. The work proves that these cardinal changes require fundamentally new theoretical and methodological approaches to research, and new tools for political modeling and forecasting. The problems of legislative and ethical regulation of the processes of informatization and technological development of the society are discussed separately. The final part of the research shows that modernity poses the fundamental problem of correlating digital and socio-cultural trends in the development of political space, their contradictions and the inevitable convergence of socio-cultural, traditional socio-political dominants of development with digital trends and life forms. The article proves that harmonization of existing value-normative regulators and standards of digital algorithms and artificial intelligence systems being developed is necessary, since the latter can be a key guarantee for the formation of an effective system of social system development and its stability in the digital age.

Despite the traditional social justice mandate of social work, and critical and radical theoretical traditions that pursue egalitarian and just societies, the engagement of the social work academy with Irish politics has been underwhelming at best. While there are abstract analyses that address sociopolitical theory and ideological wrongdoings related to neoliberalist rationality, attention in social work academia to the nuts and bolts of everyday political life in Ireland, such as democratic party politics and electoral representation, leaves much to the imagination. This article therefore pursues a more grounded reading of social justice in Irish politics for social workers. The supporting proposition is that to effectively interject in political misrecognition and marginalisation, social workers must understand the present political state of play. Towards achieving this, Axel Honneth's theory of recognition aids thematic critical commentary on the literature.

Мета дослідження – виявлення і осмислення соціально-філософських засад театралізації політич¬ної сфери. Виходячи з гіпотези про те, що театралізація сприяє підвищенню ефективності комунікацій в сфері політики, в якості методологічної стратегії дослідження обрано концепцію театральності со¬ціокомунікативних проявів культури (на базі методів соціокультурного аналізу). Цей підхід дозволив з'ясувати, що поєднання в політичних «виставах» елементів гри, перформансу, ритуалу, карнавалу, ма¬скараду сприяє: приверненню уваги опонентів; демонстрації солідарності із протестним рухом; формуванню іміджу відповідно до ролі / амплуа, яку політик виконує у політичному «театрі»; створенню додаткових каналів комунікації політика із «публікою» (народом, електоратом). В якості одного з таких каналів розглядаються костюмні прикраси і аксесуари, які є не лише доповненням до іміджу політика, а й важливим елементом драматургії. Дозволяючи заміняти пряме повідомлення на знаково-символьну форму, прикраси сприяють наданню процесу комунікації ігрового, театрального формату. Це, з одного боку, пожвавлює процес спілкування політика із «публікою», сприяє розширенню аудиторії, але, з іншого боку – привносить в процес передачі інформації елемент інтерпретації. Цією обставиною активно кори¬стуються мас-медіа, посилюючи свою роль у політичному «театрі». З'ясовано також, що певною мірою театральність завжди була притаманна політиці. Проте театральне не завжди в ній превалює: прагнення до театралізації зростає по мірі розділення політичної сфери на публічну і «приховану». Посилення театральних проявів у сучасній політичній сфері вказує на те, що саме така тенденція набуває розвитку в соціальних відносинах. Це в свою чергу обумовлює появу нових технологій і форматів комунікації в системі «влада – суспільство». ; Public policy is always focused on finding the most effective ways to communicate with the broad masses (society, population, electorate). Historical experience shows that one of such methods is the introduction of theatrical elements into the communication process. The purpose of this study is to identify and comprehend the social and philosophical foundations of the theatricalization of the political sphere. The concept of theatricality of sociocommunicative manifestations of culture was chosen as a methodological research strategy (based on methods of sociocultural analysis). This approach made is possible to find out that the combination of the elements of the game, performance, ritual, carnival, masquerade in political "spectacles" helps to: attract the attention of opponents; demonstrations of solidarity with the protest movement; the formation of the image of the politician in accordance with the role that he plays in the political "theater"; creating additional channels of communication policy with the "public". One of these channels is costume jewelry and accessories, which are not only an addition to the image of a politician, but also an important dramatic element. By allowing the replacement of a direct message with a sign-symbolic form, jewelry helps to impart a gaming, theatrical format to the communication process. On the one hand, it helps to expand the audience, but, on the other hand, it introduces an element of interpretation into the process of information transfer. This circumstance is used by the mass media, strengthening its role in the political "theater". It has also been established that to a certain extent theatricality has always been inherent in politics. But the theatrical component does not always prevail in it: the desire for theatricality increases with the division of the political sphere into public and "hidden". Strengthening theatrical manifestations in the modern political sphere indicates that this is the trend that is developing in social relations. This, in turn, determines the emergence of new technologies and communication formats in the system "power – society".

The period of the 16th–18th centuries, when the Safavids were one of the major ­political powers in the region, is an important era for Persian linguistic evolution. New Persian was the literary language and lingua franca of a vast area stretching from Anatolia to China and the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent, and from Central Asia to present-day Afghanistan and Iran. The later political separation of post-Safavid Iran from Central Asia and Afghanistan led to the dialectal variations of New Persian. A linguistic description of the New Persian of this period is therefore of great importance, not only for understanding the diachronic process of language change leading from late Classical Persian to Modern Persian, but also for synchronic studies of dialectal variations of the period.

Theoretical developments in the field of transformative learning have progressed significantly over the past two decades, yet little attention has been paid to women's experiences of transformative learning and to the issues of race, class and gender in this learning. We explore the apparent hesitation at both the personal and political ends of the transformative learning spectrum, and help to create alliances and strengthen the theory.

This article aims to identify the current role of the Andean Community (CAN) with regard to the duties of that organization that affect the political scene. The article's conclusion expounds on the obstacles in the management of that system of international organization. Therefore this article defines some proposals for solutions to the political crisis of the aforementioned supranational organization. The research methodology of the article is qualitative, as it seeks to describe the political perspective of CAN under the descriptive and analytical research method. ; Este artículo pretende identificar el papel contemporáneo de la Comunidad Andina (CAN) desde el escenario de las competencias de dicha organización que irradien el escenario político. Dicha reflexión permitió concluir obstáculos en la gestión de dicho sistema de organización internacional. Por lo anterior a través del presente manuscrito se determinaron algunas propuestas de solución frente a la crisis política de la citada Organización Supranacional. La metodología de investigación es cualitativa, como quiera que el documento busca describir la perspectiva política de la CAN bajo el método de investigación descriptivo y analítico.

This article aims to identify the current role of the Andean Community (CAN) with regard to the duties of that organization that affect the political scene. The article's conclusion expounds on the obstacles in the management of that system of international organization. Therefore this article defines some proposals for solutions to the political crisis of the aforementioned supranational organization. The research methodology of the article is qualitative, as it seeks to describe the political perspective of CAN under the descriptive and analytical research method. ; Este artículo pretende identificar el papel contemporáneo de la Comunidad Andina (CAN) desde el escenario de las competencias de dicha organización que irradien el escenario político. Dicha reflexión permitió concluir obstáculos en la gestión de dicho sistema de organización internacional. Por lo anterior a través del presente manuscrito se determinaron algunas propuestas de solución frente a la crisis política de la citada Organización Supranacional. La metodología de investigación es cualitativa, como quiera que el documento busca describir la perspectiva política de la CAN bajo el método de investigación descriptivo y analítico.

This paper deals with what we consider to be key negative elements of current globalisation processes, and examines critically the dominance of the concept of global governance as a mode of control. This draws attention fi rstly to the fact that globalisation has an intentionally political orientation. Secondly, we are interested in approaches which can counteract the defi cits with respect to democracy and the environment which are associated with globalisation. This is not a directly action-oriented approach, but a conceptional analysis. Drawing on the work of the Study Commission of the German Bundestag "Globalisation of the World Economy" (2002), we outline the concept of global governance and point out democratic weaknesses. Following this, we present approaches which, with their specifi c localisation of civil society and a different concept of the political, seem suited to do justice to the political dimensions and the problems of globalisation processes. ; Der vorliegende Text befasst sich mit einigen, von uns allerdings für wesentlich gehaltenen Schattenseiten gegenwärtiger Globalisierungsprozesse, und er befragt in herrschaftskritischer Perspektive das als neuer Steuerungsmodus entworfene Konzept von Global Governance. Damit soll zum einen darauf hingewiesen werden, dass Globalisierung politisch angelegt und gewollt ist. Zum anderen geht es uns um konzeptionelle Ansätze, die geeignet sind, den mit Globalisierung einhergehenden Defiziten in den Bereichen Demokratie und Umwelt entgegenzuwirken. Es ist keine unmittelbar handlungsorientierte Analyse, mit der wir uns der Thematik nähern, sondern eine begriffliche Erkundung. In unseren Ausführungen beziehen wir uns vorrangig auf die Arbeiten der Enquete-Kommission des Deutschen Bundestages Globalisierung der Weltwirtschaft (2002). Wir stellen das dort verhandelte Konzept von Global Governance vor und umreißen dessen demokratietheoretische Schwächen. Anschließend stellen wir zwei Denkrichtungen vor, die uns mit ihrer spezifischen Ortsbestimmung von Zivilgesellschaft und einem anderen Politikbegriff geeignet erscheinen, der politischen Dimension und Problematik von Globalisierungsprozessen gerecht zu werden. In einem Abschnitt über Nachhaltiges Regieren. skizzieren wir, entlang welcher Rationalitätsmuster die Demokratiedefizite in Verbindung mit Globalisierung und Nachhaltigkeit verlaufen und verknüpfen diese Überlegungen mit der Debatte, die derzeit zum Themenkomplex globale öffentliche Güter geführt wird.

Work Package 4: National Case Studies of Challenges to Tolerance in Political Life ; The ACCEPT PLURALISM project (2010-2013) is funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities. (Call FP7-SSH-2009-A, Grant Agreement no: 243837). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.