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Frontmatter -- Contents -- LIST OF TABLES -- FOREWORD -- ACKNOWLEDGMENT -- A NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION -- INTRODUCTION -- CHAPTER 1 The Family, Politics, and the Familial Ethos -- CHAPTER 2 Reproducing the Family -- CHAPTER 3 Networks: The Political Lifeline of Community -- CHAPTER 4 Informality: Politics and Economics in Tandem -- CHAPTER 5 Politics as Distribution -- CONCLUSIONS -- NOTES -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX

Dr. Ronald Stewart admits that there are negative aspects to becoming a politician, but when he addressed a recent national meeting of Canada's emergency physicians he pleaded for more physician involvement in the political process. Stewart, an emergency physician who serves as Nova Scotia's health minister, thinks work as a politician can be both frustrating and fulfilling.

Discrepancies between the number of women voters and their low legislative representation is an interesting topic of study. The laws and regulations on parties' eligibility for elections have assigned the proportions of women candidates. These laws have been reformed continuously during elections. However, the result remained the same until the recent 2019 election. This contradicts the reality that the number of women voters, which is more than half the total population, should supply the threshold quota. Therefore, this study examines the relationship between women's preferences and other elements, including voters' characteristics and their participation in political organizations. Online questionnaires were distributed to elicit responses from 1,042 women voters. The analysis of data was performed using descriptive and inferential statistics. Primarily, inferential statistics were used to examine the relationship between the variables utilizing the Chi-Square Test of Independence. The findings confirmed that more women voted for male candidates. However, regardless of occupation, women are interested in joining political parties and assuming leadership roles. Due to the snowballing sampling procedure, it is difficult to generalize the findings of this research. For this reason, future research should target the respondents that have frequently participated in elections to accommodate more generalized findings. Keywords: woman voters, under-representation, woman legislative candidates AbstrakKesenjangan antara jumlah pemilih perempuan dengan keterwakilan legislatif yang rendah menjadi topik kajian yang menarik. Undang-undang dan peraturan tentang kelayakan partai untuk pemilihan telah menetapkan proporsi kandidat perempuan. Undang-undang ini telah direformasi terus menerus selama pemilu. Namun, hasilnya tetap sama hingga pemilu 2019 baru-baru ini. Hal ini bertolak belakang dengan kenyataan bahwa jumlah pemilih perempuan yang lebih dari separuh jumlah penduduk harus memenuhi ambang batas kuota. Oleh karena ...

Women's opinions and welfare are not adequately represented and often disregarded. Even though female populations are increasing in every country, it did not automatically make it a strong reason for them to represent themselves in politics or any governance structure. The equality to take part in the public field and voice out their opinions is always underestimated by some parties with misunderstanding religious statements. By this problem, this article aims to see the statistics of women's participation in politics, their roles, and the barriers found then discuss an ideal model of women's participation from Siyāsa al-Shar`iyya's perspective. By using an inductive and analytical method to examine several sources from books, articles, and journals, and after that draw the conclusion that the country has provided an equal right for all citizens. It is in harmony with Islam that perceives the equality of all servants without any ethnic and gender differences. Women's involvement in politics aims to ensure a good representation of their aspirations. The available barriers did not come from religious factors but from a patriarchal system thatis well embedded in the society as a culture. ; Kesejahteraan perempuan, bahkan suara mereka, tidak terwakili dengan baik dan seringnya diabaikan. Populasi perempuan yang bertambah tidak menjadi alasan yang cukup kuat untuk para perempuan mewakili diri mereka sendiri di ranah politik ataupun di dalam struktur pemerintahan. Persamaan hak untuk berperan dalam ranah publik dan menyuarakan opini selalunya dipandang rendah oleh beberapa golongan yang menyalahgunakan statement agama. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat statistik partisipasi peremupuan pada ranah politik, peran mereka dan kendala yang mereka hadapi, kemudian mendiskusikan model ideal partisipasi seorang perempuan dalam ranah politik dari sudut pandang siyasah syar'iyyah. Artikel ini menggunakan metode analisis dengan pendekatan induksi untuk mengkaji berbagai informasi yang bersumber dari buku, artikel dan jurnal, kemudian menemukan konklusi yang bahwa negara telah menyediakan hak yang setara bagi seluruh warganegaranya. Hal ini sejalan dengan Islam yang menganggap semua hamba itu memiliki hak yang sama tanpa ada perbedaan etnis dan gender. Partisipasi peremuan dalam politik bertujuan untuk memastikan semua aspirasi mereka telah terwakili dengan baik. Segala kendala yang menghalangi perempuan untuk berpartisipasi aktif dalam politik bukanlah berasal dari agama, namun berasal dari sistem patriarki yang telah membudaya dalam masyarakat.

Данная статья посвящена стигматизации женщин в политике. В работе авторы рассматривают процессы стигматизации, востребованные социальной и политической практикой. В частности, отмечается, что низкий уровень политического участия женщин может объясняться стигмами, которые прочно вошли в общественное сознание. Авторы рассматривают стигму как символическую форму статуса человека и любого политического субъекта во взаимодействии. На основе анализа полоролевых, гендерных, феминистских теорий исследователи указывают, что в основе стигматизации лежит социальное неравенство. Отмечается, что процесс стигматизации в политике имеет ряд этапов: подготовительный (анализ ситуации), начальный (выделение объекта внимания и поиск инструментов стигматизации), основной (формирование предубеждений, понижение статусных возможностей объекта стигматизации), завершающий (солидаризация сторонников и контроль). Стигматизация в публичной политике может выполнять ряд функций, к которым отнесены: ориентирующая (позволяющая опознавать субъектов политического пространства); инструментальная (с помощью которой стигмы играют роль способов принуждения и наказания в процессе политической борьбы); упорядочивающая (обеспечивающая социальный контроль и порядок в обществе). Авторы отмечают, что стигматизация формального политического участия женщин приводит к созданию ими неформальных каналов влияния: распространение слухов и формирование общественного мнения; продвижение/препятствие политической карьере мужчин; вступление в брак и пр. Исследователи также указывают на социальные последствия стигматизации, к которым они относят целый ряд форм девиантных взаимодействий как в социальной и политической сфере, так и в поведении конкретных политических субъектов. ; This article studies the stigmatisation of women in politics. The authors consider the processes of stigmatisation, claimed by social and political practice. In particular, the low level of political participation of women can be explained by stigmas that have firmly entered the public consciousness. The authors consider stigma as a symbolic form of the status of a person and any political subject in interaction. On the basis of the analysis of gender, gender, feminist theories, researchers point out that social inequality, which is fixed in the status — hierarchical division of society, in the contradictory nature of the interests and nature of social ties and relations, is objectively becoming a source of stigmatisation. The process of stigmatisation in politics has a number of stages: preparatory (analysis of the situation), initial (highlighting the object of attention and searching for stigmatization tools), the main one (the formation of prejudices, the lowering of status opportunities for the stigmatization object), and the finalisation (support solidarity and control). Stigmatisation in public policy can perform a number of functions, which include orienting (allowing to identify subjects of the political space), instrumental (stigmas as tools of suppression and punishment in tactics of interaction with rivals, opponents), and ordering (providing social control and order in society). The authors note that the stigmatisation of women's formal political participation leads to the creation of effective informal channels of influence: the dissemination of rumours and the formation of public opinion, the promotion/hindrance of the political career of men; marriage, etc. Researchers point to the social consequences of stigmatisation, to which they refer the violation of the principles of social and political interaction (humanism, tolerance, justice, and mutual benefit) and the strengthening of deviance in the behavioural style of political subjects.