Suchergebnisse

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In Task 4.1, entitled "Citizens' Involvement in Emergency Communications", COSMIC seeks to examine the various roles that citizens may have in communications during emergencies. Also, through this task, the partners aimed to map the relationship between the use of different types of media and communication technologies—including mass media, as well as new media technologies—and citizens' involvement in emergency communications as 1) potential or actual volunteers (first responders) who may aid emergency response and rescue; 2) as social activists who may utilize online networks to organize, coordinate, collaborate or mobilize during political crises; and 3) as citizens who report on emergencies and political crises. To our knowledge, the content analysis procedures developed for this task constitutes one of the first attempts to systematically quantify the content of citizen journalism coverage of emergencies. Overall, this section of the Task 4.1 provides some important findings: We find evidence supporting the notion that in addition to the ease with which citizens now can create and share content online, one of the key factors that drive the increase in citizen journalistic coverage of emergencies is the dissatisfaction that citizens have about the ways in which mainstream media perform their agenda setting, watchdog, and sense-making duties. Our analysis of the content of citizen journalists' coverage of recent emergencies/crisis suggest that citizen journalists may have been, partly, successful in terms of challenging the monopoly that established media organizations have over whose voice gets to be heard by the public. That is, at least to some extent, the information sources that citizen journalists utilize underline an approach whereby citizen journalists report for citizens from citizens. While, in our interviews, citizen journalists frequently claimed that the editorial freedom they have enables them to do away with reporting conventions associated with mainstream journalism, our ...

TheAKP government has constructed an online surveillance regime (not to mention censorship) via various legal and technical means. This article analyzes the emergence and expansion of online surveillance within the context of the AKP's authoritarian practices that are interwoven with its nationalist and populist politics. It beginswith an overview of legal and technical initiatives aimed at enhancing online surveillance, data collection and retention. It then focuses on the AKP's recent strategies designed to bolster this online surveillance regime such as the institutionalization ofonline "snitching" via a newly-introduced social media app that enables citizen-informants to "report terrorists" to the authorities. The article arguesthat the AKP's recent strategies and rationalities to regulate the conduct of online users are aligned with principles of "governing at a distance" and are informed by both its authoritarianism (exemplified by the repression of all forms of dissent in the broader media ecosystem) and its right-wing nationalism and populism (as seen in the stigmatizing of critical voices and/or certain groups as sources of threat, labelling them as "being against the nation" and as "terrorists").

Abstract
The concept of community policing was adopted by the Malawi government as a vehicle to facilitate police and the public engagement in fighting crimes. Considering that community policing has existed for over a decade in Malawi, this study was carried out to holistically uncover challenges associated with public involvement in community policing activities with the purpose to provide empirically backed strategies for the efficient implementation of the concept.
The study employed a case study approach. Purposive sampling was used on one hand to select the research site – Central Regions of Malawi and to select the police officers working as Community Policing Coordinators and members of the communities working in Community Police Forums. Quota sampling was used to select police officers and members of the community from each district. Finally, convenient sampling was used to select police officers and members within the quotas of each district. Focus group discussions were conducted with 16 Community Police Forums; interviews were conducted with 16 Community Policing Coordinators; a questionnaire was used to collect data from 144 community members and 200 police officers.
Results show that the community members are not satisfied with police officers in the way they implement the community policing because the police do not offer the public enough protection from criminals and that the police mostly treat the community badly. The community members were involved in the implementation of the community policing mainly because of worsening crimes in the community, personal fear of the crimes, need to be recognised by the police and the desire to benefit from the rewards from Non-Governmental Organisations in form of food. The factors that challenged the implementation of community policing include lack of knowledge on community policing on the part of police officers; lack of recognition of community policing; corrupt practices; lack of confidentiality; poor working relationship; and lack of resources.
The concept of community policing continues to receive unprecedented attention in police reforms. Much as there is evidence of growing literature on this concept, little is known in Malawi where this study was conducted. In light of this, the study provides valuable literature which might be necessary for global academics and particularly in community policing in Malawi with practical implications on re-designing and continued implementation of community policing in Malawi and perhaps other developing countries.

The paper discusses the theoretical concepts, design considerations and preliminary findings from Smart Mobility, a research project currently being undertaken with the City of St. Gallen. The project aims at designing measures to encourage the increased use of public and non-motorised transport by integrating behavioural economic principles into public policy. The extensive involvement of citizens and their participation in the design of the measures are to support their democratic legitimization and later acceptance. The paper describes the energy policies behind the project and outlines the theoretical framework for integrating behavioural insights into public policy. The strategies envisaged include participatory instruments and methods, especially the use of existing social media channels, capitalizing on social processes and norms to increase the motivation of individuals to use public transport, creating an open innovation space by means of crowdsourcing as well as the proper framing of political communication to achieve changes in mobility patterns.

The paper discusses the theoretical concepts, design considerations and preliminary findings from Smart Mobility, a research project currently being undertaken with the City of St. Gallen. The project aims at designing measures to encourage the increased use of public and non-motorised transport by integrating behavioural economic principles into public policy. The extensive involvement of citizens and their participation in the design of the measures are to support their democratic legitimization and later acceptance. The paper describes the energy policies behind the project and outlines the theoretical framework for integrating behavioural insights into public policy. The strategies envisaged include participatory instruments and methods, especially the use of existing social media channels, capitalizing on social processes and norms to increase the motivation of individuals to use public transport, creating an open innovation space by means of crowdsourcing as well as the proper framing of political communication to achieve changes in mobility patterns.

AbstractBangladesh has had a troubled political history since gaining independence in 1971 and is also beleaguered by poverty and natural environmental disasters. In particular however, corruption is blighting its prospects for economic growth, undermining the rule of law and damaging the legitimacy of the political process. This article adopts a sectoral approach to the study of corruption by examining people's experiences of using health and education services in Bangladesh through a large scale quantitative survey. It also presents case study research which assesses the impact of anti‐corruption work by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) in the areas of health and education. The article concludes that: the poorest in Bangladesh are most penalised by corruption; there are significant benefits for health and education service users resulting from TIB's interventions and there is a need for committed political leadership if ongoing efforts to tackle corruption are to be effective and sustainable. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Bangladesh has had a troubled political history since gaining independence in 1971 and is also beleaguered by poverty and natural environmental disasters. In particular however, corruption is blighting its prospects for economic growth, undermining the rule of law, and damaging the legitimacy of the political process. This paper adopts a sectoral approach to the study of corruption by examining people's experiences of using health and education services in Bangladesh through a large scale quantitative survey. It also presents case study research which assesses the impact of anti-corruption work by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) in the areas of health and education. The paper concludes that: the poorest in Bangladesh are most penalised by corruption; there are significant benefits for health and education service users resulting from TIB's interventions; and there is a need for committed political leadership beyond the period of the current caretaker government if ongoing efforts to tackle corruption are to be effective and sustainable.