Bank Financing in China's Private Sector: The Payoffs of Political Capital
In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 787-799
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In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 787-799
Using the theories of the political marketplace and political instability, we examine the effect of political capital on firms' access to bank loans in relation to the political environment. In particular, we use political capital inequality and political instability to characterize the political environment. Using a nationwide survey of private firms in 2010, we find that private firms have more difficulty in gaining access to bank lending as the degree of political capital inequality increases. Furthermore, political capital exerts a positive effect on access to bank loans only when political capital inequality and instability are above certain thresholds.
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In: Journal of Asia Pacific business, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 189-214
ISSN: 1528-6940
Tian Xiaoli. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-147). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Contents ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction ; Chapter 2. --- Social Background ; Social Structure Change After Mid-1990s ; Free Resources and Free Opportunities ; Chapter 3. --- Research Question ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- History of Chinese Private Entrepreneurs ; Chapter 1. --- First Period (1978-1992): Out of the System ; Chapter 2. --- Second Period (1992-1997): Intertwine with the System ; Chapter 2. --- Third Period (1997-now): New System in Form ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Literature Review ; Chapter 1. --- Market Transition Debate ; Market Transition Thesis ; Political Economy ; Political Market ; Summary ; Chapter 2. --- New Class Theory ; Dominating Cultural Capital ; Dominating Political Capital ; Dominating Teleological Knowledge ; Reunification of Cultural Capital and Political Capital ; Chapter 3. --- Clientelism ; Dependent Clientelism ; Symbiotic Clientelism ; Organizational Clientelism ; Chapter 4. --- Summary ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Principled Clientelism-Preliminary Evidence from In-depth Interviews ; Chapter 1. --- Local Government as Agent ; Incentives ; Resources and Services ; Who Are Chosen? ; Chapter 2. --- Private Entrepreneurs as Client ; Personal Background ; Strategy ; General Attitude ; Agent-client Relationship ; Chapter 3. --- Principled Clientelism ; Chapter 4. --- From Symbiotic Clientelism to Principled Clientelism ; Transformation in Clientelism Spectrum ; Transformation in Clientelism Exchange ; Transformation in Clientelism Network ; Comparison of Different Clientelism ; Chapter 5. --- Principled Clientelism Hypothesis ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- "Data, Measurement and Methods" ; Chapter 1. --- Method ; Chapter 2. --- Data ; Chapter 3. --- Measurement ; Chapter 4. --- Statistical Model ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Empirical Analysis ; Chapter 1. --- The Changing Profiles of Private Entrepreneurs ...
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In: Journal of Corporate Finance, Band 23
SSRN
Working paper
In: Journal of current Chinese affairs, Band 52, Heft 3, S. 518-541
ISSN: 1868-4874
Business–government relations play a crucial role in China's economic development and policy implementation. Situated in an asymmetric dependency nexus, local officials court business investments to facilitate policy and boost their political careers, while under Xi Jinping private firms are increasingly incentivised to support party-state goals to gain access to political capital. In this study, we use the case of football development to show how private business actors and government officials enter reciprocal relationships based on the exchange of respective financial and political capital. Using insights from semistructured interviews with practitioners and macro-level data, such as investors' characteristics and financial data, we explore the role of political capital in state–business exchanges, specifying the mechanisms of this interaction (motivations, forms, and perceived benefits) and three distinct investment scenarios in the case of football. Besides insights into the sector, the article contributes to the understanding of the modus operandi of private business and local government in the Chinese political economy at large. (JCCA/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: Chinese journal of sociology: CJS, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 194-213
ISSN: 2057-1518
In this article, we examine the intergenerational influence of political capital on educational attainment. Most previous researchers have focused on the centrality of political cadres to the redistribution of resources in transitional economies, yet the intergenerational mobility of these cadres has rarely been discussed. We use data from the 2010 Chinese College Student Survey to investigate the effects of cadre parent status on children's admission to elite colleges in China. The results reveal that the children of cadre parents are more likely to attend elite colleges. According to the results of China's standardized college entrance examinations, the children of cadre parents are not innately more intelligent than the children of non-cadre parents. However, children with cadre parents are more likely to attend elite senior high schools, which increases their likelihood of gaining entrance to elite colleges.
This study examined the influence of political capital on the migration behavior of peasant households in China's equitable urbanization. While existing research has proven that political capital can increase the wages of migrant workers, leading to a higher possibility of their rural-to-urban migration, the direct impact of political capital on migration behavior has not received sufficient attention. As China is one of the largest emerging economies, the impact of political capital on the economy and political transformation is typical. This paper reports a survey of 1120 farmer households from Xinxiang, a traditional agricultural area in central China. Using a binary logit model to test whether peasant households will migrate and a multinomial logit model to test where they will migrate to, this study examined whether political capital had a significant influence on the migration behavior of peasant households. The results suggest that the peasant households with political capital have a higher possibility of moving to urban areas, even though there is a better habitational option, namely, a new village in the local rural area. This suggests that reducing the difference in the political capital of migrants through policy propaganda and other methods is an efficient and effective way to achieve and improve equitable access to urbanization.
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IFPRI3; ISI; CRP2 ; EPTD; PIM ; PR ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)
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In: Ma , X , Ding , Z & Yuan , L 2016 , ' Subnational institutions, political capital, and the internationalization of entrepreneurial firms in emerging economies ' , JOURNAL OF WORLD BUSINESS , vol. 51 , no. 5 , pp. 843-854 . https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jwb.2016.07.004
This study advances the institution-based view of strategy by integrating it with firm-specific capability considerations. In particular, we investigate the integrative influence of subnational-level home country institutional environments and firm-level political capital, as an important way to seek resources, on emerging economy entrepreneurial firms' internationalization. With data from Chinese entrepreneurial firms, we find that the development of subnational institutional environments in the home country is related to firms' degree of internationalization. Furthermore, while political capital with low-level governments enhances the effect of subnational institutions on internationalization, political capital with high levels of government has no such moderation effect. Theoretical and empirical contributions and implications are discussed.
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In: Mobilization: the international quarterly review of social movement research, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 147-164
ISSN: 1086-671X
This article analyzes the relevance of network embeddedness and social capital in allowing migrants' associations to gain political capital and access to policy making in the cities of Barcelona and Madrid. With data from a survey of migrants' associations in both locations, we examine the degree to which embeddedness in networks of links with other migrants' associations and with autochthonous Spanish civil society organizations are consequential for the inclusion of migrants' organizations in policy-making processes. The results show that migrants' organizational social capital is critical in facilitating their intermediation function vis a vis political institutions and decision makers, above and beyond their access to financial and human capital. Adapted from the source document.
SSRN
Working paper
In: Aspects of Tourism v.71
This book presents a systematic and pattern-based explanation of food tourism, focusing on how and why change could occur and what the implications could be. In the future will food tourism involve food grown in the laboratory or a more authentic experience? The book explores these and many other futures and scenarios
This article compares access to bill making and senior legislative offices among male and female MPs when their respective parties are in government or in opposition. Using an original dataset with all Czech MPs elected between 1996 and 2017, the article finds that female legislators face a more restricted access to these important legislative assignments when their party is part of government and when their value as a means of generating political capital is high. This points to the specific conditions under which female MPs might be arbitrarily held back by their parties in the parliamentary workplace.
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In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 51, Heft 6, S. 809-836
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractHow do governments find the political capital to raise interest rates in pursuit of inflation stabilisation? Against common wisdom, this article shows that the ability of governments to exercise tight monetary policy largely depends on the level of unemployment insurance. Unemployment insurance is particularly useful to social democratic parties since their core constituency – labour – is the hardest hit by economic downturns. Empirical evidence from 17 OECD countries over thirty years demonstrates that high levels of unemployment insurance present a strong incentive for social democratic governments to respond more aggressively to positive changes in inflation. These findings resolve the puzzle of why partisan monetary cycles are not often observed in the literature and have important policy implications, given continued calls for scaling down social insurance.