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It is shown that the fundamental principles of military policy are concretized in documents under the integrative name "military-doctrinal document". It is often referred to as the theoretical core of military policy. A methodology has been developed for studying military-doctrinal documents of foreign states in the context of the "Russian threat". The methodology is based on the PEST analysis method with the addition of a military aspect to it. Given its lack of development, the essential content of such categories as "military sphere", "military factor", "military activity" is analyzed in order to clarify and isolate the components of the military aspect. The essential content of the military aspect is proposed. Analysis of the content of military-doctrinal documents is also based on a frequency-ranked linguistic analysis, which is preceded by lemmatization. Based on the proposed methodology, the reflection of the "Russian threat" in the military-doctrinal documents of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia is analyzed. For a better visual perception of the analysis results, a word cloud was used. An integrative analysis of the military-doctrinal documents of the Baltic States regarding the concept of "Russian threat" was carried out. The frequency distribution of dominant lexemes is constructed on the basis of an integrative analysis of the military-doctrinal documents of the Baltic States.

Introduction. The research's subject is the foreign policy's theoretical foundations of D. Trump's presidential administration in 2016–2020, which consist in changing the principles' use of American liberal internationalism to the conservative nationalism's principles under the motto which is called "Make America Great Again". The theoretical approaches' basis of intergovernmental interaction in the field of politics, economics and migration is considered on the example of relations between the United States, Canada and Mexico. The work's purpose is to identify the doctrinal basis of D. Trump administration's foreign policy and the impact of the adopted foreign policy settings on changes in intergovernmental interaction in the international arena. Methods. The theoretical bases' methodology for the doctrinal provisions development of the U.S. foreign policy during the D. Trump's administration was to use behavioral approach and special methods of political analysis. There were no major analytical studies on this topic at the time of writing. Therefore, the author of the article used the materials for his research from Russian and American scientific and periodical journals for 2019–2020. Analysis. The publications' analysis by domestic and American authors has shown that the change in the U.S. foreign policy during the D. Trump's presidency is due not so much to the personal qualities of the U.S. President, as some researchers believe, but to the objective conditions of the world process, where the United States want to but they can't bear the burden of the world leader in the conditions of significant growth of other global power centers. Results. The author's analysis of intergovernmental interaction between the United States, Canada and Mexico has shown the chosen path of using the conservative nationalism's principles in relations with their closest allies is not so much due to the personal qualities of D. Trump how many objective changes taking place in the world political process, which led to an increase in mutual contradictions between these states. Overall, the author argues that the choice of a conservative nationalism's policy in American foreign policy is associated with the crisis of liberal democracy.

The growing implementation of the crimes of danger in the spanish criminal legal system was caused, in part, by the increase in danger of modern society that begins to demand a more active role in criminal law protection of new areas. However, its implementation is far from being considered harmonious and its approaches contrast with those who defend a classic nuclear law criminal, consisting of crimes of injury of strictly individual property and until recently a majority approach in the doctrine, so it is interesting analyze how the spanish doctrine has evolved gradually in its speech to justify the application or use of this legislative technique in the configuration of crimes against the environment and natural resources. ; La creciente implantación de los delitos de peligro en el ordenamiento jurídico penal español fue provocada, en parte, por el aumento de la peligrosidad de la sociedad moderna que comienza a demandar del Derecho penal un papel más activo en la protección de nuevos ámbitos. No obstante, su implementación dista mucho de considerarse armoniosa y sus planteamientos contrastan con los que defienden un Derecho Penal nuclear de corte clásico, integrado por delitos de lesiones de bienes estrictamente individuales y hasta hace poco tiempo planteamiento mayoritario en la doctrina, por lo que resulta interesante analizar como la doctrina española ha evolucionado de forma gradual en su discurso para justificar la aplicación o uso de esta técnica de tipificación en la configuración de los delitos contra el Medio Ambiente y los Recursos Naturales.

Interoperability is described as the ability of member states to act together coherently and effectively to achieve tactical, operational and strategic objectives. In particular, interoperability allows forces, units and/or systems to operate together and use shared concepts. At the operational and tactical level, there are numerous challenges regarding interoperability, and one of these challenges consists of doctrinal differences. The purpose of this article is to identify these differences, through the brief analysis of the doctrine projections of NATO, USA and Romania. There are significant differences both in understanding the concept of information operations from a conceptual and practical point of view and in terms of these subsumed operations. Also, in order to identify one's vulnerabilities, we think that the analysis of strategies and tactics based only on a Western empirical approach is insufficient, and we aim at comparing the effectiveness of information operations from the Russian and Chinese perspectives, as well.

National interest and foreign policy are interrelated concepts frequently used in discussions of international relations and international politics. Nation-states do not act irrationally or are naturally benevolent; policymakers employed the concept of national interest to justify their actions or inactions either external or internal. The focus of this paper is on the efficacy of national interest in shaping the foreign policy behaviour of Nigeria and the United State. This research work further to analyse the doctrinal base of Nigeria and US foreign policy. Data for this article was through a secondary source thus, the analysis was qualitative content analysis. It is argued in this paper that what constitutes the national interest of a state varies from one state to another, and is not static. However, the paper maintains that some national interests are constant even though regime changes. The paper to this end argued that there is no state foreign policy in the world that is devoid of national interests instead, they form the basis in which a country interacts with others in economic ties, diplomatic intercourse, military cooperation, cultural convergence and a lot more.

This InGRID deliverable is part of Work Package 22 on 'Innovative solutions for comparative policy indicators and analysis'. The purpose is to provide an inventory of core social policy databases and indicators for comparative research. We map 26 databases and infrastructures that fruitfully can be used in comparative research to analyse the causes and consequences of social policy. Each database is compared according to a set of characteristics, including type of data (expenditures, institutional indicators, beneficiary statistics, socio-economic/income surveys, microsimulation), policy areas included (cash benefits: family benefits, unemployment benefits, sickness benefits, pensions, workaccidents, social assistance, and disability/invalidity/survivors benefits; public services: child care, health care, elder care, and active labour market policy), countries and years covered, as well as interval for updating of data. Nearly all databases specialise on distinct parts of social policy, and data on cash benefits are somewhat more frequent than data on public services, particularly when institutional indicators are in focus. Compared with data on social expenditures and beneficiaries, institutional indicators are based on social policy legislation and thus independent of changes in social needs and population characteristics.

This article is built upon a doctrinal and literature review of comprehensive approach (ca) concepts and the larger international actors that currently use them, such as the un, eu and nato. It also focuses on how small actors, such as Sweden, can contribute within this collaborative framework. There is a focus on possible leadership challenges and suggestions of individual characteristics that would be desirable to handle these types of challenges. Examples of leadership challenges from Swedish informants were used to enrich the text from a Swedish perspective.The findings can be summarized with the following:


(1)
The un, eu and nato differ on how far they have developed ca core conceptual documents and to what levels they have implemented the approach within their international missions.


(2)
Sweden does not currently have a comprehensive approach of its own but seems to be headed in that direction. Small actors, such as Sweden, can mainly contribute to the larger actors with "plug-in" capabilities.


(3)
Possible challenges and competencies were identified and compared to the current leadership model used for the Swedish Armed Forces, Developmental Leadership.



Our analysis indicates that although the current theoretical model of the Swedish Armed Forces holds up well to several ca factors, it could benefit to incorporate new concepts within the model that were identified as specific to a comprehensive approach context.

A distinct phenomenon of religio-political actors that emerged in Zimbabwe as a result of the socio-economic and political crises since 2000, alleged co-option and acquiescence of the mainline churches and the influence of globalisation, has received no more than fleeting attention in the academic discourse of religion in Zimbabwe's political domain. Much of the available literature and research on religion and politics in Zimbabwe concentrates on the mainline church bodies and denominational histories, such as the Roman Catholic Church, Zimbabwe Council of Churches, or Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa. Non-doctrinal religio-political individuals and groups have been treated either as a marginal phenomenon or lumped together with confessional or 'conversionist' churches under the rubric of religious actors. This consequently obscures the uniqueness of emergent religio-political organizations that have assumed a civil society character in pursuit of broader political objectives such as democratization, without seeking political office. Drawing from fieldwork on three religio-political organizations in Zimbabwe namely the Zimbabwe Christian Alliance, Churches in Manicaland and Grace to Heal, this article argues that Zimbabwe is witnessing a new consciousness of the role of Christianity on the political field. Thus we require a nuanced analysis of religious formations within prevailing discourses on democratization, civil society, and religious freedom.

This article examines the theoretical approaches and legislative decisions of the Eastern European states' cocerning the purposes and principles of administrative proceedings. Based on the analysis of relevant scientific works and legislation, it has been concluded that both the objectives of administrative proceedings and its principles relate to the human rights and freedoms. At the same time, the doctrinally articulated objectives do not find their systematic reflection in the legislation, and the principles are a universal legal element that determines the relationships between the executive authorities and citizens.

THE EXCEPTIONALITY OF PREVENTIVE DETENTION. DOCTRINAL ELEMENTS AND THEIR APPLICABILITY IN ECUADORIAN JUSTICE RESUMEN La salvaguarda de los derechos de las personas constituye uno de los ejes principales del derecho. En este sentido, la correcta implementación de la prisión preventiva constituye un tema de novedad y permanente discusión por parte de los iuspenalistas. Nuestro objetivo será el analizar el carácter de la excepcionalidad de la prisión preventiva y su tratamiento doctrinal y en la normativa ecuatoriana. Se utiliza un estudio descriptivo, empleando métodos teóricos como el histórico lógico, el exegético, el analítico sintético y del nivel empírico el análisis de documentos. Los resultados se asocian a la constante preocupación de las ciencias jurídicas en el cumplimiento de las disposiciones que no violenten los derechos humanos de las personas procesadas. PALABRAS CLAVE: Prisión preventiva; derechos humanos; excepcionabilidad. ABSTRACT The safeguarding of the rights of the people constitutes one of the main axes of the law. In this sense, the correct implementation of the preventive prison constitutes a subject of novelty and permanent discussion on the part of the iuspenalistas. Our objective will be to analyze the character of the exceptional nature of pretrial detention and its doctrinal treatment and in Ecuadorian law. A descriptive study is used, using theoretical methods such as the logical historical, the exegetical, the synthetic analytical and the empirical level the analysis of documents. The results are associated with the constant concern of the legal sciences in complying with the provisions that do not violate the human rights of the persons prosecuted. KEYWORDS: Preventive prison; human rights; exceptionality. REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS Amuchategui, I; Villasana, I. (2002). Diccionario Jurídico Temático de derecho Penal. Volumen 1. Oxford University Press. México DF, p. 154. Bovino, A. (2006). El encarcelamiento preventivo en los tratados de derechos humanos. Editorial Astreal. Buenos Aires, p. 446. Cabanellas, G. (2008). Diccionario Enciclopédico de Derecho Usual. Tomo VI. Editorial Heliasta. Buenos Aires, p. 420. Carnelutti, F. (2002). Cómo se hace un Proceso, trad. Santiago Sentís Melendo y Marino Ayerra Redin. Editorial Legis. Bogotá, p. 202. Código Procesal Penal Modelo para Iberoamérica. (1998).Editorial Hamurabi, Argentina. Disponible en: http://biblioteca.cejamericas.org/bitstream/handle/2015/4215/textocodigoprocesalpenal.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y. Cueva, L. (2008). Valoración Jurídica de la Prueba Penal. Tomo I. Ediciones Cueva Carrión. Quito, p. 284. Cumbre Judicial Iberoamericana. (2012). Carta iberoamericana de los derechos de las víctimas. Argentina. Disponible en: https://ministeriopublico.poder-judicial.go.cr/documentos/victimas_y_testigos/Carta-Iberoamerica-de-Derechos-de-las-Victimas.pdf. Domínguez, D. (1996). Prisión Preventiva. Revista Juris editorial. Rosario, p. 4. García Falconí, J. (2002). La Prisión Preventiva en el Nuevo Código de Procedimiento Penal y las otras Medidas Cautelares. Ediciones Rodin, 2002. Quito, p. 88. Monagas, O. (2007). Privación Judicial Privativa de Libertad. Jornadas Derecho Procesal Penal. Editorial Universidad Católica Andrés Bello. Caracas, p. 49. ONU. (1976). Pacto Internacional de Derechos Civiles y Políticos. Disponible en: https://www.ohchr.org/sp/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx. ONU. (1985). Resolución 40/34. Declaración sobre los Principios Fundamentales de Justicia para las Víctimas de Delitos y del Abuso del Poder. Disponible en: https://www.ohchr.org/sp/professionalinterest/pages/victimsofcrimeandabuseofpower.aspx. República del Ecuador. (1993).Código de Procedimiento Penal. (1993). Ley 134. Registro Oficial 511.Estado: Derogado. Disponible en: http://181.211.115.37/biblioteca/juri/LEGISLACION/CODIGO%20DE%20PROCEDIMIENTO%20PENAL.pdf. República del Ecuador. (1998). Constitución del Ecuador. Decreto Legislativo No. 000. RO/ 1 de 11 de Agosto de 1998. Registro Oficial 437. Disponible en: http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/es/ec/ec016es.pdf. República del Ecuador. (2002). Programa de protección a testigos y víctimas. Decreto Ejecutivo 3112, Registro Oficial 671.Disponible en: http://www.oas.org/juridico/spanish/mesicic2_ecu_anexo38.pdf. República del Ecuador. (2008). Constitución del Ecuador. Quito: Asamblea Constituyente. Disponible en: http:// www.asambleanacional.gov.ec/documentos/constitu­cion_de_bolsillo.pdf. República del Ecuador. (2014). Código Orgánico Integral Penal. Registro Oficial No. 180 del 10 de febrero del 2014. Disponible en: https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CEDAW/Shared%20Documents/ECU/INT_CEDAW_ARL_ECU_18950_S.pdf. Sentencia Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. (1997). Sentencia de fondo). Disponible en: http://www.corteidh.or.cr/país.ctm?id-País=10. Terán, M. (2009). La Prisión Preventiva. Asamblea Nacional constituyente. Quito. Disponible en:http://enj.org/portal/biblioteca/penal/la_prueba_proceso_penal/7.pdf. Von Henting, H. (1971). La Pena. Editorial Espasa-Calpe. Madrid, p. 23. World Prison Brief. (2014). Población en prisión preventiva / preventiva: tendencia en Ecuador. Disponible en: http://www.prisonstudies.org/country/ecuador. Zavaleta, A. (1954), La Prisión Preventiva y la Libertad Provisoria. Editorial Depalma S.A.C.I. Bunos Aires, p. 140.

This article deals, first of all, with the analysis of the notion of common good and political common good, as it is proposed by John Finnis in Natural Law and Natural Rights . Then, in a second moment, the paper aims to contrast this conception with the doctrine held by Aquinas and some outstanding contemporary Thomists, until 1980. The scientific-philosophical question about the systematic validity, «in the things themselves» (Husserl), that it is possible to recognize both one and the other, remains open to debate. ; El objeto del presente artículo consiste, en primer término, en el análisis de la noción de bien común y de bien común político, tal como es presentada por John Finnis en Natural Law and Natural Rights . Para enseguida, en un segundo momento, contrastar dicha concepción con la sostenida por Tomás de Aquino y algunos destacados exégetas contemporáneos del pensamiento del Aquinate, hasta 1980. Queda abierto el debate científico-filosófico acerca de la validez sistemática, «en las cosas mismas» (Husserl), que quepa reconocer a una y a otra posición.

A distinct phenomenon of religio-political actors that emerged in Zimbabwe as a result of the socio-economic and political crises since 2000, alleged co-option and acquiescence of the mainline churches and the influence of globalisation, has received no more than fleeting attention in the academic discourse of religion in Zimbabwe's political domain. Much of the available literature and research on religion and politics in Zimbabwe concentrates on the mainline church bodies and denominational histories, such as the Roman Catholic Church, Zimbabwe Council of Churches, or Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa. Non-doctrinal religio-political individuals and groups have been treated either as a marginal phenomenon or lumped together with confessional or 'conversionist' churches under the rubric of religious actors. This consequently obscures the uniqueness of emergent religio-political organizations that have assumed a civil society character in pursuit of broader political objectives such as democratization, without seeking political office. Drawing from fieldwork on three religio-political organizations in Zimbabwe namely the Zimbabwe Christian Alliance, Churches in Manicaland and Grace to Heal, this article argues that Zimbabwe is witnessing a new consciousness of the role of Christianity on the political field. Thus we require a nuanced analysis of religious formations within prevailing discourses on democratization, civil society, and religious freedom.

The article analyses the advances, setbacks, and new and remaining challenges in the implementation of the Brahimi Report's (2000) recommendations 20 years after its publication. Because of the innovations it proposed, the document is considered a milestone in the consolidation of a doctrinal culture of UN peace operations. However, we argue that the deployment of stabilisation operations, aimed at providing task-forces to support national authorities in neutralising non-state armed groups, undermines the Report's guidelines and exacerbate intricate issues already identified in it. We discuss stabilisation to evidence how it is at odds with the doctrinal culture established before, creates new, and accentuates remaining challenges for peace operations. Methodologically, the article is based on an analysis of UN official documents to understand peace operations' normative and practical adaptation in recent years.

This study promotes 'functional concept of jurisdiction' by examining the extraterritorial jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights, how the court exercises its authority when violation takes place outside the territory of the violating State. This is done with the aid of doctrinal analysis, by relying on international law, case laws, legal principles and concepts and the writings of scholars as its material basis. The aim is to make the case laws of the European Court of Human Rights much clearer and hence minimize the frustration occasioned by the inconsistency of its case laws in the national courts of the Council of Europe members. Reflection into the basic human rights jurisdictional clauses shows that there is a lacuna in the jurisdictional clause of the European Convention on Human Rights in Article 1 which requires the State parties to secure to everyone 'within their jurisdiction' the rights in the convention. This provision is anachronistic since it encourages territorial focus in this age of globalization. It is time to revise this provision so that it will be in tune with the contemporary jurisdictional clause that requires States to secure the convention rights to everyone 'subject to their jurisdiction' broadly speaking as found in more recent human rights treaties.