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This paper analyzes the function of historiography in the formation of religious identity in Late Antique Iran. The main focus will be the models of Church-State relation generated by the East-syriac historiography of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries. First we will concentrate in the different ways in which the modern Historians characterized the place of the Church in the Sasanian religious and political Order. Secondly, we will consider some models of kingship produced by the Christian Historians of the Sasanian Empire. These models, far from expressing the actual marginality of the Christian community, revealed the tensions generated by the building of religious barriers (Christina/pagan, Orthodox/Heretic) in a World characterized by ambiguity. To sum up, these models were ways of representing specifically Christian pattern of authority and identity related to the particular conditions of the Iranian Society. ; Para acceder al Dossier utilice el link: http://revistascientificas.filo.uba.ar/index.php/AcHAM/article/view/2655 ; El propósito de este trabajo será analizar el papel del discurso histórico en la constitución de las identidades religiosas en el mundo iranio tardoantiguo. El eje de análisis estará centrado en los modelos de relación entre monarquía e Iglesia generado por la historiografía cristiana en lengua siríaca producida entre los siglos V y VI. El objetivo será doble. En primer lugar, haremos un breve esbozo de las diferentes maneras en que la historiografía moderna ha definido el lugar de la Iglesia en el orden social y político sasánida. En segundo lugar, consideraremos algunos modelos de monarquía generados en la literatura producida por la historiografía cristiana del Imperio sasánida. Dichos modelos, lejos de representar una marginalidad efectiva de la comunidad cristiana, expresaban las tensiones generadas en torno a la constitución de barreras confesionales (cristiano/pagano, ortodoxo/hereje) en un mundo caracterizado por múltiples ambigüedades. En concreto, esos modelos funcionaban como ...

International audience Lettres de cachet, from 1789 onwards a hateful symbol of the Old Regime, suffered a slow death characterized by hesitations and perplexity. Even though this incar­­na­­tion of absolute monarchy and symbol of royal arbitrariness aroused virtually unanimous oppo­­si­­tion, the deputies of the Natio­­nal Consti­­tuent Assembly waited until March 1790 to abolish the lettres de cachet. Indeed, the fear of the consequences of such a decision caused some hesitancy among the deputies, who created in November 1789 a special Comité des lettres de cachet. This Comité labored to prepare appropriate legislation and to investigate a varied and unknown collection of material about the prisonners of the King as well as others still detained in pri­­sons because of the lettres de cachet. The debats and the final text of this decret reflect the cautiousness of deputies torn between the desire to expose the plight of the victims of oppres­­sion and at the same time the fear of disorder that could result from this decision. ; Les lettres de cachet, érigées dès 1789 en symbole honni de l'Ancien Régime, ont connu une lente agonie, marquée par les hésitations et le doute. Alors même que cette incarnation de la monarchie absolue et de l'arbitraire royal faisait apparemment l'unanimité contre elle, les députés de l'Assemblée nationale constituante ont attendu mars 1790 avant d'enfin en prononcer l'abolition. La crainte des conséquences d'une telle mesure retient en effet les députés de l'Assemblée qui nomment en novembre 1789 un Comité des lettres de cachet chargé de préparer l'action du législateur et d'enquêter sur cette masse obscure, inquiétante et hétérogène de prisonniers du roi et correctionnaires, encore détenue dans des maisons de force en vertu de lettres de cachet. Les débats puis le texte du décret final traduisent la prudence de députés partagés entre le désir de rendre à la lumière ces « victimes de l'oppression » et la peur du désordre qui pourrait s'en­suivre.

U radu "Knjiga Samuel" autor dr Gavro Schwarz želi da široj čitalačkoj publici prikaže koncept "biblijske kritike". Njegov rad bazira se na analizi Knjige Samuelove koja zauzima važno mesto među biblijskim knjigama istorijskog sadržaja. Jevrejska istorija kroz Toru prikazuje kako se Izrael razvija kao narod, u knjigama Jošua i Sudije kako taj narod osvaja zemlju, u Samuelu kako se stvara izraelska država i kako nastaje monarhija, dok se u Knjizi Kraljeva opisuje kako se ta država raspada i polako uništava. Samuel dakle predočava središnji deo izraelske istorije, njen najlepši i najslavniji period koji obuhvata vreme od punih stotinu godina. Dr Schwarz podrobno opisuje i prepričava istorijske događaje koji su se odigrali u to vreme, razlaže ih i analizira na pitanja kojima se bavi biblijska kritika. Posebno se osvrće na razmatranja o tome da li knjiga Samuelova potiče od jednog ili više izvora i autora i zaključuje da kompozicija knjige verovatno upućuje na jednu osobu koja ima ustaljenu metodu i poseban način pisanja. Autor knjige Sameuleove novelističkom širinom opisuje male događaje i postupke likova iz kojih se rađaju veliki preokreti koji istoriju izraelskog naroda temeljno preobražavaju. On oslikava istoriju Izraela i namere Svevišnjega koji je izraelski narod uzeo pod svoju zaštitu i organizuje njegovu sudbinu. Istorijski događaji nisu puka slučajnost nego se odigravaju po odlukama Višeg bića. Autor ove Knjige želeo je da detaljno izloži i objasni način na koji se odluka Božja manifestuje, kako se pretvara u stvarnost i proizvodi velike preokrete. U izraelskoj istoriji Samuel, Saul i David označavaju važne epohe, nova stanja i slavna razdoblja. Zbog toga knjiga Samuelova želi prikazati ove velike epohe i preokrete u izraelskoj istoriji kao i način na koji se potlačeni narod vinuo najpre do slobode i nezavisnosti a zatim do vladavine nad susednim narodima i do političke moći i ugleda. U daljoj analizi dr Schwarz razmatra činjenice o "objektivnoj" i istoriji koju su opisivali proroci i ističe da je u istoriji izraelskog naroda religija za proroke imala važno stanovište na osnovu koga su posmatrali i prosuđivali događaje i pojave. Dr Schwarz konstatuje da je autor knjige Samuelove upotrebio svu raspoloživu istorijsku građu, slavne događaje i pojave i sačuvao objektivnost. Proniknuo je u biće i karakter svojih junaka i knjizi pridodao svoje umeće pripovedanja, psihološkog vezivanja i religiozne motivacije. Na kraju svog rada dr Schwarz zaključuje da među istorijskima knjigama Svetog pisma nijedna nema ovakav umetnički i istančan opis istorijskih karaktera kakav nalazimo u knjizi Samuelovoj koja, kako Klostermann kaže predstavlja 'najvišu tačku hebrejske historiografije'". ; In "The Book of Samuel", the author Dr. Gavro Schwarz wants to present the concept of "biblical criticism" to a wider readership. His work is based on the analysis of the Book of Samuel, which has an important place among the biblical books of historical content. Jewish history through the Torah shows how Israel developed as a nation, in the books of Joshua and Judges how that nation conquered the land, in Samuel how the state of Israel was created and how the monarchy was formed, while the Book of Kings describes how that state disintegrated and slowly destroyed. Samuel thus presents the central part of Israeli history, its most beautiful and glorious period, which covers a time of a full hundred years. Dr. Schwarz describes and convinces in detail the historical events that took place at that time, explains them, and analyzes the issues addressed by biblical criticism. He gives special attention to the considerations of whether Samuel's book originates from one or more sources and authors, and concludes that the composition of the book probably refers to one person who has an established method and a specific way of writing. The author of Samuele's book describes in novelistic wideness the small events and actions of the characters from which great upheavals are born, which fundamentally transform the history of the people of Israel. It portrays the history of Israel and intentions of the God, who took the people of Israel under his protection and organizes their destiny. Historical events are not mere coincidences, but take place according to the decisions of the higher being. The author of this book wanted to explain in detail the way in which God's decision is manifested, how it turns into reality and produces great upheavals. In Israeli history, Samuel, Saul, and David mark important epochs, new states, and glorious periods. That is why Samuel's book wants to show these great epochs and upheavals in Israeli history, as well as the way in which the oppressed people rose first to freedom and independence and then to rule over neighboring nations and to political power and prestige. In further analysis, Dr. Schwarz discusses the facts about the "objective" and the history described by the prophets and points out that in the history of the people of Israel, religion had an important point of view for the prophets on the basis of observing and judging events and phenomena. Dr. Schwarz states that the author of Samuel's book used all available historical material, famous events and phenomena, and preserved objectivity. He comes up with the being and the character of his heroes and added his storytelling skills, psychological attachment, and religious motivation to the book. At the end of his work, Dr. Schwarz concludes that none of the historical books of Holy Writings has such an artistic and sophisticated description of historical characters as we find in Samuel's book, which, as Klostermann says, represents "the highest point of Hebrew historiography."

The creation of a legislative allowance takes place in France in summer 1789. Intertwined in revolutionary projects, it is causing discomfort to many Members, as well as recurrent debates. Called into question by the first Empire, repealed by the censorship monarchy, reintroduced in 1848, this new standard is paradoxically supported by the Second Empire. The treatment of elected representatives is not self-evident, even after 1870: the persistent refusal to compensate for local mandates and the indignation caused by the increase in the parliamentary salary at the end of 1906 shows that, for part of French society, the idea that politics is a paid job is perceived as corruption, even on the eve of the Great War. ; International audience The creation of a parliamentary allowance occurred in France in the summer of 1789. Embedded in revolutionary projects, it caused embarrassment to many deputies and stirred up recurring debates. Questioned by the "Premier Empire", abrogated by the "monarchie censitaire", reintroduced in 1848, this new norm was paradoxically reinforced by the "Second Empire". The treatment of elected representatives was not self-evident, even after 1870: the persistent refusal to compensate local mandates and the indignation aroused by the increase in the parliamentary allowance at the end of 1906 showed that, for part of French society, the idea that politics was a paid profession was perceived as corruption, even on the eve of the Great War. ; The creation of a legislative allowance takes place in France in summer 1789. Intertwined in revolutionary projects, it is causing discomfort to many Members, as well as recurrent debates. Called into question by the first Empire, repealed by the censorship monarchy, reintroduced in 1848, this new standard is paradoxically supported by the Second Empire. The treatment of elected representatives is not self-evident, even after 1870: the persistent refusal to compensate for local mandates and the indignation caused by the increase in the parliamentary salary ...

at the end of 1830, E douard Ourliac provides the children's journal with a pie of these dramatic circumstances, which will become The Lord of the Croquignole Lord. Far from the educational tradition of Ms de Genlis, Ourliac offers its audience original and fanciful SCEs, whose comic power and rigulence undermine any moral and educational aims. One of the first young people has been set up, capable of reaching both children and their parents. ; International audience ; at the end of 1830, E douard Ourliac provides the children's journal with a pie of these dramatic circumstances, which will become The Lord of the Croquignole Lord. Far from the educational tradition of Ms de Genlis, Ourliac offers its audience original and fanciful SCEs, whose comic power and rigulence undermine any moral and educational aims. One of the first young people has been set up, capable of reaching both children and their parents. ; À la fin des années 1830, Édouard Ourliac fournit au Journal des enfants une série de pièces dramatiques qui deviendront le Théâtre du Seigneur Croquignole. Loin de la tradition pédagogique de Mme de Genlis, Ourliac offre à son public des scènes originales et fantaisistes, dont la puissance comique et la truculence mettent à mal toute visée moralisatrice et éducative. On assiste à la fondation de l'un des premiers théâtres de jeunesse, capable de toucher à la fois les enfants et leurs parents.

This article tries to portray Spanish socialist parliamentarians between 1977 and 1982. He also analysed the role of the Socialist Parliamentary Group in the process of political transition, opposition to the Christian Democratic Government and finally in Felipe González's conquest of power in 1982. Spanish Socialist Deputies and Senators accepted the need to democratise the regime by establishing a parliamentary monarchy, which was far from evident in 1975-1977. At the same time, the PSOE is characterised by a culture of conflict both inside the party and vis-à-vis the Christian Democratic Government. Between consensus and conflict, between reform and breakdown, between social democratic moderation and Marxist Orthodox, the PSOE went through a period of doubts and clashes which led to the victory of a social democratic line in 1979 and ideological clarification. The parliamentary group was a basis for gaining power for Felipe González and the Parliament was an important platform for the leader of the PSOE. ; International audience This article attempts to establish a portrait of Socialist members of Parliament in Spain between 1977 and 1982. It also analyses the role of the Socialist parliamentary group in the process of political transition, in the opposition against the Christian Democratic government, and in the conquest of power by Felipe Gonzalez in 1982. Spanish Socialist members of Parliament accept the need to democratize the institutions with the adoption of a parliamentary monarchy, which was far from being the case in 1975-1977. At the same time, the PSOE is characterized by a culture of conflict inside the party and against the Christian Democratic government. Between consensus and conflict, reform and rupture, social-democrat moderation and Marxist orthodoxy, the PSOE went through a period of doubt concluded by the victory of a Social Democratic line and an ideological clarification. The Socialist parliamentary group has been a strong base for Felipe Gonzalez in his conquest of power and an ...

In the light of the Leonese royal under Ferdinand II, Saint Isidore's primacy in the ancient monastic landscape is complete. The purpose of this article is to establish and explain this situation through diplomatic documentation, by demonstrating that there is a clear policy in favour of this collegiate, so that the breakdown of royal donations is to its advantage. This phenomenon is not limited to a dynastic tradition. In the context of the growing political fragmentation in the Peninsula following the death of Alphonse VII, Ferdinand II invests in this institution — and in the diplomas it receives — ideal projections that serve its pan-hispanic ambitions. When this policy is no longer sustainable, Saint-Isidore remains a leading institution, even if its primacy weakens. ; International audience In the reign of Fernando II, for the Leonese monarchy the primacy of San Isidoro in the monastic sphere of Castile-Leon was absolute. This article seeks to establish and explain this relationship by way of diplomatic documents (royal charters), demonstrating that there was clearly a policy of favouring that collegiate church given the scale of royal donations in its favour. This phenomenon was not simply a dynastic tradition. In the context of increased political fragmentation in the Iberian Peninsula following the death of Alfonso VII, it was to that establishment—and in the diplomas or charters that he addressed to it—that Fernando II directed ideal proposals which served his pan-Hispanic ambitions. When that policy became untenable, San Isidoro still remained a first-rate establishment, although its primacy eventually faded. ; In the light of the Leonese royal under Ferdinand II, Saint Isidore's primacy in the ancient monastic landscape is complete. The purpose of this article is to establish and explain this situation through diplomatic documentation, by demonstrating that there is a clear policy in favour of this collegiate, so that the breakdown of royal donations is to its advantage. This phenomenon is not ...

The Kingdom of Burgundy was inherited by the last Rudolfinger Rudolf III, without children, upon his death in 1032 to the Roman-German Kaiser Konrad II. In this way, Burgund became part of the rich and formed the medieval trias with the Regnum teutonicum and Empire Italians. However, the Saltese King limited their control over Burgundy to the northern part of the Kingdom, which had already been the core area of the royal rule among the Rudolfingers. Only Friedrich I. Barbarossa (1152-1190) sought to connect Burgundy closer to the Empire. The stars of Burgundy, as well as relations between the medieval Empire and the Kingdom of Burgund in general, have so far been treated only peripherally. The aim of the thesis project is therefore to fundamentally examine the importance, implementation, penetration and perception of the King rule under Friedrich Barbarossa in Burgundy. In particular, questions about the instruments and the success of Friedrich Barbarossas' policy vis-à-vis Burgundy will be the focus of the investigation. The aim is to make ruleable on the basis of the King deeds for England's recipients, the Burgenland Chancellery, the Barbarossas marriage policy, the real presence of Friedrich Barbarossas in Burgundy, the court days held in Burgundy, the lying links of the Burgenland Adels to the Kingdom and the human relations between the King Court and Burgund. Behind these specific aspects is the fundamental question: How to (re)build a royal and royal space for kingism? ; Das Königreich Burgund wurde vom kinderlosen letzten Rudolfinger Rudolf III. bei seinem Tod 1032 an den römisch-deutschen Kaiser Konrad II. vererbt. Auf diese Weise wurde Burgund ein Teil des Reiches und bildete mit dem regnum teutonicum und Reichsitalien die mittelalterliche Trias. Die salischen Könige beschränkten ihre Herrschaft über Burgund jedoch auf den nördlichen Teil des Königreiches, der auch schon Kernraum der Königsherrschaft unter den Rudolfingern gewesen war. Erst Friedrich I. Barbarossa (1152–1190) bemühte sich um eine ...

The creation of the Civil Guard in Cuba only seven years after its institutionalisation in the Peninsula responds to the same concern of the government's effective control of the territory, the establishment of an administrative reason which also served to politically control the country and protect the institutions of the liberal monarchy. These imperatives seemed even more evident in Cuba, due to particular fears of losing this territory and the particularly explosive nature of its social composition; and the numerical presence of the Guardia Civil was higher on the island. As in the Peninsula, amalgam was systematic between 'bandians' and any political opposition or demonstration of resistance or peasant protest, unless in the case of Cuba, the Institute's action helped to transform the defence of public order and social order into war against the whole of local society, tending to break the boundary between war and peace. ; International audience ; The creation of the Civil Guard in Cuba only seven years after its institutionalisation in the Peninsula responds to the same concern of the government's effective control of the territory, the establishment of an administrative reason which also served to politically control the country and protect the institutions of the liberal monarchy. These imperatives seemed even more evident in Cuba, due to particular fears of losing this territory and the particularly explosive nature of its social composition; and the numerical presence of the Guardia Civil was higher on the island. As in the Peninsula, amalgam was systematic between 'bandians' and any political opposition or demonstration of resistance or peasant protest, unless in the case of Cuba, the Institute's action helped to transform the defence of public order and social order into war against the whole of local society, tending to break the boundary between war and peace. ; La creación de la Guardia Civil en Cuba solo siete años después de su institucionalización en la Península responde a la misma ...