Suchergebnisse

Young Spanish people, embedded in a sensitive but clearly uninformed social imaginary, display a degree of tolerance for violence even higher than population of higher age. Teenagers are not able to identify certain behaviours as sexist-or, if necessary, violent– and that motivates the absence of a homogenate speech of rejection. In that sense, this work has addressed the valuation of some students of Seville to political, legal and media discourses on gender violence. Challenged through the survey technique (with closed and open fields for further quantitative and qualitative treatment), young people questioned have revealed a lack of trust in institutions and justice, as well as a large influence of the media communication as a source of first information in knowledge about gender violence. The main conclusions also have revealed some general guidelines that challenge as inadequate security measures for victims. ; Los jóvenes, insertos en un imaginario social sensible pero claramente desinformado, resultan preocupantes al mostrar un grado de tolerancia ante la violencia de género que es incluso mayor que en sectores poblacionales de edad más elevada, ya que al no ser capaces de identificar determinados comportamientos como sexistas –o, llegado el caso, violentos–, no presentan discursos homogeneizados de rechazo. En ese sentido, este trabajo ha abordado la valoración de algunos estudiantes sevillanos ante los discursos políticos, judiciales y mediáticos sobre la violencia de género. Interpelados a través de la técnica de la encuesta (con campos cerrados y abiertos para su posterior tratamiento tanto cuantitativa como cualitativamente), los jóvenes interrogados han revelado una falta de confianza en las instituciones y en la justicia, así como una gran influencia de los medios de comunicación como fuente de información primera en cuanto a conocimiento sobre violencia de género. Como conclusiones principales, además, se han percibido unas orientaciones generales que cuestionan como insuficientes las medidas de ...

The existence of nature is vehemently called into question in the Anthropocene. The standard image of nature as a pristine, harmonious, and stable background no longer holds, especially as ecological changes increasingly penetrate the collective consciousness. Consequently, there has been growing interest in the psychological effects of this end of nature. A recent wave of scholarship shows how climate change and the Anthropocene more generally affect people's daily lives and present significant threats to psychic well-being. This paper follows on from these debates. In contrast, however, we ask if and how nature is still considered as providing a subjective sense of (ontological) security today. We argue that, even under postnatural conditions, nature still maintains an imaginary existence in the social reality of the subject. We address this argument empirically by focusing on everyday life perceptions of nature in the city of Vancouver, British Columbia, and theoretically by following the psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan. Drawing on image-based interviews (photo-elicitation), we demonstrate that a psychoanalytic approach to imaginary environments allows us to understand why people state that they love nature even though it does not exist. We show how this love works by pointing out how nature is considered as (m)other and, through this, engaged as a place to retreat and escape from the burdens of everyday life while being perceived from a certain distance. In conclusion, we emphasise the broader political consequences of the imaginary existence of nature and call for further engagement with the persistence of nature's fantasy in times when nature seems to no longer fit the purpose. ; Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/501100001659 ; Peer Reviewed

El cine ha comenzado una segunda historia a partir de la transformación digital. Estamos ante la posibilidad de democratizar la producción de cine al conjunto de la sociedad pero para eso se necesita cambiar la concepción que hasta ahora hemos tenido de "lo cinematográfico" en todos sus procesos. Democratizar la producción significará un cambio cualitativo importante en la salud imaginaria de la sociedad en su conjunto. El trabajo del colectivo Cine sin Autor busca allanar el camino. ; Since the digital transformation cinema has started a second history. We now have the possibility to democratize cinematographic production for society as a whole. But for this to happen we need to change our conception of what we considered "cinematographic" in all it's processes. Democratizing production will mean an important change of quality concerning the health of imaginary for society as a whole. The work of the autherless cinema collective eases this path

La violencia contra las mujeres es todavía un problema por resolver en España y su incidencia en la juventud (desde el prisma tanto de la prevención como del abordaje de los casos) es uno de los grandes retos actuales. Diferentes actuaciones gubernamentales se han dirigido en este sentido, sin embargo aún subsiste un concepto social reduccionista en el que la violencia es presentada públicamente como de tipo físico y que acontece sólo en parejas con cierta madurez, dificultando a los jóvenes identificarla en sus relaciones. En este trabajo se ha abordado, mediante la técnica de la encuesta, de qué manera desarrollan conceptualmente los jóvenes estudiantes el problema de la violencia contra las mujeres. Los resultados indican que frente a una gran identificación de la violencia física como forma de violencia generalizada, algunas prácticas culturales —como el acoso sexual en la calle— no son reconocidas como agresiones de género, o algunas formas de violencia como la económica. Además, los jóvenes presentan unas percepciones negativas con respecto a la posible erradicación de la violencia contra las mujeres en la sociedad. ; Gender violence is still an unsolved problem in Spain, and its impact on youth (from the perspective of both the prevention and the approach of cases) is one of the main challenges. Different government actions have been directed in this regard, however, there is still a reductionist concept of this social violence. Violence is publicly presented as physical type phenomenon, which happens only in older — and that impression difficult youth to identify gender problems in their relationships. This work has been addressed by the survey technique, and the main objective is to determine how young students develop the problem of gender violence. The results indicate that against a great identification of physical violence as a form of violence, some cultural practices —such as sexual harassment in the street— are not recognized as gender aggression, or some forms of economic violence. In addition, students have some negative perceptions regarding the possible eradication of gender violence in society.

La violencia contra las mujeres es todavía un problema por resolver en España y su incidencia en la juventud (desde el prisma tanto de la prevención como del abordaje de los casos) es uno de los grandes retos actuales. Diferentes actuaciones gubernamentales se han dirigido en este sentido, sin embargo aún subsiste un concepto social reduccionista en el que la violencia es presentada públicamente como de tipo físico y que acontece sólo en parejas con cierta madurez, dificultando a los jóvenes identificarla en sus relaciones. En este trabajo se ha abordado, mediante la técnica de la encuesta, de qué manera desarrollan conceptualmente los jóvenes estudiantes el problema de la violencia contra las mujeres. Los resultados indican que frente a una gran identificación de la violencia física como forma de violencia generalizada, algunas prácticas culturales —como el acoso sexual en la calle— no son reconocidas como agresiones de género, o algunas formas de violencia como la económica. Además, los jóvenes presentan unas percepciones negativas con respecto a la posible erradicación de la violencia contra las mujeres en la sociedad. ; Gender violence is still an unsolved problem in Spain, and its impact on youth (from the perspective of both the prevention and the approach of cases) is one of the main challenges. Different government actions have been directed in this regard, however, there is still a reductionist concept of this social violence. Violence is publicly presented as physical type phenomenon, which happens only in older — and that impression difficult youth to identify gender problems in their relationships. This work has been addressed by the survey technique, and the main objective is to determine how young students develop the problem of gender violence. The results indicate that against a great identification of physical violence as a form of violence, some cultural practices —such as sexual harassment in the street— are not recognized as gender aggression, or some forms of economic violence. In addition, students have some negative perceptions regarding the possible eradication of gender violence in society.

This contribution investigates practices, imaginaries and representations delivered by The House of Women Lucha y Siesta, a women's shelter and political collective located in Rome. Based on an in-depth interview with three activists of the House, the contribution explores their perceptions and experiences concerning three thematic areas: the construction of narrative and communication strategies and their dissemination across social networking platforms; the choice of languages and aesthetics and their relationship with the collective imaginary; the role of digital platforms in processes of political participation.

This contribution investigates practices, imaginaries and representations delivered by The House of Women Lucha y Siesta, a women's shelter and political collective located in Rome. Based on an in-depth interview with three activists of the House, the contribution explores their perceptions and experiences concerning three thematic areas: the construction of narrative and communication strategies and their dissemination across social networking platforms; the choice of languages and aesthetics and their relationship with the collective imaginary; the role of digital platforms in processes of political participation.

Electric vehicles were supposed to transform our daily mobility practices, urban landscapes and economies. Why has e-mobility not delivered the more radical technological future that many had hoped for, especially during its early phase? The concept of sociotechnical imaginaries allows us to address such questions symmetrically by looking at the co-production of continuity and change. Instead of evaluating high-tech visions, the imaginaries perspective explores how socially and materially embedded political collectives make sense of their past, present, and future. This paper examines the case of electric mobility in Germany since 2009 to show how seemingly disruptive technologies do not only challenge problematic systems in the present, but also serve to sustain them. It analyses how a potentially open mobility future is co-produced with an entrenched automotive present: through processes of depoliticization, the stabilization of forms of life along preconfigured trajectories, and the careful reservation of national self-perceptions.

This article reconsiders the so-called "dangerous classes" by focusing on the historical origins of the Neapolitan camorra, one of the world's major criminal organizations. In the Bourbon Kingdom of Naples, the term camorristi referred to marginalized individuals and extortionists who operated in prisons, gambling halls, and brothels. During the turbulent period of Italian unification, such figures were increasingly seen as belonging to a legendary, omnipotent, and influential sect: the camorra, an organized secret society with its own hierarchy, customs, and jargon. This image eventually permeated Italian society. This article examines the reasons behind this evolution by focusing on the (mainly literary) texts and (essentially political) dynamics behind it, which reveal a process of criminalization and folklorization. Such a discursive transformation had a major impact on the Italian collective imagination, one that persists today.

Lotteries have become the most popular form of gambling worldwide since (re-)legalization and expansion began in the 1960s and 70s. Lottery jackpots have increased significantly in national lotteries in the last twenty years, and large lottery jackpots stimulate greater ticket purchases. The discussion locates contemporary state lotteries in relation to economic structures and ideologies in which the state itself participates, while providing justification for the lottery form. The (re-)distributional and circulatory form of lotteries is theorized as in tension with (neo-)liberal economic ideology and an individualist imaginary. The analysis draws upon the work of Emile Durkheim and other classical sociologists. In particular, lotteries are treated as examples of what Durkheim termed "institutions" and "collective representations."

Los jóvenes, insertos en un imaginario social sensible pero claramente desinformado, resultan preocupantes al mostrar un grado de tolerancia ante la violencia de género que es incluso mayor que en sectores poblacionales de edad más elevada, ya que al no ser capaces de identificar determinados comportamientos como sexistas –o, llegado el caso, violentos–, no presentan discursos homogeneizados de rechazo. En ese sentido, este trabajo ha abordado la valoración de algunos estudiantes sevillanos ante los discursos políticos, judiciales y mediáticos sobre la violencia de género. Interpelados a través de la técnica de la encuesta (con campos cerrados y abiertos para su posterior tratamiento tanto cuantitativa como cualitativamente), los jóvenes interrogados han revelado una falta de confianza en las instituciones y en la justicia, así como una gran influencia de los medios de comunicación como fuente de información primera en cuanto a conocimiento sobre violencia de género. Como conclusiones principales, además, se han percibido unas orientaciones generales que cuestionan como insuficientes las medidas de seguridad a las víctimas. ; Young Spanish people, embedded in a sensitive but clearly uninformed social imaginary, display a degree of tolerance for violence even higher than population of higher age. Teenagers are not able to identify certain behaviours as sexist-or, if necessary, violent– and that motivates the absence of a homogenate speech of rejection. In that sense, this work has addressed the valuation of some students of Seville to political, legal and media discourses on gender violence. Challenged through the survey technique (with closed and open fields for further quantitative and qualitative treatment), young people questioned have revealed a lack of trust in institutions and justice, as well as a large influence of the media communication as a source of first information in knowledge about gender violence. The main conclusions also have revealed some general guidelines that challenge as inadequate security measures for victims. ; El presente trabajo fue financiado a través de los fondos propios de los autores, así como del V Plan Propio de Investigación de la Universidad de Sevilla.

The proletariat never existed—but it had a profound effect on modern German culture and society. As the most radicalized part of the industrial working class, the proletariat embodied the critique of capitalism and the promise of socialism. But as a collective imaginary, the proletariat also inspired the fantasies, desires, and attachments necessary for transforming the working class into a historical subject and an emotional community. This book reconstructs this complicated and contradictory process through the countless treatises, essays, memoirs, novels, poems, songs, plays, paintings, photographs, and films produced in the name of the proletariat. The Proletarian Dream reads these forgotten archives as part of an elusive collective imaginary that modeled what it meant—and even more important, how it felt—to claim the name "proletarian" with pride, hope, and conviction. By emphasizing the formative role of the aesthetic, the eighteen case studies offer a new perspective on working-class culture as a oppositional culture. Such a new perspective is bound to shed new light on the politics of emotion during the main years of working-class mobilizations and as part of more recent populist movements and cultures of resentment.

From data obtained in a survey conducted in May 2011 to identify some characteristics of the media impact of Spanish 15M Movement, this paper presents a critical reflection on the role of new media, especially social networks, in the generation of massive social actions. As a result of current information processes, social networks have been positioned in the imaginary as informative multiplication scenarios, and as spaces that generate immediate social mobilizations. However, the rapid spread, spontaneity, immediacy and volatility that characterize these movements contrast with the lack of lengthy movements, which arise from deliberative processes, necessarily built on institutionalized public spheres. The article shows the opposition between the change in media consumption habits and the reception of information by citizens and their permanent apathy to action-mobilization. Thus, changes in the forms of communication, individualization, connection and multipresence keep unchanged collective action spaces, and can even reduce these spaces if they are not utilized properly.

From data obtained in a survey conducted in May 2011 to identify some characteristics of the media impact of Spanish 15M Movement, this paper presents a critical reflection on the role of new media, especially social networks, in the generation of massive social actions. As a result of current information processes, social networks have been positioned in the imaginary as informative multiplication scenarios, and as spaces that generate immediate social mobilizations. However, the rapid spread, spontaneity, immediacy and volatility that characterize these movements contrast with the lack of lengthy movements, which arise from deliberative processes, necessarily built on institutionalized public spheres. The article shows the opposition between the change in media consumption habits and the reception of information by citizens and their permanent apathy to action-mobilization. Thus, changes in the forms of communication, individualization, connection and multipresence keep unchanged collective action spaces, and can even reduce these spaces if they are not utilized properly.

This paper argues that debates regarding legal protections to preserve the privacy of data subjects, such as those involving the European Union's right to be forgotten, have tended to overlook group-level forms of epistemic asymmetry and their impact on members of historically oppressed groups. In response, I develop what I consider an abolitionist approach to issues of digital justice. I begin by exploring international debates regarding digital privacy and the right to be forgotten. Then, I turn to the long history of informational asymmetries impacting racialized populations in the United States. Such asymmetries, I argue, comprise epistemic injustices that are also implicated within the patterns of racialized incarceration in the United States. The final section brings together questions regarding the impact of such epistemic injustices on incarcerated peoples and focuses specifically on the public availability of criminal histories in online search databases as a fundamental issue within conversations regarding digital justice. I thus conclude by building from the work of contemporary abolitionist writers to argue that the underlying concerns of an individualized right to be forgotten should be transformed into a collective effort to undermine societal carceral imaginaries.